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Showing posts with label Tribals. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Tribals. Show all posts

December 29, 2023

India: Slowly and steadily, RSS groups prepare ground for ‘delisting’ of converted tribals

 Slowly and steadily, RSS groups prepare ground for ‘delisting’ of converted tribals
 

Janjati Suraksha Manch has given impetus to the old demand, fitting in with RSS's larger ideological project, over the last two years. At the same time, RSS ensures regional sensibilities are kept in mind
 

Written by Deeptiman Tiwary

New Delhi | Updated: December 29, 2023 07:36 IST

The JSM formed around 2006, with an aim to raise the issue of delisting converted tribals, is headed by national convenor Ganesh Ram Bhagat, a former minister in the Raman Singh-led Chhattisgarh Cabinet.
 

As festivities were being held to celebrate Christmas and ring in the New Year, members of tribal communities gathered under the aegis of a relatively new organisation – the Janjati Suraksha Manch (JSM) – and held separate rallies in Jharkhand and Tripura demanding the delisting of tribals who have converted, essentially to Christianity, from the list of Scheduled Tribes (STs).  [. . .]

 https://indianexpress.com/article/political-pulse/slowly-and-steadily-rss-groups-prepare-ground-for-delisting-of-converted-tribals-9085831/

May 16, 2023

India: The rhetoric of Indigeneity and the Ethnic Clashes in Manipur

 

Indigenous Politics Leads to Ethnic Clashes in India’s Far Eastern Corner

The narrative against the Kuki tribes in the state of Manipur straddles several issues, from conservation to migration

January 07, 2023

India: In Bastar, an RSS campaign led by a BJP leader stoked violence against Christian Adivasis | Malini Subramaniam

 scroll.in

In Bastar, an RSS campaign led by a BJP leader stoked violence against Christian Adivasis

There was a clear build-up to the worst ever wave of violence against Christian believers in the region that has led many to leave their homes.

 
https://scroll.in/article/1041348/in-bastar-an-rss-campaign-led-by-a-bjp-leader-stoked-violence-against-christian-adivasis

June 06, 2019

India: Jharkhand Mob lynchings, Police Apathy and Bias - excerpt from part 4 of hate crimes investigation Kunal Purohit

via FactChecker.in

In Jharkhand, Police Apathy And Bias As Fatal As Hate Crimes


Sakina Bibi_750
When Sakina Bibi (second from right) saw WhatsApp videos that showed her husband Chiraguddin Ansari being lynched by a mob, she asked her son to rush to the police for help. The police turned up three hours later, by when her husband was dead.

Garhwa district, Jharkhand: An April 2019 incident in western Jharkhand reminded 32-year-old Anita Minj about her own ordeal.

On April 10, four Christian tribals were lynched by a mob of Hindu villagers when they were carving a dead ox in Jurmu village of western Jharkhand’s Gumla district. The mob then dumped the four on the road outside the nearest police station, where they lay for three hours, before the police intervened. One of the four, 58-year-old Prakash Lakda, died on the street outside the police station.

The next day, the police filed a case of cow slaughter against Lakda.

About two years ago, something similar had happened to Anita’s husband, Ramesh–the 37-year-old Oraon tribal was lynched by a mob of armed Hindu villagers, allegedly because he, along with a group of other Oraon tribals, had slaughtered a bull in Barkol village of Garhwa district on August 20, 2017.

It was not the lynching alone that haunted Anita. Immediately after Ramesh was attacked, he was taken to the police station–bruised, battered and bleeding–but not to record his statement against the alleged assaulters. Instead, he was arrested under the Jharkhand Bovine Animal Prohibition of Slaughter Act, 2005, for cow slaughter.

On hearing of the assault the next morning, Anita rushed to the police station. “I saw him in the lock up. He was still bleeding–his leg had a deep gash which had exposed his bone, his fingers were broken. He could barely even speak or stand up.”

Anita’s pleas to get him medical attention were ignored. Two days later, Ramesh died in police custody.

Across Jharkhand–the second deadliest state in terms of religious hate crimes–police investigations in such crimes are often characterised by callousness and partisan behaviour. This apathy can be deadly–FactChecker found at least two cases where victims’ families alleged that delay by the police had led to the victims’ deaths.

Since 2009, Jharkhand has accounted for 14 hate crimes motivated by religion and nine deaths recorded in Hate Crime Watch, a FactChecker database that tracks such crimes. This makes it the second-deadliest state after Uttar Pradesh (23 dead), and all incidents have been reported after the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won general and state elections in 2014. This reporting happened on the eve of the recent national elections, where the BJP won 11 of 14 parliamentary seats in Jharkhand.

Nationwide, over a decade to 2019, 93% of 287 hate crimes motivated by religious bias–claiming 98 lives–were reported after 2014, according to Hate Crime Watch.

Victims in Jharkhand must contend with police apathy, often made more potent when combined with religious prejudice.

[ . . .]  FULL TEXT HERE: https://factchecker.in/in-jharkhand-police-apathy-and-bias-as-fatal-as-hate-crimes/


[ You can read the first story here, the second here and the third here.] 

May 10, 2019

India: RSS Indoctrination of adivasi young boys and adults in Jhabua, Madhya Pradesh - Report by Neha Dixit on newslaundry.com

Reproduced from: https://www.newslaundry.com | May 9, 2019

Meet the boys, young adults and old men of RSS preparing for 2019 elections in Jhabua

Battling Christianity and Islam is a top priority.
By Neha Dixit


In January 2018, Mohan Bhagwat, chief of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, said all are “children of Adivasis”. Addressing a rally in Raipur, Bhagwat said: “When we say Adivasi, then that is our core identity. We are their children. Even though we see different pictures, our forefathers were the same … from 40,000 years ago."
According to the 2011 census, 21 per cent of the total population of Madhya Pradesh is Scheduled Tribe, known as Adivasi. The Malwa-Nimar region comprising the districts of Jhabua, Dhar, Badwani, Khargone, Khandwa, Dewas, and Ratlam has 22 out of the 47 seats reserved for STs in Madhya Pradesh. The area, of extreme political consequence, has been part of the RSS's pet project to draw the tribals into a pan-Hindu world through RSS-affiliated outfits like the Sewa Bharti, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and Vidya Bharti, among others.
Despite that, since the first Lok Sabha elections in 1952 up till 2015—a span of 17 elections—the RSS's political body, the Bharatiya Janata Party, has only won this seat once, in 2014.
The Ratlam-Jhabua parliamentary seat is set for polls in the last phase of the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections on May 19. Newslaundry meets members of different age groups and outfits of the RSS to find out about their work, areas of focus, and preparations for the upcoming elections.

The RSS: old men and 'ghar wapsi'
“As of now, religious conversions of tribals by Christians is at an all-time high in Jhabua. Thirty-five per cent of the district is now Christian," says Ashok Verma, sitting in the verandah of his house in Antervelia village. Verma is in charge of the RSS unit of Antervelia in Meghnagar town in Jhabua district. A small-built man in his mid-50s, he runs a tent house and a local grocery shop, even as he’s otherwise employed in “spreading Hindutva”.
Verma attended a “Hindu Sangam” in 2008 in Jhabua and joined the RSS soon after. The Hindu Sangam is a platform to bring members, supporters of the RSS and its affiliate organisations—over 40 of them—together to exchange thoughts on building a Hindu nation. The RSS has been holding these Sangams, a congregation of Hindus in the tribal-dominated areas of Jhabua, for over three decades.

Ashok Verma, who is in charge of the RSS unit in Antervelia.
Verma's anti-conversion Hindutva rhetoric against Christians in Jhabua dates back to the 1990s. It first started when Sister Rani, a nun at a local church, was killed in the neighbouring district of Indore in 1995.  When Uma Bharti, the hardline BJP leader who came into prominence for her role in the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992, was appointed as the Madhya Pradesh chief minister from 2003 to 2004, slogans like “Pehle Kasai, Phir Isai (First the Muslims, then Christians)” became commonplace in this tribal belt. These are the two communities that are perceived enemies in the Hindutva project of RSS.
In 2005, there was a spate of attacks on churches in Jhabua when a minor girl was raped inside a Christian missionary school. Since then, almost every year, anti-Christian violence picks up during the month of December. As a result, NDTV reports, in 2017, in parts of Madhya Pradesh, Christians chose to “forego Sunday prayers, carol singing and displaying crosses and rosaries through the year, fearing they will be accused of converting locals and persecuted”. In January 2018, two boys performing a "Christmas dance" in a primary school in Meghnagar were stopped by RSS members.
According to Verma, there are 400 “illegal” churches in Jhabua built to convert tribals to Christianity and to occupy government land. He estimates that at least 7,000 people have converted to Christianity in the last three years in the district. This year, on February 3, a statue of the Virgin Mary was set on fire in Ishgar village in Jhabua. He says: “They lure them with biscuits, cakes, money, non-vegetarian food. First, they get them to start lighting incense sticks in front of a picture of Jesus Christ on a weekly basis, and then get them to baptize. Are we going to be mute spectators?"
He says his local RSS unit has managed to do “ghar wapsi” of over 100 families over the past year in Jhabua.
“Ghar wapsi” is a series of “reconversion” activities initiated by the Vishva Hindu Parishad and the RSS to “facilitate” the conversion of non-Hindus to Hinduism. In December 2014, VHP leader Pravin Togadia had said the world was once inhabited only by Hindus, and that the VHP would ensure the Hindu population in India increased from its current 82 per cent to 100 per cent.
The reconversion process involves a hawan, a Hindu ritual of burning offerings to “purge” the converts, and a pledge to follow the tenets of Hinduism.
Verma believes there is a larger conspiracy behind the religious conversions done by the local churches. "The Indian Constitution guarantees reservation to STs in the government sector. By converting tribals to Christianity, they want to take over positions of power in the Indian administration and rule the Hindus."
His son Rohendra Verma, 24, nods at his father's statement. Currently unemployed, Rohendra believes that only “kattar” or “staunch” Hindus can save India. When asked if he knows of any cases of tribals converting to Christianity, he replies, "I have heard of them but don't know any in my own circles. They are taking away our jobs. We either save Hindus now or get rid of Muslims and Christians later. There are only two choices." He is yet to officially join the RSS.  
The 2011 census data negates the paranoia peddled by the RSS. According to these figures, 0.3 per cent of Madhya Pradesh's population of 77 million were registered as Christians and around 90 per cent were Hindus. The same census figures state that the Christian population in Jhabua is 3.75 per cent, 10 times less than the RSS’s figures. In fact, instead of an increase, the overall population of Christians in India has been on a decline in the past five decades: 2.60 per cent in 1971, 2.44 per cent in 1981, 2.34 per cent in 1991, 2.30 per cent in 2001 and 2.30 per cent in 2011.
Verma says the census data is “flawed”.
Apart from “saving” the tribal population from Christians, Verma also actively works towards propagating the Hindu religion among them. This includes distributing statues of Hanuman to all households, teaching them how to celebrate Raksha Bandhan, and how to conduct Hindu weddings. He says, “They didn't even know how to take seven rounds around the fire. We had to teach them."
In her book In The Belly Of The River, sociologist Amita Baviskar had written: “Adivasi religious life is built around animism and ancestor worship and evolved quite distinctly from the Hindu tradition. Their myths and rituals are located in their closeness to and reverence for nature.” Verma’s task is to appropriate these practices as Hinduism. “The kind of round stone the Bhil community worships as Bada Dev is actually like Shiv. Similarly, the foliage and the trees are part of the 'Mata Ka Van (Forest of the Goddess)’. We tell them their practices are all Hindu. They just don't know that.”
Another task is to repudiate local tribal practices and replace them with “upper-caste” Hindu rituals. The RSS started a drive here to stop the sacrifice of kadaknath—a rare breed of fowl available only in this belt—among tribals on Diwali and replaced it with the ritual worship of Ganapati and Goddess Lakshmi. Similarly, the tribal communities participate in a pre-Holi celebration called Bhagoria: a “festival of love” called pranayapurva where young women choose their life partners by applying gulal on the faces of the young men. Verma says this behaviour is a “blot on the character” of Indian women. “We have worked to stop this perversion.”
In this area, the RSS has a comprehensive network that follows a five-tiered structure of villages, mandals, khands, sankuls and jilas (divisions, segments, complexes and districts) parallel to the two-tiered government model. When asked what is the larger goal of Hindutva, Verma says, "I didn't think about it ever. I just want to see a society purged of Christianity. I hope Modiji will help us in his second term."
In the upcoming 2019 elections in the state, the BJP has fielded their local MLA Guman Singh Damor. Verma says, “We worked very hard to get Damor elected from the Jhabua Assembly seat. For the upcoming elections, our booth agents have been shortlisted. The booth tolis with 20 RSS members each are ready. Our slogan will be 'Hindu Jago, Kristi bhago (Hindus wake up, Christians go away)'."
The young men: battling Muslims and ‘deviant’ Hindu girls
Meanwhile, the Bajrang Dal is also hard at work to save Hinduism in the area.
"We try very hard to work for Hindu unity. Our special focus is on ‘love jihad’ cases," says Devraj Singh Rathore, a 21-year-old member of the outfit. Tall, lean and well-built, he wears a freshly-applied red tilak on his forehead. Rathore is an undergraduate student of commerce at a local college. His area of concern, "love jihad", is a Hindu Right-wing theory that Muslim men “lure” Hindu women to marry them and convert them to Islam. Many police investigations have conceded in court that there is no evidence to prove the existence of this practice.
The Bajrang Dal is the youth wing of the VHP, formed in 1984 in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, when the VHP was organising a “Ram-Janki rath yatra” in the town. Ayodhya is believed to be the birthplace of Lord Ram and the tense communal atmosphere at the time led the government to refuse the VHP permission to carry out the procession, citing security reasons. As a result, senior leaders of the VHP had called upon the Hindu youth to protect the procession—and Hinduism—from its enemies, resulting in the formation of the Bajrang Dal.
The group organises akhadas, training camps to teach martial arts, wrestling and Hindutva ideology. Like a lot of young men, Rathore was interested in bodybuilding and wrestling, and hence started attending the local akhada in the area three years ago. “I was initially just having fun. I really got interested in Bajrang Dal activities when Deepak Makwana, the RSS pracharak from Thandla tehsil, addressed us. He said that we should think of how Muslims are united all over the world. Then why not Hindus? That really struck a chord with me."

Devraj Singh Rathore and Gaurav Vikram, both members of the Bajrang Dal.
Rathore’s friend, 22-year-old Gaurav Vikram, sits next to him. He’s also a member of the Bajrang Dal. “There are one crore Bangladeshi Muslims and 11 lakh Rohingya Muslims in India,” Vikram says. “They run terrorist training camps inside madrassas. There’s an organisation by the name of Jaish even in Jhabua. This needs to stop or they will take over.”
However, he is unable to explain how an organisation called “Jaish” is necessarily a terrorist outfit. He says, "I will find out and tell you."
Vikram has been running a mobile shop for the last three years. He was unable to enroll for higher education because of financial constraints at home. “They are taking over jobs, our country and our women. For the last three years, I have actively done the Hindu religion's promotion to fight the Islamic threat," he says.  
On May 19, Rathore and Vikram will vote for the first time in a Lok Sabha election. Rathore says, “We want a government at the Centre that listens to us. The BJP government in Madhya Pradesh under Shivraj Singh was here for 15 years. Even their administration rarely listened to us when we protested against Muslims taking out Muharram processions and against 'love jihad' cases. Now, with the Congress government in power, there is even less scope.”
Both young men firmly believe that they “show the direction to those who get lost or deviate from the Hindu way of life”. They regularly conduct vigils in Meghnagar town, especially on Fridays and during Ramzan because that is the time “Muslim shop owners in town get together to plan anti-Hindu activities”, according to them. This has often led to many reported skirmishes between the two communities.
Rathore says, "Two years back, we had a major breakthrough. We managed to separate at least five Hindu women from their Muslim husbands in town. It was a big achievement for us. But now, our Hindu girls are deviating from our traditions at a lightning fast speed."
To prevent “love jihad”, the local Bajrang Dal unit actively collaborates with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, the student wing of the RSS, to keep tabs on every single girl in college to track whom they’re interacting with. “If we see them talking to boys, especially Muslim boys, we inform their families,” Vikram says. The girls are then stopped from coming to college regularly and only come to sit for the exams. That is one way of saving girls from ‘love jihad’ kind of situations.”
However, this tactic hasn’t been as effective as they’d hoped over the last year. When Rathore spotted the daughter of a well-known Hindu family in Meghnagar roaming around with her Muslim boyfriend, her family was informed. However, they paid no heed. When nothing worked, they tried to “explain” to the young woman that she should end the relationship immediately. Rathore says: “She was my college senior. She said, 'there is nothing illegal in having a Muslim boyfriend'. She even threatened us with a police complaint. Imagine! We want the central government to change this law in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections."
The boys: protecting the Hindu way of life
A few kilometres inside Khacchartodi village of Meghnagar in Jhabua, in the backdrop of hillocks, stands a building under construction in a huge compound. The plaque on the building identifies it as the  “Vanvasi Sashaktikaran Kendra/Forest Dwellers' Empowerment Centre” run by the Padma Keshav Trust.

The Sewa Bharti building.
The centre currently serves as a hostel for 26 boys in the age group of 5-17 monitored by Sewa Bharti, the welfare organisation of the RSS. "We have children from many tribal communities including Damoh, Bhil, Bhilala, and Katara. It takes up to three years to make a Bhil-speaking child learn Hindi. How will they learn Indian values and build a Hindu Rashtra if they don't learn Hindi?" asks Kailash Ameliya, the hostel’s coordinator. He is lean and wears a pigtail on his head—a tradition observed by upper caste Brahmins—and a pointy moustache. Ameliya has been associated with the organisation for the last 15 years.
Most of the boys are students of Class 2 to Class 11 in several local government-run (shasakiya) schools, Ameliya says. They are selected on the basis of a test that involves IQ, general knowledge and course-related questions. "Most of their parents are migrant labourers in Gujarat, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, so we get them here. The children of single parents are given priority."
Once they complete their school education, the students are made to stay at the hostel for four more years to, as Ameliya says, integrate them into the “mainstream” way of life and “serve Bharat Mata”.
At the hostel, the students wake up at 5 am. The shakha, an RSS assembly ritual, commences at 6 am. Mango Singh Katariya, the manager of this Sewa Bharti branch, says, “We teach them how to play Indian games like kabaddi and kho-kho. We have also come up with a game called Tank War to instill feelings of nationalism in the young boys so that they can protect Bharat Mata.” Tank War is a game where each group tries to make a chain and encircle the other group to capture it. The groups are often named “India” and “Pakistan”.

Mango Singh Katariya, the manager of this Sewa Bharti branch, and Verma.
As we talk, Satyanarayan Chakradhari, a member of Vidya Bharti, the educational wing of the RSS, steps in. He announces that he was just passing by. On his arrival, both Ameliya and Katariya stop answering further questions from this reporter. Instead, Chakradhari intervenes in the conversation.
“Our aim is to protect Indian culture and values, and we can only do that by catching the children young,” he says. According to him, there are 16 Christian schools in Jhabua which convert tribal children to Christianity. Chakradhari echoes what Ashok Verma had said earlier: “5,000 people were converted to Christianity last year.”
He laments, “Can’t you see the Christian influence? Children want to celebrate birthdays by cutting cake instead of going to temples. They want to study in an English medium school. And the girls! The Western clothes, such forthrightness instead of being docile. We believe in teaching them Indian values and culture from childhood itself so that they don’t lose their way when they grow up.”
When I ask to take a photograph, Chakradhari refuses. “We don’t engage with the media. You can take pictures of the boys.”

The boys who stay in this hostel.
The 26 boys are lined up in a huge hall in the backdrop of a large Bharat Mata poster. They’re all dressed in half-sleeved shirts and pants. I’m not allowed to speak to them. They greet me in chaste Hindi and begin with a war song followed by a hymn in praise of Bharat Mata.
In the upcoming elections, this Sewa Bharti branch plans to carry out a mass drive among the hostel children to “write pamphlets on Bharat Mata and the Hindu way of life” for distribution among the local population. "So that they vote for the sons of Bharat Mata and not the Kristis," adds Chakradhari.

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 The above report from https://www.newslaundry.com is reproduced here for educational and non commercial use

March 27, 2017

India: BJP’s spectacular success in Northeast; in 1995 RSS and affiliates had 650 units, in 2017 over 6000

The Indian Express

Behind the BJP’s spectacular success in Northeast, years of silent work by Sangh
Back in 1995, the RSS and its affiliated organisations had about 650 such units in the Northeast; today there are over 6,000.

Written by Samudra Gupta Kashyap | Updated: March 27, 2017 8:15 am

To form N Biren Singh’s government in Manipur, the BJP has risen meteorically to win 21 seats. (Source: Express Archive)

What do T Thangzalam Haokip of Henglep, Vungzagin Valte of Thanlon, V Hangkhanlian of Churachandpur, Samuel Jendai Kamei of Tamenglong and Nemcha Kipgen of Kanpokpi have been common? They are all tribals, members of the new Manipur Assembly, elected on BJP tickets. More significantly, they are all Christians, and have been elected from constituencies where almost 99% voters are Christian. The elections in Manipur have dismantled the myth that the BJP is a party that belongs to and works only for Hindus.

In Manipur, the BJP has risen meteorically to 21 seats; less than a year ago, it had swept the Assam elections, increasing its strength from 5 to 60 in the Assembly. While credit for the success in Manipur is due to a team led by Northeast Democratic Alliance (NEDA) convener and Assam minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, BJP national general secretary Ram Madhav, the young strategist Rajat Sethi, party secretary in charge of Manipur Prahlad Patel, and Assam BJP secretary Jagadish Bhuyan among others — the party also owes is remarkable showing to the work carried out silently by a number of organisations of the Sangh Parivar, some of whom have been working in 100% Christian areas in the Manipur hills.

“It is a fact that the BJP worked hard. But one must also remember that various Sangh wings have been working very hard for years, both in the Imphal Valley as well as the surrounding hill districts,” Jagdamba Mall, a veteran RSS organiser who has spent 40 years in Nagaland and was deputed to Manipur for the elections, said. “Tribal people, irrespective of their religious faith, particularly trust and respect our welfare programmes. This trust was definitely converted to votes,” Mall said. As many as 15 organisations affiliated to the Sangh have been active in Manipur, some for over three decades. “All the good work these wings have done have paid dividends,” said Shankar Das, prachar pramukh of the RSS’s Uttar Assam prant, which covers most of Assam, and the whole of Nagaland and Meghalaya. Instead of openly campaigning for the BJP, the RSS wings focused on getting people out on polling day. “When you go from door to door, house to house and village to village asking voters to come out early, the message not only becomes clear, it also gets translated,” Das said.

Organisations like Sewashram, Ekal Vidyalaya, Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, Sewa Bharati, Kisan Sangha, ABVP, Vidya Bharati, Friends of Tribal Society or Van Bandhu Parishad, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bharatiya Jan Seva Sansthan, Bharat Kalyan Pratishthan, Bal Sanskar Kendra, and the Rashtriya Shaikshik Mahasangh have been running formal and informal education units across Manipur, and have had some impact, especially on the parents of children attending these centres. “You should not be surprised if you find children of some so-called extremist leaders of Nagaland attending English-medium schools run by a Sangh wing,” said one RSS worker who belongs to Maharashtra but has spent over 20 years in the Northeast.

Back in 1995, the RSS and its affiliated organisations had about 650 such units in the Northeast; today there are over 6,000. The number of Ekal Vidyalayas is said to have crossed the 3,000 mark. The RSS has over 120 shakhas and mandalis in Manipur alone, and its Ekal Vidyalayas — though restricted to the Imphal Valley — have touched a large number of families. “We have not only promoted Indian culture, but have also successfully driven home the point that Manipuri culture is an inseparable part of it,” said Kedar Kulkarni, who has recently moved to Manipur after having served for several years in Nagaland. And while the illegal influx of Bangladeshis resonates across the region, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat had, during a recent visit to Manipur, declared that the problems of the state were the problems of the entire nation.

The BJP’s alliance with the Naga People’s Front (NPF) in neighbouring Nagaland — which had not gone down well with the Meiteis because the NSCN (IM) includes parts of Manipur in its Nagalim map — too contributed to the BJP’s victory. Although the Congress initially gained some ground among Meitei and non-Naga voters of Manipur underlining the central government’s signing of the Framework Agreement with the NSCN (IM), a sizeable section of Meiteis later changed mind, with the RSS playing a role in persuading them. “We have been focusing for long on the patriotism and nationalism of the Manipuri people,” Mall said. The membership of the RSS has been increasing in the Hindu-majority areas of Assam. In the Imphal Valley, Arunachal Pradesh and Tripura, the Sangh’s organisational structure has grown from 2 divisions until 2013 to 4 now.

Veterans in the RSS strongly believe that Manipur is just the beginning of the realisation of their potential in the hill states, and more is in store. The number of workers in Tripura has doubled in just a year, and with Assembly elections likely in February 2018, the BJP could give the ruling Left Front a run for its money. The RSS is also working to prepare the ground for the BJP in Meghalaya, another Christian-majority state that goes to polls early next year. Various Sangh wings are fast adding units, and last year, over 300 RSS cadres — mostly from the Khasi and Jaintia communities — paraded through Shillong in khaki shorts and white shirts, holding sticks. The BJP already has an ally in Conrad Sangma’s National People’s Party, which has a strong base in western Meghalaya — what it needs now is the help of the RSS’s wings to reach out rapidly in the eastern region of the state.

February 13, 2017

India: BJP president will be at ceremony of the ‘Adivasi Vikas Gaurav Yatra’ in Ambaji on 18 February in order to woo Gujarat’s tribal community

livemint.com Feb 13 2017

Is BJP’s tribal outreach a bid to counter Patel threat in Gujarat?

BJP national president Amit Shah will attend the final ceremony of the ‘Adivasi Vikas Gaurav Yatra’ in Ambaji on 18 February in order to woo Gujarat’s tribal community
[ . . . ] 

October 21, 2016

India: Tribal rights group moves Supreme Court against Uniform Civil Code

The Indian Express

Tribal rights group moves SC against Uniform Civil Code
The group, which claimed to be representing interests of 11 crore tribals, has stated that any direction to impose the Uniform Civil Code would adversely affect their distinct customs, culture and heritage.

Written by Utkarsh Anand | New Delhi | Published: October 21, 2016

supreme court, tribal, tribal rights group, uniform civil code, rashtriya adivasi ekta parishad, adivasi interests, custom protection, religion protection, religious practice protection, polygamy, polyandry, indian express news, india news
Supreme Court of India

The Rashtriya Adivasi Ekta Parishad, a group that claims to work to protect Adivasi interests, has moved the Supreme Court seeking protection of their customs and religious practices, including their right to practice polygamy and polyandry.

The group, which claimed to be representing interests of 11 crore tribals, has stated that any direction to impose the Uniform Civil Code would adversely affect their distinct customs, culture and heritage.

Watch what else is making news

The NGO claimed the Adivasis (tribals) had their own personal laws and do not come in the category of Hindus as they worshiped nature instead of idols and performed burial of the dead. The marriage ceremonies of tribals are also different from the Hindu rituals, it submitted.

“In case of Uniform Civil Code, the Advasi’s right to perform marriage, worship, last rites and other ceremonies would be abrogated,” said the NGO, seeking to be heard along with others in a batch of cases that have questioned the validity of triple talaq and polygamy in Muslim community.

It highlighted that polygamy is practiced among the Naga tribes, the Gonds, the Baiga, the Lushai among others, while polyandry is prevalent in the Himalayan region stretching from Kashmir to Assam. In its classical form, it is found among the Tiyan, the Toda, the Rota, the Khasa and the Ladhaki Bota, it pointed out.
Likewise, the group said the dissolution of marriage and divorce are easily possible among the tribals on various grounds by a simple ceremony.

The tribals can marry more than one woman and the bar imposed under the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 does not apply on them, it said. The Delhi-based group, which claimed to be working for the betterment of tribals for over 25 years, also submitted that as per Article 44 of the Constitution, Uniform Civil Code is to be secured by the state and not court.

The group also cited various constitutional provisions giving protection to the ST from various parts of the country.

September 06, 2016

India: In Chhattisgarh, Hindutva Groups Use Pro-Adivasi Laws For Communal Ends

The Wire

By Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta on 06/09/2016 •

Testimonies provided by Christians to a fact-finding team show a surge of communal attacks – threats, violence and persecution – against the community.

File photo of members of the Christian community protesting in Raipur against attacks on churches. Credit: PTI

On May 25, 2016, Saradi Bai, an elderly Christian woman from Bhadhisgaon village in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar district, died a natural death. But in the days that followed, an chain of unnatural, divisive events flooded the tribal hamlet. Soon after she died, the local unit of Bajrang Dal, a militant Hindutva organisation active in several parts of India, led a campaign to deny her a rightful burial. Led by local Hindutva activists, the group said that Christians could not be allowed to carry out their religious rituals, bury her in a casket or place a cross in her grave. They argued that any Christian ritual is a violation of section 129 (C) of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), which gives the gram sabha “the power to safeguard and preserve the traditions and customs of the people, their cultural identity and community resources and customary mode of dispute resolution”.

In the last two years, the sudden burst of Hindutva aggression in the region, especially under the stewardship of the Bajrang Dal, has unnerved Christians. But denying basic burial rights to an elderly woman left the minority community flabbergasted like never before. With no other alternative, Saradi Bai’s family were forced to seek police intervention. After hectic negotiations through the day, the Bajrang Dal allowed her to be buried in a coffin but without a cross on her grave. It also said that no Christian burials will be allowed in the village henceforth.

This event that polarised the village on religious lines prompted around 200 Christians of the village to appeal at the constitutional offices of the sub-divisional magistrate (SDM), tehsildar, police and sarpanch asking for a separate burial ground for Christians. “The sarpanch refused to accept our application, while the SDM and others are yet to respond,” said pastor Pilaram Kawde of Bhadhisgaon while talking about the state government’s apathy.

Meanwhile, Saradi Bai’s husband Sukhdev Netam died on June 6, leading to yet another round of similar events in the village. “They (Bajrang Dal activists) declared that they did not recognise the authority of the police, tehsildar, SDM or anyone else,” said Kawde. Netam was finally buried while the police kept guard. This time, the Bajrang Dal went a step ahead and threatened to kill if the community tried to bury Netam.

Recurring events

The communal attacks against Christians in the village began around September last year. Kawde laid the foundations for a prayer hall on his own land, for which he has all the papers. However, the panchayat, under the influence of the Bajrang Dal according to Kawde, refused to give him a no objection certificate (NOC). “The panchayat orally refused to issue a NOC for construction. I asked them to give me the order in writing. When they failed to do so for several days, I resumed construction. I was then given a written notice citing sections 55 (1) and 55 (2) of the Chhattisgarh Gram Panchayat Act 1993 saying I cannot be allowed to construct a place of worship for Christians because ‘people of big-big castes and religions live in this village, and every Dusshera even the Roopshila Devi Ma joins the celebrations,’ and that the panchayat has the right to demolish the prayer hall,” Kawde said.

This attack on the Christian community in the Adivasi-dominated Bastar region is not an isolated one. Kawde claimed that Christians in many other villages have been prevented from burying their dead, fueling a demand for separate burial grounds among the community.

Several other narratives of this kind were brought to light in a recently published fact-finding report by the All India People’s Forum (AIPF), a collective comprising a few political, non-governmental and student organisations. The AIPF team comprised former Madhya Pradesh MLA Sunilam, former Jharkhand MLA and CPI(ML) member Vinod Singh, All India Progressive Women’s Association secretary Kavita Krishnan, Brijendra Tiwari of the All India Central Council of Trade Unions (AICCTU), Amlan Bhattacharya of the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), and lawyers Aradhana Bhargava, Ajoy Dutta and Amlendu Choudhary. The team was assisted and accompanied by Bastar-based researcher Bela Bhatia and Dantewada-based activist Soni Sori.

The report, which also documented many testimonies of people highlighting large-scale human rights’ violations by the police and state-sponsored vigilante groups, raised several such incidents where Christians have been systematically targeted by Hindutva groups in southern Chhattisgarh, also the hotbed of the Communist Party of India (Maoist)’s operations.

The fact-finding team found that that at several villages in Bastar – including Karmari, Bade Thegli, Sirisguda and Belar – section 129 (C) of the Chhattisgarh Gram Panchayat Act have been wrongly invoked by the supporters of Hindutva to restrict access of Christians in villages where they have been living for centuries.

Following PESA’s enactment in 1996, the Panchayati Raj rules applies to the scheduled areas like Bastar. Originally an empowering Act to give the Adivasi-run gram sabha the powers to take its own decisions, the Hindutva groups, in the last few years, have used PESA’s provisions to equate Adivasi customs and traditions with the Hindu religion in order to prohibit non-Hindu practices.

Apart from section 129 (C), they have often used section 55 of the same act, which has provisions to prevent land alienation in scheduled areas, stipulating that prior permission of the panchayat is needed to build new houses, change the design of the houses and so on, according to their political convenience.

Bajrang Dal or land mafia?

Most victim testimonies in the report suggest a nexus between the regional land mafia and the Bajrang Dal. In most cases, the Bajrang Dal has attacked spaces which the Christians use for social gatherings. For instance, in the Karmari village of Bastar, Christians were stopped by the Bajrang Dal from constructing a community hall in their rightfully-owned ancestral land. The gram panchayat gave an NOC for the hall, but made a U-turn when construction actually started in June 2015. “…I was summoned by the gram panchayat to explain the construction. I told them I had the NOC and that I wanted to construct a community bhawan because Christians do not have a hall for social gatherings like marriages and so on. The panchayat leader told me I was not allowed to construct the building. If the governor and other authorities upheld my right to construct, they said they could call the Bajrang Dal to get me beaten up,” said pastor John Masih of Karmari.

He added that when he went ahead with the construction the Bajrang Dal held a rally, pressurised other villagers to participate and gheraoed the police station. The SDM stopped the construction after the protest. But when he showed all the documents, the collector issued a letter of permission for the construction.

Refusing to budge, the gram sabha held a meeting in September 2015, ostensibly to discuss drought relief. Masih said that the panchayat leaders mobilised the crowd to stop construction of the hall. Met with a violent protests at the construction site, Masih ran away. “But two women – Ludri and Phulo Baghel – who were working at the site were badly beaten with bamboo sticks, kicked and punched. They surrounded us and did not let us go out of the village,” said Masih.

The police did not come to the site despite several calls. Masih said when they finally came, it named only four assailants in the FIR while he had given 12 names. The accused persons are out on bail now. Masih said that he was told by the sub-inspector of the station that he cannot protect them because ‘one community’ is increasing too much.

Despite several complaints at higher offices, the officials have not been able to start construction at the designated site. In this period, the gram panchayat passed a communally-charged resolution invoking section 129 (C) that reads like this, “To stop forced conversion by outside religious campaigners and to prevent them from using dergogatory language against Hindu deities and customs, Karmari gram sabha bans religious activities such as prayers, meetings, and propaganda of all non-Hindu religions.”

The report also talked to victims of similar attacks by the Bajrang Dal in Ara village of Balrampur in northern Chhattisgarh, Karkapal and Mudhota villages in Bastar. Son Singh Jhali, the lawyer who is handling a number of such cases, explained how a mob of around 25 Bajrang Dal activists vandalised a church in Ara.

“On June 5, 2016, the mob led by Chhotu Jaiswal, Sonu Gupta, Bipin Gupta, Chhotu Gupta and others attacked the church during Sunday prayers. They vandalised the church; beat up the pastor, his wife and three others. They made a video of the attack and circulated it on social media…The pastor and his wife were illegally detained for two and half days…No FIR was registered against the assailants – instead a case (with charges of conversion, rioting, etc.) has been registered against the pastor who still languishes in jail,” said Jhali.

“There are several false cases of rioting against Christian pastors. In fact, any complaints against those who attack Christians are immediately followed by counter-complaints,” he added.

Similarly, pastor Abhimanik narrated a 2014 incident in his village Mudhota. “A mob of 35 entered the church and beat up everyone, including women and children, and told them to become Hindu or else prepare to be killed.” The pastor said that following this round of violence, the police organised a meeting between the two groups. But the meeting was hugely skewed in favour of the Bajrang Dal, which had mobilised around 400 of their activists as opposed to only 70-75 Christians.

The meeting was supposed to be held in the presence of the police, but the police did not come. “They (Bajrang Dal activists) then attacked the Christians, chased them into the jungle; several were badly injured,” he said. The pastor said that the mob did not let the police and the ambulance enter the village. When the injured finally managed to reach the government hospital without an ambulance, the doctors refused to treat them because “the hospital (staff) was threatened and under pressure”.

In a similar situation, he accused the police of favouring the Dal activists. Following this incident, the pastor said, Christians were refused to draw water from the village tube well. “On November 3, 2014, a meeting was called at the collector’s office…The Bajrang Dal demanded that the Christians do ‘ghar wapsi’ (reconversion to Hinduism). The collector tried to reason with them but they claimed that ‘ghar wapsi’ had the sanction of section 129 (C) of the Gram Panchayat Act.”

The report also documented the attack on Christians in Karkapal village of Jagdalpur. Pastor Munne Lal Pal narrated how despite necessary permission to build a boundary wall in their traditional graveyard, the Bajrang Dal demolished it, citing that the land has been encroached upon. “They kicked and danced on the graves, raising Jai Shri Ram slogans…Three graves were also flattened. The authorities present did nothing to stop the attackers.” He said that the police did not file our complaint till some 60 pastors and hundreds of community members protested at the police station.

The report said that many Hindutva groups have attacked Christians in several other villages. In Tumasnar village of Kanker, they were beaten up for standing up to extortion activities by Bajrang Dal members during Hindu festivals. In this village, the Christians allege that a Hindutva group has been telling villagers to boycott the Christians socially and economically, threatening them with violence if they did not comply. In Sirisguda of Bastar, Christians were stopped from using the government ration shop. The proprietor of the shop was threatened by the Bajrang Dal members. The panchayat secretary, who is a BJP activist, refused to acknowledge the food inspector’s intervention in the matter. Later, many Chrisitans were beaten up for filing a complaint at the inspector’s office. Such was their boycott, that the gram sabha passed a resolution on May 17, 2014 saying that non-Hindus cannot live in the village. However, the Bilaspur high court deemed the gram sabha order unconstitutional.

Similarly, in Parapur village of Bastar, many Christian women were beaten up brutally for allegedly doing “witchcraft” on Hindus.

The high court order

The police, according to the report, is strongly complicit with the Bajrang Dal’s activities against Christians in Bastar. The state administration has failed to take any commensurate action. The report notes that the Hindutva groups operate with a great degree of impunity under the BJP-led state government.

The violence unleashed by the Hindu right in Chhattisgarh has manifold consequences. One, it seeks to subvert the laws that empower Adivasi groups and give them decision-making powers. Two, the incidents suggest a gradual overtaking of community organisations like gram sabhas by Hindutva groups like the Bajrang Dal, resulting in a false, ahistorical branding of tribal heritage as part of the ‘Hindu’ culture. Three, the physical violence unleashed by the Hindu right on non-Hindus living in Bastar for centuries is matched with the stronger degree of social and economic violence, pushing the minorities to live in a climate of insecurity and fear. Four, more often than not, the Hindutva campaign is a larger story about land grab and displacement of Christians. Five, the incidents reveal how the relief systems have been duly subverted in Chhattisgarh.

As attacks on Christians are on the rise in Chhattisgarh, the only silver lining for the minority community is a Bilaspur high court order on October 16, 2015 which took note of the Hindu right’s efforts to foment communal violence in Adivasi villages. In the case Chhattisgarh Christian Forum and others versus State of Chhattisgarh and others, the high court said, “…the impugned resolution shall not come exercise of fundamental right to preach and propagate of religion and their faith.” (sic)

The high court decision to uphold the constitutional right of people to practice their own religion and prevent communal interpretations of PESA has given some hope to the minority community in Chhattisgarh. Yet, the state government has a lot to answer for the unruly mobs that enjoy immense impunity under the BJP regime.

July 01, 2016

India: RSS-backed magazine targets Ashoka

The Indian Express

RSS-backed magazine targets Ashoka: ‘He was reason for India’s decline… (but) worshipped as great’
The RVKP is affiliated to the Sangh Parivar as a part of the RSS’s tribal wing, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, which is headquartered in Chhattisgarh.

Written by Mahim Pratap Singh | Jaipur | Published:July 1, 2016

After Mughal Emperor Akbar, the Sangh Parivar has now raised questions about the legacy of Emperor Ashoka. A publication backed by the RSS has claimed that Ashoka’s conversion to Buddhism and his promotion of ahimsa opened India’s borders to foreign invaders.

It has also accused followers of Buddhism under Ashoka of having played a seditious role by assisting Greek invaders thinking they would destroy “Vedic religion” and pave the way for dominance of Buddhism.

The article was published in the May issue of the mouthpiece of the Rajasthan Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad.

The RVKP is affiliated to the Sangh Parivar as a part of the RSS’s tribal wing, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, which is headquartered in Chhattisgarh.

While the article recognises Ashoka’s greatness as a world leader before his conversion to Buddhism, it quickly moves past that to note that after his conversion he started over-promoting some principles related to ahimsa.

“It was India’s misfortune that the same Emperor Ashoka, who became the reason for India’s decline…we worshiped him as great…It would have been better if, like Bhagwan Buddha, Emperor Ashoka too, would give up his kingdom, become a monk and promote Buddhism…(then) India would not have had to face such a mountain of hardship,” noted the article published in the magazine, Bappa Raval.

It further added that “instead, he (Ashoka) turned the entire empire into a giant monastery for promoting Buddhism. It was because of the Buddhist leaders of Magadha that Greek invaders returned to conquer India…Buddhist monks propagated seditious, senseless, anti-India ideas among their disciples that Buddhism did not believe in caste or nation. Whenever foreign invaders sympathetic to Buddhism attacked India, these Buddhists colluded with them, instead of fighting them bravely.”

The article is part of “Bharat: Kal, Aaj, Aur Kal (Bharat: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow)”, a series of essays on India’s history that is featured regularly in the magazine. RVKP office bearer and magazine editor Dr. Radhika Ladha, who authored the article, said she did not mean to accuse Buddhists or Emperor Ashoka of anything.

“All I wanted to say was that although our ancestors were great luminaries, our country has had to face so much due to certain small mistakes on their part. I never called Buddhists seditious…it was only meant to convey their poor understanding during that period,” Ladha told The Indian Express.

“My perspective was that we should learn from our mistakes and lead the country on to a path of prosperity and development,” she added.

The RVKP, established in 1978, works with six Scheduled Tribes in Rajasthan across 3000 tribal villages. It operates residential schools, hospitals and sports training centres in scheduled areas.

January 28, 2016

Hindu takeover of tribal religion: Unholy politics of India’s far right (Clea Chakraverty)

Le Monde Diplomatique
February 2016

Hindu takeover of tribal religion

Unholy politics of India’s far right

Ultra-nationalist Hindu organisations are taking a close interest in indigenous religion in the mountains of northeast India.
by Clea Chakraverty
Rata Yirang, a young Adi tribesman, comes back from a hunting expedition with a well-filled bamboo bag. He signals his success by clicking his tongue and hooting. In plastic sandals (made in China), he moves easily over the mud and gravel between the houses on stilts of his village. Damro, population 1,000, stands on a hill 800 metres above sea level in the state of Arunachal Pradesh. Bordering China, Bhutan and Burma, it’s a region of forests, rivers and mountains largely unexplored except by the locals, mostly “scheduled tribes” (1) who speak Tibeto-Burman languages. Damro is about six hours by jeep from the district capital, Pasighat, a former British army station in the Siang valley.
Life in the valley, largely unchanged until the 2000s, has rapidly caught up withthe global economy, which has brought advertising, private banks and cheap Chinese and Indian consumer goods. The electricity supply is intermittent, but everyone has a mobile phone. People crowd around the few television sets, fascinated by Indian sitcoms. But agricultural festivals and fertility rituals still govern the rhythm of life for the villagers, who depend on subsistence farming and hunting. The Adi religion blends mythology with shamanistic and social practices and has until recently resisted institutionalisation.
According to clan elder Saram Yirang, young people today are “more interested in Bollywood and western fashion than in the wellbeing of the village.They are moving to the city, and clan solidarity is gradually declining.” The latest census (2001) shows the state’s urban population has increased to 21.34%, compared with 3.70% in 1971. Some blame this migration for the adoption since 1980s of the dominant non-tribal especially Christian cultural practices, to which they attribute the most significant changes. “Christianity has made significant inroads into all tribes. The converts don’t observe our festivals any more,” said Aini Taloh, chair of an Adi feminist and cultural organisation in Pasighat. A dozen evangelical churches have been established there in under a decade (2).
A young Baptist pastor said: “Our ancestors were like children. People continue to worship nature spirits, but we believe that is shaitan — the work of the devil. We condemn sacrifices and the consumption of alcohol.” These churches with their powerful, well-organised congregations use a modernist message to win over new converts, while incorporating aspects of local culture (folk songs, dances) into their services. They hold regular prayer and healthcare camps. These “healing crusades” (in both the physical and spiritual senses) have been very popular with participants, who are turning away from healers, whom they feel charge too much, and government hospitals, which suffer from staff absenteeism (3).
“The evangelicals started converting masses of people, because they were offering something more attractive, more modern, than our tribal system,” said Kaling Borang, a civil servant in Pasighat who became a militant indigenist in the 1970s. “Conversions threatened our culture. That’s why we created our own religious movement, reforming our practices and beliefs.” A few educated, English-speaking Adi took up the cause, concerned by the extent of conversion to Christianity, which had already spread to most other states in India’s northeast (4).

‘We felt devalued’

“From the time when we first had contact with the rest of India — at school, or when applying for official documents — we always had to identify ourselves by our religion. But we didn’t have one, or at least not one that other Indians knew about. We felt devalued,”said Borang. Local activists decided to blend their religious practices under the name Donyi-Polo (sun-moon), which relates to cosmology and tribal beliefs. In 1986 they established an official committee. Inspired by Christian and Hindu practices, they established places of worship known as ganggin, and a clearly defined pantheon with standardised divinities and symbols. Talom Rukbo, leader of this group, proposed to write down the songs and prayers a revolution for these tribes, which have a preference for spoken forms of language.
In Arunachal Pradesh today, households that practice Donyi-Polo display a flag with a red sun on a white ground. The place of worship, a big rectangular house, is mostly frequented on Saturday mornings, when services are held. There is an altar, with figures from tribal mythology in the style of Hindu gods.A psychedelic rainbow symbolises the faith. There are candles, incense and little bronze bells. The innovation continues: “We have introduced meditation and yoga, and reciting the word keyum,an Adi concept similar to the Hindu ‘Om’ (5),” said Tajom Tasum, secretary general of the Pasighatganggin. But this is not to everyone’s taste.
“Thirty years ago, none of this existed. The reforms were useful in fighting against conversions, but now, Hindu organisations are interfering with our beliefs,” said Kalin Taloh, a business owner in Pasighat, who refuses to go along with them. The organisations provided strong support to the indigenist movement. According to Borang the support was only logistical at first: “We didn’t know how to get started, how to organise our movement. They gave us practical help, manpower, training, advice...”
But these organisations are part of, or have close links to, the ultra-nationalist Hindu movement Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, National Volunteer Organisation). The RSS’s ideological project, Hindutva (Hindu-ness), is based on a political and supremacist vision of Hinduism. In many Donyi-Polo places of worship today, there are portraits of RSS leaders. Talom Rukbo, co-founder of the indigenist movement, was made an icon of the RSS after his death in 2002.
These organisations have had a strong presence in Arunachal Pradesh since the Sino-Indian war of 1962, and operate through a social and educational network designed to strengthen the sense of national identity. The small Donyi-Polo Vidya Niketan primary school in Pasighat, and 14 others like it in the RSS Vidya Bharati (6) network in Arunachal Pradesh, offer activities over and above the official Indian curriculum: patriotic songs glorifying Bharat Mata (Mother India) and religious songs in Sanskrit. Yet most pupils are from tribes like the Adi, who are unfamiliar with Sanskrit and the Hindu pantheon. “As far as we are concerned, they are Hindu,” said educational coordinator K V Ashokan. “Donyi-Polo is part of Hindu pluralism. If local people think otherwise, we won’t try to stop them from saying so. But this religion is as indigenous as Hinduism: we have the same beliefs. Hindus have Surya, the Sun, and our god Ram was himself a descendant of the Sun; Hindus venerate nature, as do followers of Donyi-Polo. So what’s the difference?” Ashokan, a senior figure in the organisation, believes education should raise young people’s awareness of their culture as promoted by the RSS, which seeks to demonise conversion to Christianity. Schools also foster a Hindutva view of history.

A Hindutva view of history

Ashokan said: “We need to be sure of the loyalty of the local populations. Muslims and Christians cannot be loyal. How can they, when their allegiance is to the Pope of Rome or Mecca? When people do not feel they are Hindus, then they are foreigners. It’s a threat to our national identity and integrity.”At the little school, the teachers use Hindi on a day-to-day basis. “Post the 1962 war, the Indian government let missionary schools such as the Ram Krishna mission or Vidya Niketan run freely in Arunachal to ensure that Hindi was also taught. The idea was to get and maintain a grip in the region, especially since in the other northeastern states such as Manipur or Nagaland, the insurgent movements were gaining popularity,” said Mirza Zulfiqur Raman of the social sciences department at the Indian Institute of Technology in Guwahati. “This allows the government to assert its authority in the region.”
One RSS organisation, Arun Jyoti, asserts in an English-language pamphlet that there is a “need to protect nationalist sentiment against foreign agents”, especially through its personal development and counselling camps for teenagers. This implies that social and economic ills are due to “backward” tribal culture, a view shared by RSS organisations and by India’s education system, according to anthropologist Nandini Sundar (7).
Omer Tatin, assistant secretary of Arunachal Vikas Parishad, another local RSS organisation, said: “The ministry of tribal affairs is useless. When we wanted to establish our religion formally, only the RSS supported us. That’s why we turned to them.” Like other Adi, he believes the tribal populations need to be developed.The Adi have internalised the rhetoric of a branch of Indian sociology led by Govind Sadashiv Ghurye in the 1940s: the tribes are “backward Hindus”, who must be assimilated through (Hindu) cultural and economic development. This view, reflected at the highest levels of government, helps to get massive industrialisation projects accepted. Between 2005 and 2014, public-private partnerships signed 162 pre-project agreements for dams on the Brahmaputra, without properly consulting the people who would be affected and with no transparency about the use of the funds.

September 09, 2015

Imphal's 'conspiracy' theory: Delhi behind tribal unity, unrest (Prashant Jha)

The Hindustan Times

Imphal's 'conspiracy' theory: Delhi behind tribal unity, unrest

Prashant Jha, Hindustan Times, Imphal| Updated: Sep 09, 2015 17:02 IST

A mob set the residences of a Manipur minister and two legislators ablaze evening to protest the passing of allegedly “anti-tribal” bills in the 60-member assembly. (Photo source: Twitter)

In the polarised hill-valley rift in Manipur, both sides agree that the secrecy and ambiguity around the Naga framework agreement - signed between the centre and NSCN (I-M) in early August - have been unhelpful and contributed to tensions.

But that is where the overlap ends. Meiteis leaders in Imphal across the political spectrum, including members of the BJP, blame the centre for 'encouraging' tribals and helping the warring Kukis and Nagas arrive at a rare unity. Tribals say their unity is organic, and believe that Delhi should do more, impose president's rule on the state, and help them get a separate administration even if it is by challenging Meiteis.

Meitei backlash to Naga accord

The demand for Inner Line Permit - which finally led to the passage of the three bills at the heart of the current tension - had been underway in the state before the Naga pact. But observers say it intensified the agitation. It is said to have added to the Meitei sense of insecurity and fueled speculation that the centre was willing to trade Manipur's territorial integrity for peace with Nagas, and give away the Naga dominated districts of the state NSCN has been demanding. The Manipur assembly has passed a resolution on the inviolability of the state's territory.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/popup/2015/9/bihar_photo1.jpg
Congress MLA N Biren Singh accuses Delhi of backing tribal groups to neutralise Manipur underground outfits. (Prashant Jha/HT Photo)

But the centre has already indicated that state borders may not be touched. R N Ravi, the government's interlocutor with the NSCN, is expected in Imphal to allay apprehensions.

When asked if a pan Naga cultural council, which does not impact territorial boundaries, would be acceptable to Manipur, N Biren Singh, Congress MLA and former cabinet minister said, "What is this cultural council? Punjabis are there in India and Pakistan - will Delhi allow them to have a cultural council? Will Delhi allow Pakistani flag in Kashmir? Why should we tolerate Nagas having mixed loyalties, allow a Naga flag in our territory? Political loyalty has to be to the state."

Even as Meiteis have ratcheted up the rhetoric in the run up to the final announcement of the deal, it has generated expectations among tribals.

A top government official in a hill district told HT, "Kukis have stepped up their demand for a state administration because of the deal. This lack of transparency and ambiguity is not helpful because of false hopes and fears it generates." Four MLAs of the Naga People Front have already resigned from the assembly, against its resolution and the passage of the bills.

Read | In Manipur, an 'explosion of anxiety' stalks hills and valley

'Conspiracy' behind unity

What has worried the Meitei polity most after the accord and in the recent agitation against the three bills is the coming together of Nagas and Kukis. Meitei politicians and activists see a deep 'conspiracy' here.

Congress leader Singh was a part of the drafting committee of the bills at the heart of the tribal backlash. He says the bills have nothing that affect tribals, and adds bluntly, "The real story is something else. The Christian tribals have come together. NSCN has told Kukis they can have a separate administration comprising hill districts like Churachandpur and Chandel in return for their support. And Delhi has backed this. They are using bills as an alibi to push statehood agenda."

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In Churachandpur, various tribal groups unite against Manipur government and demand separate administration. (Prashant Jha/HT Photo)

Babloo Loitongbam, a human rights activist who was informally associated with the ILP movement told HT in his office in Imphal, "After the accord, Kuki leaders have been quiet. This is surprising because they have always said that unless the issue of NSCN burning 300 Kuki villages and killing 1000 Kukis in the 90s is resolved, there should be no deal. What we know is that Kuki leaders went to Delhi." He claims that since then, Naga and Kuki leaders have been negotiating. "The centre is giving mixed signals to all groups and has probably told Kukis to ask for separate administration rather than oppose the Naga pact." Yambem Lama, a Meitei journalist who is a former state human rights commission member, added, "The old principle that enemy's enemy is a friend is being used. Nagas and Kukis are seeing Meiteis as the common enemy."

When asked why Delhi would do so, Singh says it is to generate pressure on Meitei underground (UG) outfits who have been asking for secession. Loitongbam called it a ploy of the 'Chanakyas of Delhi' to have a sufficiently high degree of ethnic tension, so that power balances itself. He pointed to the armed challenge to the Indian state from the valley and the fact that 65 percent of those arrested under Unlawful Activities Prevention Act are Manipuris despite being .5 percent of the population. Others alleged this was Delhi's way to 'defang' the ILP movement which is an attack on the free movement of Indian citizens.

A key BJP leader of the state said, on the condition of anonymity since he did not want to challenge his party, that the centre should give a tougher signal to tribals. "I don't understand why BJP is backing Christian tribals. The party should reconsider its position and back Hindu Meiteis."

Tribals rubbish conspiracy

In the hill districts though, tribals rubbish the 'conspiracy theory' that India is backing them and helped unite the groups.

In Churachandpur, a dozen activists HT spoke to believed that tribal unity was a 'great achievement' of the movement. "We have fought in the past but right now all tribals are united because it is a matter of our survival and identity. These bills will result in valley people taking away our land. We have a common enemy and that is why Nagas, Kukis and all aligned tribes have come together," says Lianzamung Tunsing, information secretary of the Joint Action Committee, the umbrella civil society body in the district dealing with the fallout of the violence.

When asked about the impact of the Naga deal, another young activist, Sang Lethil, said, "The Nagas are on a boat which is moving. If we don't sit on the same boat, there will be no escape for us from the Valley ever. We will not submerge with the Nagas of course but our exit route is the same."

But when pointed out that there is an overlap in the territory claimed by the Nagas and Kukis, Lethil said, "Local adjustments are happening. We will find a way. The key thing now for us is not the bills now; it is a separate administration for the hills."

If the Meiteis feel Delhi is intervening excessively, the tribals claim that Delhi is not doing enough. The protestors in Churachandpur have placards demanding president's rule; the JAC has submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister. And a Kuki tribal leader told HT, "We want to be under the union of India, not the state of Manipur. Delhi should take charge and give us an administrative unit."

It is in the midst of these competing demands and perceptions - which Delhi may or may not be complicit in creating - that the centre is navigating the complex Manipur conundrum.

June 04, 2015

India: Thousands of Bru tribals fled Mizoram in 1997 following ethnic violence, and lived in camps in Trupura, they are to be repatrated now

The Indian Express

Bru repatriation: Cloud over process intensifies as none turn
No Bru has turned up for the verification process even on the third day of the ongoing last and final repatriation process for the community, a senior official said Thursday.

The repatriation process of Bru tibals is likely to be completed by September.
Aizawl | Published on:June 4, 2015 4:04 pm

No Bru has turned up for the verification process even on the third day of the ongoing last and final repatriation process for the community, a senior official said Thursday.

Mamit Deputy Commissioner Vanlalngaihsaka said over phone there has been “nil” verification because inmates of the Kaskau relief camp in North Tripura did not turn up at the government set-up counters over the past three days.

Inmates at Kaskau has meanwhile submitted a memorandum to the government saying they will not return to Mizoram unless their demands of being resettled in the same villages they once lived in within Mizoram and enhanced compensation packages are given. They also complained that the timing of the repatriation is not conducive for their farming season.

The officials deputed for the verification process at the camp are scheduled to move towards Khakchangpara relief camp next, but authorities are not hopeful that results will be any different there or in the four other camps they will go to afterwards.

If anyone who passes the verification process is willing to return to Mizoram, the state government would privide transportation for them to return to the state from Tripura and resettle them in selected villages where they will be allotted land and given compensation packages.

Tens of thousands of Bru tribals fled Mizoram in 1997 following ethnic violence between them and the majority Mizos following the murder of a Mizo official by Bru militants.

They made their way to Tripura where the neighbouring state put them in designated relief camps where they have been lodged ever since. Tripura has repeatedly said Mizoram should take back the tribals.

Six phases of the repatriation process has been organised since 2010 but these have met with limited success, partly because relief camp leaders have rejected the compensation package saying it is too less.

The Ministry of Home Affairs and the Mizoram and Tripura governments have agreed and told the Supreme Court, which is monitoring the repatrartion process, that this would be the last time an effort is made to repatriate the tribals.

Anyone who does not take part would be removed from Mizoram’s electoral rolls (where they have continued to remain after a generation in absentia) and the relief camps disbanded, the sides had agreed.

Kaskau camp has 1100-odd people registered in Mizoram’s electoral rolls, while more than ten times that number are spread over all the six camps taken as a whole. In all, about 30,000 people remain in the camps.

- See more at: http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/bru-repatriation-cloud-over-process-intensifies-as-none-turn/

February 13, 2015

India: Bodos and Adivasis of Assam are being pushed into greater penury and mutual distrust by rogue armed militants

Fractured reality
HARSH MANDER

The Bodos and Adivasis of Assam are being pushed into greater penury and mutual distrust by rogue armed militants.

As the sun was about to set on the forested low hills and paddy fields of Assam on December 23, 2014, armed Bodo militants in army fatigues with their faces covered walked into small remote hamlets of Adivasi cultivators, and, in a chilling coordinated attack at five locations in Kokrajhar and Sonitpur districts, opened fire on the hapless residents with automatic weapons killing more than 70 people, including at least 18 children and 21 women. They also burned down and ransacked several of their mud hutments, before retreating into the jungles. Later at least five Bodos were murdered by mobs in retaliatory attacks, and three protesting Adivasis were killed by police firing.

Adivasis, comprising almost a fifth of Assam’s mosaic of diverse ethnic groups, are descendants of indentured tea garden workers. They were imported from the Chotanagpur plateau since the middle of the 19th century to labour in extremely exploitative conditions in tea gardens. They survive with many of the poorest human development indicators among the many communities in the state.

The misfortunes of this oppressed and deprived people were compounded following the creation of the Bodoland Autonomous Council in 1993. In this Bodo homeland, indigenous tribal Bodos, the Bengali Muslims and the tea-tribes each constituted roughly 30 per cent of the population. Armed Bodo militants unleashed successive waves of violence targeting Bengali Muslims and Adivasis to drive them out of the Bodo homeland. The most brutal attacks on Adivasis were mounted in 1996 and 1997, at the peak of which 300,000 Adivasis escaped to relief camps. Some of these camps have not been disbanded even nearly two decades later, as the state government has not helped the Adivasis return to their original homes.

I joined a fact-finding team of the Delhi Forum, also comprising senior journalists Seema Mustafa and Sukumar Muralidharan, to visit the villages ravaged by this latest round of killings. We found the defenceless populations still deeply traumatised and profoundly insecure.

The armed attackers chose deeply forested hamlets close to borders of Bhutan and Arunachal. To reach the hamlet in Biswanath Chariali, Sonitpur, in which the largest number of killings occurred, we had to walk around five kilometres further into the forests after the last road ended. We found residents camping under thin plastic sheets just in front of a camp of paramilitary soldiers who had been rushed to extend them protection.

The villages we visited, we were told, were settled some 15 to 20 years earlier, where their elders had laboured hard to fashion paddy fields after clearing the thick forest cover. Some settlers came because there was no work for them in the tea gardens of the area; others reported fleeing their earlier villages in Kokrajhar because they were fed up of the extortion by armed Bodo militants. Sonitpur district falls outside the boundaries of the Bodoland Autonomous Council; therefore they hoped they would be safer here.

Many Bodo families also settled in the same forests around the same time. They had cordial ties with their Bodo neighbours prior to the attack, and both invited each other for weddings and funerals. However, in recent years, some local Bodo militants had begun to extort informal ‘taxes’ from them, even for every head-load or bicycle-load of firewood gathered from the forests. But there was no violence; this was the first attack on them, which is why it has left them even more shaken and frightened. Adivasis in Kokrajhar, by contrast, have endured periodic waves of attacks in the last quarter century.

In all the villages, the accounts of the recent raids were similar. Armed young men, their faces covered revealing only their eyes, arrived and first asked for water to drink. After they were served, they opened fire suddenly and without any warning, killing whoever they saw — children, women and men. They chased the victims down as they fled in terror. The survivors hid behind trees, and watched as many of their homes were set on fire and their few belongings vandalised. Eye-witnesses reported that they danced in celebration as they left after the slaughter, unhurried and unafraid that the police would catch up with them.

Their student union leaders came in after nightfall, offering solace, calling in the police, helping with the last rites, and shifting them to safer locations. The local administration later established makeshift camps, as thousands of Adivasi settlers, and often their Bodo neighbours, fled separately in panic to the security of camps. At the peak, there were 300,000 people in makeshift camps, battling trauma, fear and the cold. They felt safe only when trucks packed with large deployments of paramilitary soldiers drove into these forest interiors. In some places, student leaders and volunteers marched with the villagers to the local police outposts, shouting anguished slogans and parading the corpses. Police personnel in some outposts panicked and fired at the peacefully protesting crowds. It is officially learnt that three Adivasi protestors were killed during police firings.

In Sonitpur, student leaders and village elders also took care to reassure their Bodo neighbours that they had nothing to fear from them. There were no retaliatory attacks on the Bodos in this district. But in Kokrajhar, although similar precautions were taken by Adivasi student leaders and elders, at least three Bodos were killed in revenge. Bodo student leaders joined the protests against the firing, and tried to assist with relief for the affected Adivasi people.

The bewildered displaced villagers we spoke to said repeatedly, “We have had no problem, no confrontation’ we don’t know why they just came and attacked us.” There were no threats or warning although the local police chief said that they had intelligence information of the attack but not the precise location.

In these villages, we met an extremely impoverished people. The team notes: “The forest hamlets belong in a different age. Very little is perceptible in terms of what could be called the markers of ‘development’ … There are no schools, no roads, no health centres, just utter, unrelieved penury… and there is no sign of governance.” The Adivasis owned almost nothing, and had no titles to the small paddy plots that they had cleared and cultivated. Among the families we spoke to, we met a young teenaged girl who had been sent to Gurgaon near Delhi to work as a domestic help. We met many migrants who worked in factories and construction sites in places as distant as Gujarat and Chennai.

In these forested villages, indigenous tribal Bodos live side by side with Adivasis, Bengali Muslims and people of many other communities. Each brutal attack by armed militants opens fresh wounds in the deeply fractured social fabric of the region. The tragedy of each of these peoples is that they are desperately impoverished, denied even elementary state support for education, livelihoods and health care. But rogue armed militants from these communities only push them into greater penury, fear and mutual distrust with each attack. A hapless cynical state is unable or unwilling to effectively disarm the militants, bring the communities together in peace, and find ways to address the legitimate anxieties of each of these communities for the most elementary assurances of peace, security and development.

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/Harsh_Mander/fractured-reality/article6868337.ece


February 08, 2015

India: Behind Sangh Parivar’s Ghar Wapsi, The politics Of Power And Profit (Ajaya Kumar Singh in countercurrents.org)

http://www.countercurrents.org/singh060215.htm

Behind Sangh Parivar’s Ghar Wapsi, The politics Of Power And Profit

By Ajaya Kumar Singh

06 February, 2015
Countercurrents.org

The news reports of series of attacks and forced conversion of Christians were trickled in from Bastar region, home to one of the largest Adivasi habitations in India, even before the Indian Parliament was stalled on conversion issue. A few of us, concerned citizens in India, planned for a fact finding mission to the region on the eve of Christmas 2014. Some of the state Christian leaders discouraged us from undertaking such an independent fact finding team as Sangh Parivar had already intimidated the community by creating fear and insecurities. The local Christian leaders were of the opinion that our visit could be an alibi for further violence that the Sangh was trying to initiate. Hence, we postponed our fact finding mission. Yet, a team of four of us went ahead to understand the ground realities in Chattisgarh. The following is the result of our observations.

The Politics of `Ghar Wapsi’ (Return Home) in Chattishgarh

Chattisgarh is one of the major Adivasi populated states in India. The Census Report of 2001 says that the share of tribal population in Chattisgarh was 31.76%, while the 2011 report says that it was 30.62%. It means that there was a decrease of 1.14% in the Adivasi population in the area . As per the Census Report, Chattisgarh is a home for 94.7 % Hindus, while the share of Muslim and Christian population is noted to be 1.97% and 1.92% of respectively. However, there is still a population of Adivasis in Chattisgarh, who do not belong to any of the established religions of Hinduism, Christianity or Islam. These Adivasis still worship their own indigenous Gods and these spiritualities related to nature can not be equated to any of the existing established religions. It is obvious that the Census Report has included these indigenous spiritualities also as a part of Hinduism. This perhaps will fall within the category of violation of identity and faith enshrined in the Indian Constitution. However, the ministry of Tribal Empowerment portal has classified Adivasis following different religions in the state with 93.7% following Hinduism; Christian, Muslim and other religion and persuations with a share of 4.7%, 1.4% and 0.1% respectively.i

The newly carved state of Chattisgarh along with states like Odisha, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Gujurat have witnessed unprecedented ‘Ghar Wapsi (Return Home) politics since early 1980s. Late Dilip Singh Judeo, former Minister of State for Environment and Forests in Bharatiya Janata Party, whch led National Democratic Alliance government was known as `Ghar Wapsi Guru’, and spearheaded `successful’ successful Ghar Wapsi campaign to bring back the ‘converted Christian Adivasis’ into Hinduism in Jashpur region. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) seized power in the state since 2000, and the hate campaign against the Christian community and their propogands became stronger and violent.

Bastar Under Siege

We were quite anxious to go to the villages of Bastar as soon as we arrived in Jagdalpur. A young pastor, who came to brief us about the situations informed us, `We (pastors) cannot go by bike to the affected villages as the fanatics know us quite well’. `We could hire a taxi’, I suggested. But the response was: `No, we should not. The taxi owner/driver could be a Sangh Parivar worker or sympathiser. Our movements are tracked. That could be fatal’. The anxiety and fear was quite palpable among the local community leaders and pastors in the Bastar region. Suresh Yadav, a native of Haryana and President of the Viswa Hindu Parishad (VHP) has become a rallying point of Hindutva brigade and he is known to be a fearsome face for the minority communites.

Madhota: Seed of Poison Sown by BJP Member of Parliament

Mangal Mandavi is still reeling under shock of Madhota village of Bastar Region. He was brutally attacked as he did not yield into Sangh Parivar’s demands of ‘Ghar Wapsi’, while some of his relatives were forcefully converted into Hinduism, he said: `I thought I would die; but I have survived’.

In the village of Madhota which has a population of 4,000 people, there are 35 Christian families. They are all Adivasis. There were no conflicts within the community before 10-15 years even though their family members chose the religion of their choice and practiced their faith without any qualm about it. Things began to change when the outsiders (the non-tribal Sangh Parivar workers) started visiting the village and held secret parleys and meetings with non-christians. The first major conflict broke in the village in 2008 as they broke the church of the Christians. During the last six months, it has been nightmare for the Adivasi Christians, as VHP workers have resumed intimidating them to become Hindus, as well as promising them a better future with such conversion. Dinesh Kashyap, the tribal Member of Parliament from Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and his associates were quite successful to divide the tribal community as Christians and Hindus even though some Christians have refused to toe their lines during the second week of October, 2014.

“By now, with the ‘success’ of `Ghar Wapsi’, the VHP became more furious and aggressive as some of the Christians did not join the ‘Ghar Wapsi’, and therefore they attacked us again on October 19, 2014”, said Sindhu Kumar Das, the village pastor, who almost lives in hiding today. He had been beaten up thrice and was slapped with false cases; of conversion and creating ill will among the community by the police when he approached them for protection.

`When we were praying in the church in the morning, a strong group of VHP workers got inside the Church with slogans, `Kill the Christians, chase them unless they become Hindus and mercilessly started beating us’, the injured villager said. The villagers went to the police station to lodge the complaints. But the police refused. The police, in turn, taunted them to become Hindus so that that the problem could be solved forever. Finally, after the district administration intervened in the dispute, the Police Inspector yielded and informed them that the police would call for a peace meeting of both communities.

The peace meeting was fixed on October 25, 2014. `Nearly 30 members of the minority community gathered at the proposed time. There was no sign of police presence for three hours or so, eventhough the meeting was called by the police itself. Then in flash of seconds, nearly 70 VHP workers descended on the venue and assualted the Christians with serious bodily injuries. Ambulances were brought in. Yet, the injured were not taken to the hospital until the police arrived. “Even before the injured ones reached the hospital, four VHP workers had got themselves admitted with complaints of physical attacks by the Christians’, said a Jagdalpur based community leader.

`The police arrested a few each from both parties on the ground of `creating enimity among the communities’. It was an obvious case of conspiracy by the administration to get minority members harassed, attacked and later slapped with false cases and sent to jails so that they remain fearful and leave leave the religion,’ explained Bhupendra Khora, who assists the affected and injured ones.

Mangal and another 10 families have remained as Christians. `We do feel isolated and alienated in the village as we are not allowed to take water from the bore well. The only relief is that the threats do not come from the newly converted Adivasis to Hinduism, who still share our concerns and are still sympathetic to us. Nobody seems to be sure how long the church would survive in this panchayat.’

Sirishguda Gram Sabha: Non-Hindu Religious Activities Banned!

Sirishguda Gram Sabha as a part of Bodangi police station is one of 50 Gram Panchayats in Jagdalpur district has passed a resolution under Section 129 (G) of the Chhattisgarh Panchayat Raj Act banning all `Non-hindu religious campaigns, prayers and speeches in the villages in view of the outsiders (non-Hindu) religious groups taking advantage of simple Hindu Adivasi and are converting them and facilitating caste discriminations and untouchability practices’.

The resolution calls for total prohibition of any religious programe/activity other than that of Hinduism, as it is a threat to cultural and religious traditions as well as social unity of the village. It further resolves not to allow any place (land) for establishment for any religious building/centre.

Siva Mondavi, 36 year old, pastor of Brethern Church says: `We used to be 55 Christian families which lived in the village. Since seven months, we are being harassed and intimidated by the Sangh Parivar as we refused the `Ghar Wapsi’ programme organized by them.

The VHP workers instigated the ‘Hindu’ Adivasis to refuse the ‘Christian’ Adivasis for common burial ground. The conflicts further aggravated with forceful demand of higher donation ‘chanda’ from Christians for a Hindu religious festival.

Mandovi further said, “When we refused to pay the donation, the VHP stopped providing us ration provisions.”

‘The district administration sent the food supply inspectors to settle the ration issue once complaints reached them. The food supply inspectors were chased away and Christians who gathered for the meeting were also assaulted. Eight Christian men and two women sustained severe injuries and they had to be hospitalized. The fanatics were even trying to stop the injured being taken in the ambulances. The police as usual came after the Christians were attacked’.

Apprehension on Community Cleansing

The stories of Adivasi Christians of Madhota and Sirisguda villages are not just isolated cases. Local christian leader, Mr. Khora observes that “ there is a pattern in police refusal to register complaints. To make the matters worse, the Christians are slapped with counter cases only to harass and intimidate, with the help of the police in nexus with Sangh Parivar elements, so that the tribal Christians do not sustain the threats and pressures and yield into `Ghar Waspsi’.

The villages are under siege with the loss of unity and the community bonding that has been a characterstic of the Adivasi habitation and it is under threat today. The district administration appears to play a second fiddle to the Hinduvta (Hindu nationalists or right wing) forces.

Fr. Abraham Kanampala, Vicar General of Jagadalpur Diocese and Bastar President of VHP that issued a joint statement; agreeing that the term `Father’ can be replaced and addressed as `Pracharya’ or `Up-pracharya’ in Catholic Schools, putting up photographs of “Maa Saraswati” in schools and work together for the development of the region.

`We are peace loving and sensitive citizens. We have agreed to accommodate local sentiments as goodwill measures and harmony for the people in the area’, Fr.Kanampala, a CMI priest, explained the reason behind the joint statement. The Carmelites of Mary Imaculate (CMI) congregation in collaboration with the Diocese runs several reputed schools and hospitals in the region.

Arun Pannalal, President, Chattisgarh Christian Forum (CCF) has a different take. “The Joint Press Meet and statement might set a precedent and the Hindutva forces could play a mischief and try to impose themselves on our schools all over'.

Navneet Chand, Youth Leader of Bastar Masih Mahasangh is quite upset and said, “National Church leadership cannot be mute spectators to happenings to the anti-Christian attacks. We need support and accompaniment of guidance on how to respond with nationally well funded, coordinated and orchestrated religious motivated violences led by the Sangh Parivar. The community is in depair and directionless."

As the attacks mount on the community, the battle of faith continues. Senior Christian leader, Arun Pannalal believes, `We depend on judiciary no matter in which direction verdict goes'.

Goldy M. George, Dalit-Adivasi activist sees a ‘diabolic plan of the Hindutva brigade in attacking selected Catholic Schools in cities while terrorising non-Catholic Christians in villages. Defaming the institutes and carrying on the violent attacks on the community both in cities and rural villages seems to be the strategy on their module'.

`The Church leadership seemed to fail to see what awaits for the community, a sinister design to eliminate them not just in Chattishgarh, but all over in India. Moreover, the leadership looks surrendering to the Hindutva regime exposing the marginalised community into more marginalisaiton, intimidations and violence. The community cleansing is on,” said Rajendra Sail, former State President of Peoples’ Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Chattishgarh.

`I am afraid to say that I apprehend genocide if the hate campaign, intimidations and threats continue against the Adivasi Christians. The resurgent Hindutva groups seem to be successful on their strategy as the administration becomes a willing partner to provide cover for the criminal activities of these forces,' said Ajaya T. G, a noted independent documentary film maker and senior functionary of Peoples’ Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Chattisgarh, probably the only civil society group in Chattisgarh, that went for fact finding mission in the aftermath of `Ghar Wapsi' and violent attacks on the villagers.

‘Sangham’ Salwa Judum in the making

`Chattisgarh, the new steel capital of India, is the richest state in terms of mineral wealth that includes diamonds, besides two other Indian states and posses almost all coal deposits in the country. All the tin ore reserves in India are found in this state; and its iron ore deposits are world class quality', posts a Mumbai based professional information and consultancy portal, Steel World.ii

“The mineral rich state of Chhattisgarh will be in a position to produce 32 per cent of country’s total steel production by 2015 and also will share about 35 per cent of country’s total cement production', stated State Chief Minister Raman Singh

Chattisgarh Government’s Mineral Policy of 2001 states: `The State of Chattisgarh was carved out of erstwhile Madhya Pradesh state to provide deference to its distinctive historical, social background and natural resources. The basic purpose of its formation would be defeated if the natural resources are not used due to constraints of stringent forest laws and environment problems'.iii

The mineral-diamond-coal rich politics is a similar play of Arabian Oil Politics. It is no coincidence that Jindal Cement plant was commissioned in Raigarh-Jashpur in 1991 while Mahendra Karma, a tribal leader, the leader of the opposition in Legislative Assembly, started the first movement of Naxalites knonwn as ‘Jan Jagaran Abhiyan’ and later christened “Salwa Judum”iv as the state signed agreements with Tata and Eassar groups to counter Naxalites in the same year itself. It is no wonder Mr.Judeo came to the limelight with his “Ghar Wapsi’ movement in the same time and the region, where Jindal has had the plant. He toed the lines of his father Vijaybhushan Singh Deo, the patron of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram. The controversies of Mr Judeo being caught in camera for acceptance of the bribe for granting mining rights in the states of Chattisgarh and Odisha as a Minister for Environment and Forests and body blow by the Supreme Court of India declared Salwa Judum, the militia to be illegal and unconstitutional, and ordered it’s disbanding only vitiatied the atmosphere of the region. Tragically, both Mr Judeo and Mr.Karma’ lives ended with sickness and Maoists Bullets respectively in 2013 giving rise to turf war to claim their legacy.v

There is a fierce competition to claim the legacies of Judeo and Karma; to be recognized and resourceful. Gram Panchayat resolution under Section 129 C of the Chhattisgarh Panchayati Act is not just relligio-political, but is part of a well knit plan of corporate communal agenda to control the natural resources and tribal community in the region.

‘Late Ramakant Keshav, an associate of two former RSS Chiefs and a relative of 3rd RSS Chief Balasaheb Deoras arrived in Jashpur in 1948 and founded Akhil Bharatiya Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in 1951 where he devoted his life to ameliorate the material and spiritual state of these hapless tribal people. The late Vijaybhushan Singh Deo and son Dilip Singh Judeo of Jashpur helped in his mission. The work was two-fold: To bring back those tribals who were converted to Christianity and to inculcate in them a strong sense of belonging to the Indian culture and religion. Another most commendable mission that was accomplished during his time was the work of Niyogi Commission’. (Organiser, RSS mouthpiece).vi

The Niyogi report heavily influenced by Sangh Parivar contours pitch for the canard.

‘The Sangh Parivar recasting Adivasi as part of Hindu religion and Hindu Rastra with three fold strategies: Hinduising Tribals as necessary for National Integration, using its influence to secure electoral gains and gearing towards communal tensions and violence.’vii

The disturbing trend is that the Christian Adivasis are being intimidated and even lynched with deadly combination of political feudal king of Jaspur royal family with Vanvasi Kalyan Asharam which is a face of Sangh Parivar in the region, fuelling the hate campaign and portraying the Christian community as harmful to the nation building. The documentary, Fishers of Men has documented the tragic case of Christian Adivasi beaten to death by a frenzied Hindu mob, which accused him of destroying a Hindu (Shiva) Temple. Dilip Singh Judev, former Central Minister of India, Patron of Operation Ghar Wapasi explains:

Over there, there was a 150-year-old Shiva temple, which these [the Christian] people went and destroyed. Now if you go and destroy our heritage...go on breaking our temples in this manner and if you expect us to sit quietly and watch...we will not tolerate it… We are not sitting at home wearing bangles. (Outlookindia: Adivasi vs Vanvasi: The Hinduization of Tribals in India)viii

Nandini Sundar, a Professor of Sociology, University of Delhi, who keeps eyes on Adivasi and Chattisgarh region and has authored ‘Adivasi Politics and State Responses: Historical Processes and Contemporary Concerns’ captures the concerns as she explains:

`While both Hindu and Christian organizations practice some kind of boundary keeping for their people, what distinguishes the RSS organizations is the slow penetration of hate. What they are producingis not just Hindu adivasis but bodies for Hindutva, as shown by the involvement of adivasis in the genocide of Muslims in Gujarat in 2002. While there has been some focus on RSS ghar vapsi or ‘reconversion ceremonies’, in fact the maximum and most effective work of conversion takes place through everyday conversation in hostels or satsang kendras'.ix

It is shocking to note that the Christian Adivasi is being killed by another Adivasi known as Hindu and such instigated events could explain the alarming divide of the Adivasi community, in the name of the religion they they have been co opted with.

Subhash Gatade, the author of the book, ‘Godse Children: Hindutva Terror in India says, ‘Articulate sections of the Dalit movement rightly knew that the essence of Hindu Rashtra is restoration of Brahminical supremacy and relegation of the Dalits to a secondary status, much on the lines of Manusmriti, the sacred edicts of the Hindus. People very well knew how the triumvirate of Hindutva Savarkar- Hedgewar and Golwalkar glorified Manusmriti’.x He believes the same thing could be said of Adivasis too, who have become ‘foot soldiers’ of hindutva forces.

The point of concern for the civil society for the future of India is being captured by Outlook correspondent in Ahmedabad: ‘Of all the disturbing facts that have emerged from the postmortem of the communal carnage in Gujarat, the most baffling and alarming is the large-scale participation of Dalits and tribals in the rioting. Even more shocking: the tribals, who have little in common with mainstream Hinduism, brandished weapons, looted and killed as they violently avenged the 'attack on Hindus' These outfits seem to have succeeded in indoctrinating the tribals with the view that they are indeed Hindus and that Muslims are their enemies. Says Achyut Yagnik, political scientist: The Sangh has systematically made inroads among Dalits and tribals and is using them as instruments of Hindutva. This is being achieved with extended government patronage. A systematic Hindutva campaign is on in the tribal region. (Outlook Magazine: Poisoned Edge: The Sangh Exploits Dalit and tribal frustration to recruit soldiers for hindutva’s war, it was revealed).xi

The Adivasi being torn apart and having huge collateral damages of life and properties in the conflicts between Maoist and agents of Salwa Judum, officially disbanded yet active in order to protect the economic and ecological interests of tribals of the region. The lynching of Christian Adivasi by a Hindu mob (I presume it is a non-Christian Adivasi) for destroying Shiva temple, reflects acute religious cultural warfare, and the loss of Adivasi interests and identity.

The cooperation among the communal and corporate forces with the tacit support of the state machinery for the grounding of Sangha (Parivar) Salwa Judum is in the making. If the State and civil society acts in time, turf war over resources reducing the communities to end up in bloody history, can be regulated. There is a need for pressure on the State to play its constitutional role and respect its own mandate. The State faces the play of BJP, Sangh Parivar and Corporate giants to capture power politics, religious-cultural rights, land and forest rights respectively. If that happens, it could be combination of Odisha’s Kandhamal and Kalinga Nagar violence as well as Gujarat communal violence where saffronised Adivasis and Dalits were instigated to kill Muslim dalits. The Adivasi will be on the edge if the Sangh Salwa Judum gets consolidated further.

Writer could be contacted: ajaysingho@gmail.com

i http://tribal.nic.in/WriteReadData/CMS/Documents/201410170519295222004StatisticalProfileofSTs2013.pdf

ii www.steelworld.com/coverstory0209.pdf

iii chhattisgarhmines.gov.in/states-mp.htm

iv http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salwa_Judum

v http://www.jindalsteelpower.com/businesses/raigarh.html,/ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salwa_Judum

vi http://organiser.org/Encyc/2013/12/23/The-legend-called-Balasaheb-deshpande.aspx?NB=&lang=4&m1=&m2=&p1=&p2=&p3=&p4=&PageType=N

vii http://www.outlookindia.com/article/Adivasi-vs-Vanvasi-The-Hinduization-of-Tribals-in-India/217974

viii http://www.outlookindia.com/article/Adivasi-vs-Vanvasi-The-Hinduization-of-Tribals-in-India/217974

ix http://www.scribd.com/doc/110485849/Adivasi-Politics-and-State-Responses#scribd

x http://kafila.org/2009/01/26/the-new-footsoldiers/

xi http://www.outlookindia.com/article/Poisoned-Edge/216292