Mill, Market, Mandir, Masjid: The Geographies of Communal Conflict in Colonial Bombay, c. 1929–39 | Prashant Kidambi

 Prashant Kidambi's  "Mill, Market, Mandir, Masjid: The Geographies of Communal Conflict in Colonial Bombay, c. 1929–39"

Abstract
This article reframes a crucial period in the history of popular politics in colonial Bombay. Focusing on Hindu-Muslim antagonism between 1929 and 1939, it highlights the centrality of everyday urban spaces and places in shaping the context, dynamics and nature of communal conflict in a putatively cosmopolitan city. The first section shows how recurrent communal discord in Bombay was the outcome of two spatially contingent political developments that occurred concurrently in the years between 1929 and 1933. On the one hand, intra-class tensions engendered by industrial strife in tandem with the rapid ascendancy of the communist-led Girni Kamgar Union in the mill districts resulted in a communal backlash. On the other hand, the launch of the Congress’ Civil Disobedience movement deepened Hindu-Muslim differences in the market areas of the Indian town. The second section focuses on clashes over religious places and processions, which became a chronic feature of urban life in the 1930s. Through a range of examples, it underscores how local disputes over sacred sites and religious rites became integral to the political construction of communal identities in late colonial Bombay.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00856401.2024.2282918

Deepening of Hatred, Hate Speeches and Impunity in 2023: Communal Violence in India (Part 3) | Irfan Engineer and Neha Dabhade

 

Deepening of Hatred, Hate Speeches and Impunity in 2023: Communal Violence in India

Irfan Engineer and Neha Dabhade

Part III

In the preceding sections of the report, the CSSS communal violence report looked into two dimensions of communal violence: physical violence and symbolic or attitudinal violence. This section of the report will look into structural violence. The findings presented in this report are derived from CSSS monitoring of the Mumbai editions of five newspapers, namely, Times of India, Indian Express, The Hindu, Sahafat, and Inquilab for the year 2023. To enhance accuracy, CSSS has cross-verified the data from these sources with additional information obtained from other online sources.

Structural Violence:

The comprehension of communal violence against marginalized communities extends beyond overt physical manifestations such as communal riots, mob lynching, and hate crimes. In recent years, a discernible shift has been observed towards a more insidious and potent form of violence known as structural violence. This mode of violence is rooted in social structures, encompassing laws, legislations, and policies enacted and enforced by the state. The state, in this context, encompasses its various branches, including legislatures, the executive (at all levels), law enforcement agencies, local administrative bodies, educational institutions, and the judiciary, all of which receive state support.

The evolution of structural violence is evident in the strategic formulation, adoption, and implementation of laws and policies by the state that discriminate against, incarcerate, criminalize, dispossess, marginalize and / or prevent the communally targeted communities from reaching their full human potential. Extra-judicial killings is an instance of structural violence. Structural violence treats the targeted community as if they were second-class citizens. The state through its legal framework or undue application of coercive its powers, or discriminates against a community indulges in structural violence. An examination of the various forms of structural violence that transpired in 2023 serves to elucidate the multifaceted dimensions through which this systemic injustice is manifested.

Demolitions:

The demolitions of properties owned by Muslim individuals without following the procedures established by law with the intention to collectively punish the community and inflict economic, social and physical harm has been the declared state policy of the BJP ruled state. The demolitions are ostensibly carried out on allegations of illegal encroachments to defend it in courts of law. Uttar Pradesh, MP and other BJP ruled states have declared instant demolitions without following the procedures mandated by law as state policy. Remarkably, even valid legal documentation has been overlooked.

The administration's deployment of demolitions as a form of "collective punishment" deviates from established legal norms, sidestepping mandated due process and hearings. The frequency with which this punitive approach has been applied against the Muslim community has resulted in monikers such as "Bulldozer baba" for the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. Moreover, right-wing organizations affiliated with the ruling party have not only endorsed but also advocated for Chief Ministers of other states governed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to adopt similar demolition strategies. This pattern underscores a disconcerting departure from established legal and procedural norms, raising fundamental questions about the fairness and adherence to the rule of law in such actions.

The Prayagraj district administration demolished the house that was occupied by deceased gangster Atiq Ahmed’s wife and two sons. The officials from the Prayagraj Development Authority claimed that the house was constructed without a sanctioned plan. They further claimed that the house in Chakia area belonged to one Zafar Ahmad and that he was served notices before the demolition but Zafar Ahmad failed to respond to them. The electricity connection was in the name of Shaista Parveen (wife of Atiq Ahmed). The property was valued at INR 3 crores. Atiq, his wife, brothers and sons are among several others named as accused in the murder of Umesh Pal, who was the main witness in BSP MLA Raju Pal murder case.

Additionally, the Prayagraj Development Authority district administration and police on 20^th March razed the house of Mohammad Ghulam, one of the prime accused in the Umesh Pal murder case. The house was located in Mehdauri Uparhar locality. The authorities alleged that the construction of the house was illegal. The first notice to the Ghulam for illegal construction was served on 30^th January and the demolition-cum-vacation order was passed on 23^rd February. Ghulam's family members, however, alleged that it was their ancestral house and had nothing to do with Ghulam. They claimed that he had already sold out his portion. Ghulam was one of the five assailants involved in Pal's murder and carrying a reward of Rs 5 lakh on his head. This is the fourth house of Atiq aides to be bulldozed after Umesh Pal’s murder. Earlier, three houses were razed by the PDA in Chakia, Kasari Masari and Asrauli localities.

In another bizarre incident, the local authorities had demolished alleged 'illegal' portions of homes belonging to three Muslim youth accused of 'spitting' water on a religious procession. As per a complaint filed with the police, some people, who were part of the 'Baba Mahakal Sawari' procession in Ujjain on July 17, reportedly saw a few youngsters standing on the balcony of a building and "spitting water on them. Later the police clarified that they discovered during their investigation that the ‘spitting’ by the three Muslim youth was unintentional. Two of the accused are minors and brothers. They were sent to a juvenile home after they were produced in a court while the third accused has been remanded to judicial custody. The local authorities claimed that the portions demolished were illegally constructed. The local authorities who went for demolition were accompanied by drummers (The New Indian Express, 2023). The witnesses in the case have turned hostile.

In the largest demolition drive in 2023, the local administration in Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, razed more than 90 houses in Nai Basti, citing allegations of encroachment on public land. Nai Basti, located just 600 meters from the disputed site believed by some to be the birthplace of the Hindu god Krishna, is a predominantly Muslim neighborhood. Despite having a century-long history of residence in the area, the residents of Nai Basti received notices declaring their homes as 'encroachments' a few months prior to the demolition. According to the Railways, the area is being cleared to convert the 21-kilometer stretch from Mathura to Vrindavan from narrow to broad gauge to facilitate the operation of trains such as the Vande Bharat Express.

The demolition carried out by the railway administration has had a profound impact on the lives of the residents, with some families forced to live in the open. The majority of Nai Basti's inhabitants were involved in manual labor, and the demolitions abruptly halted their work, leaving them without the daily income essential for their survival. This drastic measure has resulted in severe disruptions and hardships for the affected families (Howale, 2023). The demolitions left more than 600 people homeless. The demolition was stayed by the Supreme Court.

Demolitions were employed as a tool for collective punishment in instances where properties owned by Muslims were dismantled by local administrations under the pretext of illegal construction, notably following communal riots in Vadodara and Nuh. The execution of these demolitions occurred in a markedly arbitrary manner, with affected individuals afforded insufficient opportunity to establish the legality of their properties. It is noteworthy that both communal riots were orchestrated subsequent to religious processions, and the demolitions followed hate speeches delivered by members of the ruling dispensation.

The aftermath of communal riots saw the demolition of properties, resulting in the displacement of hundreds of individuals who were not directly or indirectly involved in the acts of violence. This post-riot demolition practice signifies a paradigm shift in the discourse of communal violence, wherein the state assumes the role of an active participant, inflicting substantial harm on minority communities.

Reservations and state schemes for development of religious minorities:

The constitutional framework has instituted safeguards aimed at ensuring equitable opportunities and development for marginalized communities. However, a disconcerting trend has emerged wherein the state apparatus appears to contravene these safeguards, contributing to the marginalization and economic impoverishment of minority communities. This systematic marginalization is manifested through the deliberate denial of due shares in budget allocations to minority communities, intentional deprivation of resources to minority institutions and scholarships, and the revocation of protective measures under the pretext of labeling them as migrants and stripping them off the benefits of reservations. The ensuing examples illustrate instances of these practices.

In 2023, in Karnataka, the BJP government scrapped 4% reservations for Muslims and redistributed the same among the Lingayats and the Vokkaligas. The Lingayat and the Vokkaligas are dominant castes in Karnataka. H. D Deve Gowda’s government in 1994 had granted reservations to Muslims under 2B category of OBC quota. The granting of reservations to Muslims was upheld by the Supreme Court. The Karnataka government argued in favour of the move by claiming that Muslims were only economically backward and not socially backward. It is quite contrary to the observations of the Third Backward Class Commission, headed by Retired Justice Chinnappa Reddy which highlighted that Muslims were “socially and educationally backward”. It had also declared that the economic plight of the Muslims is close to that of the scheduled castes and in many educational parameters, Muslims fare worse than the scheduled castes. Interestingly, in the order spelling out the reclassification of the categories, Jains (Digamabaras) and Christians remain eligible for quota even though they too are based on religion. Christians and Jains are classified under the 2D category as per the government order.

The Budget allocation for the Ministry of Minority Affairs was reduced by 38% for the financial year 2023-24 to the year 2022-23. Several scholarship and skill development schemes got major fund cuts including the merit-cum means scholarship for professional and technical courses for students from minority communities. The schemes have been allotted funds of ₹44 crore in 2023, while the Budget for the same was ₹365 crore in 2022.

In 2023, the Centre announced discontinuation of the Maulana Azad National Fellowship (MANF) which offers research fellowship from six notified minority communities. MANF scholars from across 30 universities have urged Ms. Irani and her Ministry for Minority Affairs,  the nodal agency for distribution of MANF, to expedite the MANF hike process and disburse the fellowship on a monthly basis.

A study by Development Data Lab at Dartmouth College in the US, looking at patterns of residence of Muslims and those belonging to the Scheduled Castes (SCs) across cities and villages found that urban areas were as segregated as rural places for SCs and more segregated for Muslims. The study also found that public services such as piped water, closed drainage, schools and health clinics within cities were systematically allocated away from neighbourhoods where marginalised groups like SCs and Muslims lived. About 26% of urban Muslims live in neighbourhoods that are more than 80% Muslim while roughly 17% of urban SCs live in neighbourhoods where more than 80% of residents are SCs, which is very similar to the distribution of SCs in rural areas. "Cities replicate the social environments of their hinterlands. Districts with segregated villages have segregated cities," noted the study, adding that people living in highly segregated cities were on average poorer than those in less segregated cities.

In Assam, About 40 lakh Assamese-speaking Muslims have been recognized as indigenous Assamese Muslims and a sub-group of the Assamese community. This move officially distinguishes the Assamese Muslims from the Bengali-speaking Muslims who have migrated from present-day Bangladesh since the late 1800s. Five Muslim groups — Goria, Moria, Deshi, Jolha and Syed — will be known as indigenous Assamese Muslims.

Encroachments:

A recurring trope employed to displace minority communities, particularly Muslims, revolves around the allegation of illegal encroachment of land. This pretext serves as a justification for the demolition of residences and, more alarmingly, places of worship belonging to these communities. Despite the presence of pertinent documentation attesting to the legal status of these structures in many reported cases, the administration consistently conducts encroachment drives, resulting in the displacement of the affected individuals.

In recent years, such endeavors have become notably prevalent in Assam, with authorities asserting claims of land occupation by purported Bangladeshi migrants. This assertion, however, is often contradicted by the documented legitimacy of the structures targeted in these displacement efforts. The persistence of such actions, conducted in disregard of factual legal standing, compounds the vulnerability of minority communities and raises concerns about the systematic infringement upon their rights and properties.

For instance, in February, the Assam government approved the clearance of 1,900 hectares of land in Sonitpur district, impacting over 12,000 individuals whom the administration accused of residing there illegally for many years. This marked the fourth such operation within two months, as the Sonitpur district administration, under heightened security, initiated the process to reclaim allegedly "encroached" land in the Burachapori Wildlife Sanctuary (BWS) and neighboring revenue villages on the southern bank of the Brahmaputra river in central Assam. While a majority of the occupants, mainly Bengali-speaking Muslims, had already vacated their homes after receiving notices in the preceding weeks, some were still in the process of relocating when the eviction drive commenced, as clarified by some affected families. These individuals asserted that they were never informed that the areas they inhabited were designated as forest or government land and claimed to have received benefits from various state and central government schemes (Deccan Herald, 2023).

Uttarakhand witnessed major “anti- encroachment” drives where the state claimed to have “liberated” 5000 acres of land previously encroached through what the CM referred to as ‘Land Jihad’. As part of an anti-encroachment campaign, the state has demolished approximately 500 Mazars and 50 temples. The Nainital district witnessed the highest number of such demolitions (Singh, 2023).

Police excesses/ extrajudicial killings:

The phenomenon of extrajudicial killings and arbitrary police actions has become a pernicious instrument employed to suppress marginalized social groups, displaying alarming frequency and a blatant disregard for established legal norms. In states such as Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, these extrajudicial killings have not only garnered approval from right-wing organizations but have also generated a climate of fear among the minority communities. The chief ministers of these states have, paradoxically, received acclaim for such measures, exacerbating the sense of vulnerability among the minorities.

These instances of excesses compel victims and their families to confront a formidable challenge, as they find themselves compelled to contend with the very institutions entrusted with their protection and the upholding of the law. This divergence from established legal and ethical standards contributes to a broader context wherein the minorities encounter systemic obstacles in seeking justice and redress for the violence perpetrated against them.

In the Shahjahanpur district of Uttar Pradesh, the police fatally shot a resident of Mohalla Sarai in Katra who was accused of robbing the house of Alok Gupta on September 19th. During the robbery, Alok Gupta and his family members were stabbed when they resisted, leading to Alok Gupta's demise. Following a First Information Report (FIR), the police arrested Shahbaz. While being escorted for a court appearance after a medical examination in the evening, the police jeep lost balance on a highway near Batlaiya village due to a stray animal crossing its path.

According to the police, Shahbaz allegedly snatched a pistol from one of the police personnel and attempted to escape. Despite repeated warnings to surrender, Shahbaz reportedly fired at the police. In self-defence, the police claimed to have returned fire, resulting in Shahbaz being declared dead upon arrival at the hospital. The Superintendent of Police (SP) announced that the team, led by a circle officer, responsible for this commendable action would receive a reward of Rs 25,000 from the district police and Rs 50,000 from the state government (Rashid, 2023).

On September 22nd, Anish Khan, accused of assaulting a 40-year-old woman constable in the Saryu Express train on August 30, was shot dead by the Special Task Force (STF) of the Uttar Pradesh Police and a team from the Ayodhya police. The encounter occurred in the Pura Kalandar area of Ayodhya during a collaborative operation between the UP STF and Ayodhya Police. The assault on the woman constable had sparked outrage, prompting the Allahabad High Court to take suo motu cognizance of the incident. The constable was on her way to Ayodhya for Sawan Mela duty when the attack occurred (The Hindu, 2023).

In a heart-rending incident, Mohammad Sajid Abbasi, a 28-year-old daily wage worker from Rataul village in Baghpat, Uttar Pradesh, was apprehended by the police on July 2nd under suspicion of gambling. Subsequently, no evidence was found against him, leading to his release. Unfortunately, within hours of being released, Abbasi passed away. His demise was attributed to injuries sustained from alleged police brutality, as claimed by his relatives. The family contends that he was subjected to severe beatings by the police, rendering him unable to stand upon his return home. Additionally, he reportedly exhibited frothing from his mouth, indicating distressing circumstances surrounding his treatment (Times of India, 2023).

In a bizarre case, a woman was arrested for allegedly praying in an “Islamic posture” in a Shiva temple in Bareilly in Uttar Pradesh. The woman was a patient who had come to visit her father. She went to the temple to seek blessings for her better health. Someone shot a video of her praying and uploaded it on social media. It was alleged on the video that she was “offering namaz” in the temple. The police arrested her under under IPC sections 295A (outraging religious sentiment), 120B (criminal conspiracy) and 153A (promoting enmity between different groups) (Singh & Ansari, 2023).

Enactment of new Laws/ implementation of laws:

In recent years, the state has implemented policies and laws that systematically marginalize vulnerable communities, employing legislative frameworks as ostensibly legitimate tools to perpetuate discrimination and criminalize specific social groups. A notable manifestation of this phenomenon is evident in the implementation of stringent anti-conversion laws, which, in practice, are wielded arbitrarily to incarcerate individuals on false allegations. These laws themselves in the first place are drafted deliberately in vague terms giving an advantage to the state to bring under its ambit a number of cases.

Furthermore, the state's imposition of policies related to the wearing of the hijab in educational institutions exemplifies the utilization of "dress code" regulations as a means to obstruct the educational opportunities of Muslim women. An illustrative case occurred at Hindu College in Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh, where several students were denied entry and compelled to remove their burqas at the college gate. The authorities invoked the college's dress code as the basis for refusing entry to students attired in burqas (CNBCTV18, 2023).

This trend underscores a concerning pattern wherein legal instruments and institutional policies are employed to perpetuate systemic discrimination and hinder the access of marginalized communities to education and other fundamental rights.

Anti- Conversion Laws:

Imam Hafiz Iqbal was detained after right-wing members in Aligarh filed a complaint accusing him of "converting Hindus in his mosque". Iqbal was in jail since August 7. Imam was arrested under the state’s anti-conversion law. The imam was later released on 11^th August after no evidence was found against him (Dilshad, 2023).

In a separate incident in Kanpur, Naib Tehsildar Ashish Gupta faced removal from his position in December after allegedly embracing Islam in order to marry a Muslim woman. An initial inquiry revealed a violation of the employee code, leading to his reassignment to the collectorate. Authorities conducted raids at various locations to locate the Muslim woman reportedly involved with Gupta. In response, the administration launched an inquiry led by the Tehsildar. Gupta's wife asserted that he was compelled to convert for the purpose of marrying the Muslim woman and subsequently filed an FIR against five identified and six unidentified individuals with the Maudaha police under Sections 3/5 (1), 5 (2) of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act. The police apprehended the mosque caretaker, Mohammad Mushtaq, along with Kutubuddin Siddiqui, also known as Munna, and Asghar Ali from Bahraich. Prior to their incarceration, all three underwent medical examinations (Hindustan Times, 2023).

Mohammad Sabbir, resident of Indore, was convicted under the Madhya Pradesh Religious Freedom Act, 2021 in August. Hailed as the first conviction under the anti-conversion law in Madhya Pradesh, Sabbir was accused of raping and converting a girl into Islam. He was ordered to pay a fine of INR 56000 to the victim and INR 50,000 as compensation. He was sentenced to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment (Times of India, 2023).

Namaz:

Authorities at M S University in Vadodara faced demands for action against a student who was captured on video performing namaz within the university campus. The footage shows a female student engaged in prayer outside the botany department's lecture hall. This incident marks the third of its kind on the college campus. In response to the controversy, Professor Haribhai Kataria, the dean of the Faculty of Science, issued a notice imposing restrictions on all students and faculty members, prohibiting any form of religious activities within the faculty premises. The notice emphasized the Faculty of Science's status as a premier institute of higher education, stating that engaging in religious activities within its premises is deemed inappropriate. The notice warned that any violation of this directive would result in appropriate disciplinary action.

Delimitation:

The utilization of delimitation as a strategic tool to manipulate constituency boundaries with the explicit intent of minimizing the electoral influence of Muslim populations has been observed, notably in the state of Assam. This strategic redrawing aims to render the votes of the Muslim community inconsequential, thereby facilitating the unimpeded dominance of the ruling party. Consequently, the ruling party is absolved from the necessity to engage with or safeguard the interests of the Muslim population.

The recent issuance of the final delimitation list for Assam, subsequent to a comprehensive revision of constituencies, underscores the culmination of this process. The conclusive delimitation order delineates adjustments to the boundaries of numerous constituencies, maintaining an aggregate count of 14 parliamentary and 126 assembly constituencies. Noteworthy alterations include modifications to 30 assembly constituencies, accompanied by the introduction of 26 new ones.

Critics posit that the delimitation proposal, ostensibly undertaken for administrative reasons, harbors a covert agenda to curtail the political representation of Assam's Bengali-origin Muslim community. This community is often stigmatized as illegal immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. The All-India United Democratic Front (AIUDF), whose principal support base emanates from Assam's Bengali-origin Muslims, contends that the delimitation exercise is poised to reduce the number of Muslim-majority assembly constituencies in the state from 29 to 22.

It is imperative to highlight that the delimitation process relies on demographic data derived from the 2001 census, as opposed to the more recent 2011 census. This methodological choice entails that demographic shifts, particularly increases in the state's Muslim population, are not factored into the revision of existing Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) constituencies. Consequently, the preservation of these constituencies from being de-reserved remains unaffected by the evolving demographic landscape.

Conclusion:

Structural violence, as manifested by the state, constitutes a systematic and deliberate means to marginalize vulnerable segments of society, resulting in their dispossession, displacement, and loss of life. This insidious form of violence is enacted with a high degree of organization and method, strategically implemented to render minority communities as second-class citizens, thereby contravening the principles outlined in the Constitution of India. This resultant marginalization extends beyond mere physical harm and encompasses a multifaceted assault on the rights, resources, and livelihoods of minority communities. The implications of such structural violence are particularly egregious, as it contravenes the foundational principles of equality and justice enshrined in the constitutional framework of India.

In this context, the state's role in rendering minorities as second-class citizens is not only a violation of constitutional principles but also indicative of a systemic failure to uphold the fundamental tenets of a democratic and inclusive society. The ramifications of such actions extend beyond individual instances of violence, posing a broader challenge to the principles of social justice and equality enshrined in the constitutional ethos of the nation.

 

--

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism

Mumbai

Deepening of Hatred, Hate Speeches and Impunity in 2023 - Part 1 | Irfan Engineer and Neha Dabhade

 

Deepening of Hatred, Hate Speeches and Impunity in 2023: Communal Violence in India

Irfan Engineer and Neha Dabhade[1]

The year 2023 witnessed a decrease in the number of communal riots but a sharp increase in hate speeches. According to monitoring of Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS), the number of communal riots reported in 5 newspapers stood at 32 compared to 41 communal riots reported in 2022, a dip of almost 24 %. However, the number of incidents of mob lynching increased as per the monitoring from 15 in 2022 to 21 in 2023. The salient highlights of communal violence in 2023 is the spate in the hate speeches reflecting apparent impunity enjoyed by those targeting the followers of what the Hindu nationalists describe as “foreign” religions. The ‘Sakal Hindu Samaj’, an umbrella body of right-wing organizations like Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal, Hindu Janjagruti Samiti, Sanatan Sanstha among others, was one such campaign in Maharashtra where a series of hate speeches exhorting genocide against Muslims, social and economic boycott against Muslims and accusing them of ‘land jihad’ and ‘love jihad’ without any authentic data or facts on ground. Moreover, communal violence in India in 2023 saw religious festivals, especially Ram Navami being weaponized to provoke communal riots and subsequently enabling the state to use it as a pretext to demolish properties belonging mostly to the members of Muslim community. Out of 32 communal riots, 9 communal riots were triggered off during Ram Navami processions that were organised by Hindu nationalists. The 32 communal riots claimed 15[2] (4 Hindus and 5 Muslims) lives and injured 225. At the same time, the incidents of mob lynching claimed 16 lives – all Muslims.

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism monitors communal violence annually and its findings are based on reports that appear in the Mumbai edition of five newspapers – The Hindu, The Indian Express, The Times of India, Sahafat and Inquilab. CSSS has also carried out fact finding in some of these incidents of communal riots reported in the media. Out of the 32 incidents of communal riots, 11 communal riots took place in Maharashtra. This high number of communal riots in Maharashtra coincides with the sustained “Sakal Hindu Samaj” rallies, more than 50 in the state. Other major riot took place in Nuh in Haryana which spread to the districts of Sohna, Palwal and Gurugram.

The spate in hate speeches targeting what the Hindu nationalists consider “foreign” or non-Indic religions and resorting to even abusive slogans is normalising their social hegemony and political domination, and consequently marginalising the Muslim and Christian community socially as well as politically. The religious minorities are being increasingly relegated to second-class citizens living subjugated lives, contrary to the slogan coined by the PM Narendra Modi – sabka saath, sabka vikas. The impunity enjoyed by the Hindu nationalists despite committing criminal offences related to hate speech and violence gives a message to the Muslims and Christians that they have little, or even no remedy against the violations by the Hindu right wing, and they will have to suffer their hegemony and social domination. There is no effective redressal or criminal justice system which is easily accessible to them and thus they are at the will and mercy of the Hindu majority. The Muslim and Christian community is beaten into submission by deliberately humiliating them weaponizing some Hindu religious processions. The state then targets the Muslim and Christian community by indiscriminately, arbitrarily and disproportionately arresting them and demolishing their properties. This is invisiblizing Muslim and Christian identities, culture and heritage from social space. The hate speech and violence are privatizing their religious practices within confines of private spaces. At times their religious practices are not secure even within private space as prayer meetings and churches are under attack. Character of religious spaces of Muslims are sought to be changed and reclaimed as Hindu religious places.

The hate speeches along with the communal riots has led to deepening of communal fault lines and religious polarization of social space and identities. The normalization of communal violence and debilitating communal narratives are taking deep roots in the society. This process is abundantly and visibly aided by the state with its lack of action against those who spread this hatred and narrative. An indication of this deep-rooted violence are the poignant hate crimes targeting Muslims. Some of the disturbing examples in 2023 was the shooting on the train by colonel and a school teacher in Muzzaffarnagar asking her students to slap a nine-year-old Muslim student. Cumulatively, this violence has resulted into a feeling of insecurity amongst the minorities.

This report looks at three forms of communal violence – physical, symbolic and structural. Physical form of communal violence encompasses communal riots, mob lynching and hate crimes. Communal riots is defined as “when a mob (consisting of at least 5 persons) predominantly belonging to a religious community gathers with the objective of inflicting collective punishment by way of causing physical injuries, death, sexual assault and/or causing damage to the properties of any or all members of another religious community only because they are perceived to belong to the targeted community, whether or not the targeted individuals are guilty of any wrong doing and often the individuals targeted are not responsible for any wrong doing to the knowledge of the aggressive mob, and in fact inflicts such collective punishments as they are capable of to the members of targeted religious community.”

Salient features of Communal riots in 2023:

Low intensity:

As mentioned above, the year 2023 witnessed 32 communal riots. Out of these Nuh was a major communal riot, in terms of the scale of violence, the property damaged and number of deaths. The communal riot in Nuh saw seven deaths and went on for two days in almost four districts – Nuh, Palwal, Sohna and Gurugram. The riots in Manipur were more of ethnic nature, with some communal overtones. It involved attacks on places of worship 393 Meitei shrines and temples were destroyed allegedly by Kuki militants and about 249 churches belonging to Kuki and Meitei Christians have been destroyed in Manipur. The Kukis in the Hill districts of Manipur are all Christians while most of the Meiteis in the valley is Hindus. The Meitei extremist organizations – Arambai Tengol and Meitei Leepun – mobilized the Hindu Meiteis. Both the organisations are perceived to receive patronage from the BJP leadership in the state. Apart from these two major communal riots, the rest of the communal riots were mostly sub radar and low intensity. Low intensity or sub radar riots imply restricted geographical expanse of area, duration of violence and scale or low number of casualties. However, it is worth noting that even in low intensity riots, there is substantial destruction of property belonging to Muslims.

Nature of communal riots has changed:

The nature of communal riots in 2023 continued to follow the pattern that emerged since 2014. Unlike the previous years when elaborate planning of targets and organisation of men, material and equipment to mount fatal physical attacks and inflict massive damage to property, was pre-requisite of executing a sustained major riot. This needed an institutionalized riot system. Triggering off a communal riot for Hindu nationalists since 2014 proved relatively easy – sometimes hiding behind religious processions and shouting abusive anti-minority slogans or even a purely private dispute between two or more individuals belonging to different community was all that was needed to trigger off a riot. The state apparatus’s one-sided action targeting the minority community, their life and property, and indiscriminate arrests of large number of minority community members would fulfil the objectives of the rioters from the majority community, appearing to take over the role of perpetrators. While the Hindu nationalists who triggered off the riots would nearly enjoy impunity. Permits for processions, often predictable in their potential for volatility due to the presence of arms and DJ music, are granted, as evidenced in recent years.

Theatre of Violence:

                                                                        F1

Out of the 32 communal riots in 2023, 11 communal riots took place in the state of Maharashtra- amounting of 1/3 of all the communal riots. Gujarat, again in western India like Maharashtra, witnessed five communal riots. The western zone of India comprising of Maharashtra and Gujarat made for 16 communal riots out of the total 32- comprising half or 50% of the total number of cases. The Eastern India too has been on a boil as is indicated by the number of communal riots, seven in total – three in West Bengal, two in Bihar, one in Odisha and one in Jharkhand. North India which historically has been the hotbed of communal riots, witnessed six communal riots – two in Haryana, two in Uttar Pradesh, one in Rajasthan, one in Himachal Pradesh. The Southern region, central region and North East has witnessed one communal riot each. Karnataka in south India witnessed one communal riot in Shivmogga. Chhattisgarh in central India witnessed a communal riot in Biranpur village of Bemetara.

Lastly, although we consider ongoing communal violence in Manipur as one incident, it is to be noted that the violence in Manipur is ongoing for more than eight months and has displaced more than 70,000 persons.

Communal Riots in India in 2023: Killed & Injured
Hindu: killed	Muslim: killed	Other Religion: killed	Not Identified: killed	Police: killed	Total: killed
4	5	0	3	3	15
Hindu: Injured	Muslim: Injured	Other Religion: Injured	Police: Injured	Not Identified: Injured	Total: Injured
1	2	0	64	158	225

All the Kukis are now living in the hills. The valley of Imphal has    been “cleansed” off the Kukis. Similarly, the hills have been “cleansed” off the Meiteis. The displacement of Kukis has spilled out into other neighbouring state of Mizoram. The violence in Manipur is unprecedented and has also had an adverse impact on the inter-community relations in Manipur from the point of view of this report which deals with communal violence.

It is no coincidence that Maharashtra had such high number of communal riots. Maharashtra in the year witnessed over fifty processions (Taken place between November 2022 to March 2023) organized by “Sakal Hindu Samaj”- a group of Hindu right-wing groups. The rallies were in news for the vicious hate speeches delivered in the rallies by the leaders like T. Raja and Kajol Hindustani. The rallies with the rhetoric that Muslims are committing ‘land jihad’ and ‘love jihad’ called for violence against Muslims as well as socio-economic boycott. These rallies and the overall atmosphere of impunity and hatred they created were conducive for communal violence in Maharashtra, some of the hate speeches leading directly to the communal violence. The constant churning of communal hatred led to intense polarization of the society reflecting in the substantial number of incidents of mob lynching.

Ruling Regimes:

                                                              F2

It is interesting to note that out of the total 32 communal riots, 22 communal riots have taken place in states where BJP is ruling either by itself or part of the ruling alliances. Three communal riots took place in West Bengal ruled by the Trinamool Congress and three others took place in states ruled by Indian National Congress. This is an adverse observation which points towards either the inability of the BJP administration in preventing communal riots or its deliberate patronage in promoting communal tensions and riots.

Triggers:

                                                                   F3 

Religious Processions:

The trend in communal riots from the previous years continued in 2023 too where religious processions were used as a pretext for instigating communal riots. In total, out of 32 communal riots, 15 were related to a religious procession. Ram Navami in particular like previous years was used by Hindu right wing to stir communal riots. There were nine communal riots related to Ram Navami alone out of the total 32 communal riots. One riot took place on Hanuman Jayanti. Another took place during a “dindi” procession in Jalgaon, Maharashtra, one during a Kunwar yatra in Uttar Pradesh and another one during Eid Milan procession in Karnataka. Perhaps, the biggest communal riot took place in Nuh in Haryana over the Braj Mandal Jal Abhishek Yatra.

Out of the nine communal riots that took place on Ram Navami, two took place in Bihar- one in Sasaram and another in Bihar Sharif. In Nalanda district, in the town of Bihar Sharif, Ram Navami procession was organized by Bajrang Dal on 31^st March. Announcements were made urging Hindus not to open their shops on that day. Approximately 50,000 persons participated in the procession though the permission granted was for 5000 only. Music was played on DJ system during the procession.  The participants were brandishing of weapons, such as swords, huge sound amplifiers on big trucks were playing communally charged and provocative songs and slogans. The procession started at around 2 p.m from Shram Kalyan Maidan and had to end at Baba Maniram Akhada temple, passing through Hospital Mod, Bharao Par, Kanta Par, Gagan Diwan, Soghra College Mod — a stretch of around 4.5 km along the Main Road (also called Ranchi Road). When the procession reached the volatile area of Gagan Diwan, the slogans of the participants became provocative and there was an altercation between the participants and two Muslim men. Two Muslim men were beaten up. This triggered the riot, which saw arson of Muslim owned properties and burning of the iconic Azizia Madrassa. One 16-year-old youth, Gulshan Kumar got injured and succumbed to his injuries. Sasaram in Rohtas district also saw communal clashes on March 31 during a Ram Navami procession and the government had to shut down internet services and impose Section 144 in the city as a precautionary measure. The police arrested former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MLA, Jawahar Prasad for his involvement in the communal riot.

Two communal riots took place in Maharashtra- one in Sambhajinagar and other in Mumbai. In Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, in the early morning of 30^th March, on the day of Ram Navami, in the locality of Kiradpura, around six motorcycle borne youth from Azad nagar chowk came to Ram temple situated in Kiradpura, shouting slogans including “Jai Shri Ram”. There was an altercation between these youth and a group of youth from the Muslim community. These altercations took a violent turn and a mob was mobilized which pelted stones on the police and Ram Temple. Approximately 13 police vans were burnt by the mob. The mob dispersed after the police used tear gas and fired bullets. One Moniruddin Shaikh (45) was hit by one of the bullets and died. In the other communal riot in Maharashtra on Ram Navami, in the Malwani area of Mumbai, a fight broke out when some people at a mosque asked a procession passing by to stop playing music on the night of 30^th March, which later escalated with slippers and water bottles being thrown by both sides. However, major violence was averted by the police in this incident.

In a separate incident, a communal riot erupted in Paldhi, located in Maharashtra’s Jalgaon district, approximately 400 km north of Mumbai, on April 4th. The unrest transpired after a religious procession, accompanied by DJ music, was organized in proximity to a mosque. The incident unfolded as a ‘dindi’, a religious procession traveling from Jalgaon to Vani in Nashik district, passed through Paldhi village. A dispute over the music played in front of the mosque escalated into a physical altercation, eventually leading to stone-pelting. Regrettably, the incident resulted in the looting of houses belonging to Muslims and substantial damage to their properties (Shaikh, 2023).

Three communal riots took place in West Bengal – one in Howrah, one in Hoogly and one in Uttar Dinajpur. In West Bengal, on 30^th March, a Ram Navami procession was organized and taken out by VHP and Anjani Putra Sena in Howrah District of West Bengal which passed through the main GT road. The procession had huge DJ music system playing songs and the participants of the procession were carrying swords and knives. This procession was attacked near Shibpur police station when bottles and stones were hurled at the procession. Communal violence took place in Rishra locality of Hoogly District on 2^nd April, 2023 when Ram Navami procession was organized by different organizations. The procession started at 3pm on 2^nd April on the route that is followed for almost ten years. The starting point of procession was Prabhash Nagar and it passed through Jama Masjid and GT road. Around 5.40pm, when the procession came near Jama Masjid, it was time of Azaan. Some of the residents and devotees in the Mosque asked the procession to stop the DJ music for two minutes for the call of Azaan. The altercation started due to this request. The members from the procession attacked the mosque and adjoining shop. There was retaliation by the Muslim residents too. One person was killed while several others were injured after a clash erupted between two communities in West Bengal’s Dalkhola city during a Ram Navami procession.

Two communal riots took place in Gujarat – one in Una and another one in Vadodara on Ram Navami. Communal riot was provoked by the hate speech delivered by Kajal Shingala alias Kajal Hindustani, at a public meeting after the Ram Navami procession was organized on 2^nd April, a clash broke out between two groups near the fish market in Kumbharwada area of Una. Two groups resorted to stone pelting at each other. The police were outnumbered following which more force was called in, and eventually the crowd dispersed. According to the police, 200 people, who had gathered after the meeting held by Hindustani, were involved in the clash.

In Vadodara, on 30^th March, Ram Navami, “Shobha yatra” was organized by VHP and Bajrang Dal. The residents and activists allege that this yatra deviated from its pre-decided route and entered the Muslim majority area of Panjrigar Mohalla. The procession came near the Panjrigar dargah around 1.30 p.m. Since it was namaz time, very few Muslim youth were on the road. The participants from the procession shouted anti-Muslim slogans. The procession took a violent turn when the participants attacked a Muslim youth standing on the road and beat him up after some altercation took place with the members of the procession and they started pelting stones on the houses of the Muslims. The women in the houses came out and objected to this stone pelting. Some of the participants subsequently started kicking the gates of the Hazrat Kalu Shahid– Balu Shahid Dargah and throwing stones inside. In the aftermath of the communal riot, the administration demolished properties of the Muslims.

In another incident in Gujarat, on the 15th of September, in Thasra village, Kheda district, a communal clash occurred during a procession organized by devotees of Lord Shiva to mark the conclusion of the holy Shravan month. The incident left three policemen and six others injured. In response, three FIRs were filed, one of them by the Kheda district police, leading to the arrest of 11 individuals, including an independent councillor from Thasra Municipality. The violence unfolded as the procession passed through the Teen Batti neighborhood in the Syedwada area of Thasra, where a madrassa and mosque are situated. Tensions escalated when members of the Hindu and Muslim communities engaged in heated arguments, eventually turning violent. Subsequently, individuals from both communities resorted to pelting stones at each other, resulting in injuries and the subsequent legal actions.

Uttar Pradesh:

A procession of kanwariyas was passing through Shahnoori mosque in Joginavada locality of Bareilly when stone pelting ensued between the locals and the participants of the procession on 23^rd July. When the procession moved ahead around 40-50 metres from the mosque, a group of people started pelting stones at kanwariyas. After the footage was examined, it was seen that stones were hurled from both sides. A FIR was filed in this case (Indian Express, 2023).

Karnataka:

Communal riots flared up in Shivamogga during Eid Milad procession, leading to a clash where stones were hurled at the procession and the police on 1^st October. The discord began earlier in the day when some Muslim youths erected a large portrait of the former ruler of the erstwhile Mysuru state, Tipu Sultan, at Ragigudda-Shanti Nagar on the city's outskirts. This action was met with objection from right-wing activists who claimed that the portrait depicted Tipu Sultan killing a warrior. As the Eid procession reached the Ragigudda area around 8 pm, a group of miscreants, initiated stone-throwing at the procession. In retaliation, some youths began pelting stones at nearby houses. The police intervened by using force to disperse the crowd. The event witnessed the participation of over 20,000 people (Indian Express , 2023).

Haryana:

Perhaps the biggest communal riot of 2023 was the communal riot in Nuh on 31^st July. The trigger for the communal riot was the Braj Mandal Jal Abhishek Yatra organized by the VHP and Bajrang Dal which is organized by the same organization for the last three years. The yatra was preceded by hate speeches by Hindu right-wing leaders – Monu Manesar and Bittu Bajrangi. An altercation between some of the participants of the yatra and a group of Muslims who attacked a car believing it carried Monu Manesar triggered the riot. Some participants in the yatra attacked the properties of the Muslims. The Shiv Nalhar temple in Nuh was fired at and vehicles burnt down. After the violence in Nuh, the violence spread to Sohna, Palwal and Gurugram where mostly the Muslims were targeted. Their properties were torched. The narrative promoted by the administration was that the Muslims targeted the procession and the Shiv temple. As a reaction, Muslim properties were demolished by the administration. The administration claimed that these properties were illegal as a result of encroachment. The communal riot claimed seven lives. Most of the arrests were of Muslims.

Some commonalities are observed in the pattern of violence related to all these incidents of communal riot which is continuation from 2022. Many places didn’t have the tradition of Ram Navami Yatra and these yatras have begun in the last few years including the Braj Mandal Yatra. This narrative was especially strong in West Bengal where Ram Navami was commonly not celebrated. The places like Maharashtra and Gujarat where Ram Navami was celebrated essentially had small celebrations which were local in nature, in small numbers and religious in nature. Ironically, much against the narrative sought to be popularized, the Muslims have traditionally been welcoming the processions and offering refreshments to the members of the processions. In recent years, the Hindu right-wing organizations including the Bajrang Dal and VHP have started organizing the processions mobilizing large numbers of Hindus across caste lines. These processions are usually armed with participants carrying swords and lathis. The processions invariably violated the pre-conditions imposed upon them for giving permission, including the routes agreed upon, the number of participants and prohibition on carrying arms. The organizers of the processions like in Vadodara insist on taking the processions in Muslim majority areas and often divert the usual route of the procession to provoke and humiliate the Muslims. Once the processions enter the Muslim majority areas, the processions play loud music and participants raise derogatory slogans against the Muslims. If even one Muslim youth reacts by pelting stones, that is used as a pretext by the administration to arrest large number of Muslims arbitrarily, beat them up and demolish their properties as witnessed in Vadodara.

Social Media Posts:

The role of social media is also instrumental is fomenting communal riots. This was especially visible in the state of Maharashtra. In Akola, in May, one Karan Sahu, a leader of the radical right-wing group in Akola ‘Chhatrapati’ and who has a massive following on many social media platforms, uploaded a post on Instagram deriding the Muslim community and the prophet. The post had in no time garnered thousands of likes and his followers had soon begun sharing it on their handles too. Some media reports have attributed the incident to the recently released film “The Kerala Story”, a controversial film spreading unsubstantiated propaganda against Muslim community. Some members of the Muslim community, unhappy with the derogatory post approached the Ramdaspeth police station. At the police station, when the police allegedly refused to take note of their complaint, the crowd got agitated. This news was distorted and rumours were spread about a Muslim mob entering the Raj Rajeshwar temple. This triggered immediate response among the Hindus and an attempt was made to enter and damage the lone masjid in an adjoining lane. This led to clashes between the two communities on 15^th May and the mob killed one Vilas Gaikwad, a Dalit electrician by profession who was mistaken by the mob for being a Muslim.

Following a rally organized by right-wing Hindu organizations in June, communal riot took place in Kolhapur on 7^th June. The rally, initially organized to protest social media posts allegedly glorifying Aurangzeb and Tipu Sultan, took a violent turn on its conclusion. Some miscreants began pelting stones at homes and businesses owned by members of the Muslim community. They also targeted Muslim-owned vehicles, leading to a need for police intervention, including the use of lathi charge to disperse the violent crowd. To restore order, the Rapid Action Force and State Reserve Police Force were deployed. Order prohibiting the assembly of five or more persons was enforced. Six individuals, including three juveniles, were detained for their involvement in circulating the controversial social media post that sparked the unrest.

In Pusesavali village in Satara district on 10^th September, a mob targeted Muslim houses, shops and mosques alleging that an objectional social media post allegedly posted by a Muslim hurt the religious sentiments of the Hindu community. The residents argue that the social media account of the Muslim youth from where the post surfaced was allegedly hacked. The residents alleged the role of BJP state vice president Vikram Pawaskar and members of the Hindu right-wing organizations in inciting the violence. The region also witnessed a series of hate speeches and rallies by Hindu right-wing leaders preceding the communal riot. One Muslim youth, Nurul Hasan Shikalgar was killed in this riot. Ironically, the fact-finding committee led by CSSS found that derogatory content in the same thread was posed about Prophet Mohammad too but no action was taken about that by the police.

Rallies organized by the Hindu Right-wing organizations and Hate Speeches:

A communal clash erupted in Gujarat’s Narmada district on 29^th September during the passage of a ‘Shaurya Yatra’ procession organized by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) through a minority community neighborhood in Selamba town. As the VHP’s Shaurya Yatra traversed a street where a mosque is situated, some people came out and objected to the loud music as the rally accompanied by DJ music. Soon, some others joined in and objected to the rally incidents of stone pelting occurred, accompanied by the setting ablaze of a nearby shop. Some troublemakers forcibly seized goods from local traders and ignited them. Prompt police intervention on the scene managed to disperse the mob within 45 minutes of the clash breaking out.

On 6^th June, 2023, two persons were injured and five vehicles were vandalised in stone pelting near Sangamner town of Ahmednagar district of Maharashtra minutes after a rally organised by Sakal Hindu Samaj. Earlier that day a rally ‘Hindu Jan Akrosh Morcha’ was organised by Sakal Hindu Samaj in Sangamner town. The rally concluded by around 12 pm and stone pelting was reported around 12.30pm.

Other Triggers:

Rajasthan:

Communal riots broke out following the death of Iqbal Raza, 18, who was killed in a road rage “misunderstanding” in Jaipur on 30^th September. Raza was allegedly struck with a “rod- like” weapon and succumbed to his injuries. A large mob of Muslims gathered to demand justice for Raza (Times of India , 2023). 

Odisha:

On the 8th of April around 11 am, Biranpur village in Bemetara district of Chhattisgarh witnessed the onset of communal violence when a 14-year-old boy was reportedly assaulted by another juvenile from a different community using a sharp object. The altercation escalated as adults from both communities became involved, leading to a clash marked by stone-pelting between the two sides. Police intervention was necessary to quell the violence.

In the midst of the turmoil, Bhuneshwar Sahu, who had suffered severe injuries, was discovered in a cluster inhabited by members of a different community. Despite being rushed to a hospital, he was declared brought dead. Investigations have revealed that tensions had been simmering due to 12-13 inter-faith marriages in the village over the past couple of years, exacerbating relations between the two communities (The Hindu, 2023).

The situation took a political turn on April 18th when the VHP, Bajrang Dal, and other groups issued a call for action in connection with Bhuneshwar Sahu’s incident. The opposition BJP also extended its support to the demand. Subsequently, protesters affiliated with various outfits, including some chanting ‘Bhuneshwar ke hatyaaron ko goli maro saalon ko’ (shoot Bhuneshwar’s killers), engaged in stone-pelting, even targeting police personnel. Two Muslim men were found murdered Korwaay village, five kilometres away from Biranpur.

 Gujarat:

On the 16th of June, Junagadh, Gujarat witnessed intense rioting following a notice from the municipal corporation about the impending demolition of Geban Shah Pir Dargah, which was allegedly encroaching on a public road. The situation turned violent, resulting in the death of a civilian and injuries to at least seven individuals, including five policemen. Around 10 pm, a mob of approximately 550 people gathered near the dargah, preparing to block the road. The situation escalated as the mob engaged in heavy stone-pelting. In response, law enforcement arrested 24 individuals. The mob specifically targeted three two-wheelers belonging to the police and four police vans. The violence extended to the vandalization of the Majevdi police chowki, and a state transport bus was also attacked, causing injuries to the driver and conductor. Furthermore, a two-wheeler was set ablaze during the unrest.

Haryana:

A group of women on their way to perform a puja were allegedly pelted with stones in Nuh on 17^th November, injuring nine of them and causing law and order tension. Three minors - students of the madrassa - were apprehended and sent to a shelter home after being produced in a juvenile justice board. A case was filed against unknown persons under sections 323 (causing hurt) and 341 (wrongful restraint) of the IPC and provisions of the SC and ST Act at City police station.

Himachal Pradesh:

A mob took to the streets on 15^th June and shouted slogans against the administration in Himachal Pradesh's Chamba district. The mob was protesting the death of Manohar Lal, a 22-year-old Dalit man was brutally murdered allegedly by Sharif Mohammad, father of the woman he was allegedly having an affair with. His body was chopped into eight pieces and hidden beneath some stones. The killing sparked a protest in the district, with a mob burning down the house of the prime accused in the case. Police suspect it to be an honour killing case and eight people were arrested in this case, including Sharif Mohammad and his daughter.

Jharkhand:

Communal tension broke out on April 8 after a Ram Navami flag was allegedly found near a temple in the Shastri Nagar area with pieces of meat in it. The next day, members of the Hindu community held protests and demanded police action against the accused within 24 hours. A temple committee meeting was held on April 9 evening when over 100 people, most of them with their faces covered, reached the spot and started throwing stones at the committee members. Later, heavy stone-throwing took place from both sides, following which over half a dozen small shops and some vehicles were set ablaze. The Jharkhand police arrested 55 people, including a local BJP leader, Abhay Singh in connection with the clashes (The Hindu, 2023). The police reached the spot with Rapid Action Force (RAF) personnel and used tear gas to disperse the miscreants.

Uttar Pradesh:

On the 9th of April, in Palra village of Hastinapur town, Meerut, a tragic incident unfolded when 22-year-old Vishu Gujjar was fatally shot by assailants on motorcycles. In the aftermath of this incident, a mob took to the streets, launching an attack on several houses, a clinic, and even vandalizing a place of worship. Fearing a potential communal escalation, a substantial police force was swiftly deployed in the area. Fortunately, no injuries were reported during these events. The outburst of arson and vandalism occurred immediately after Vishu Gujjar's cremation. According to the police, the young man's murder may be linked to an ongoing rivalry between two groups in the locality. The authorities acted promptly to quell the situation and prevent further tensions from escalating in the community (Rai, 2023).

Maharashtra:

A communal riot unfolded in the Jalgaon district of Maharashtra, centring on a platform near a temple situated in Supreme Colony at Jalgaon on 9^th July. The land in question is under municipal ownership. Tensions arose when individuals from one community were engaged in repairing the platform in and around the temple. Members of another community perceived this as an attempt to extend the platform, possibly encroaching on additional land, leading them to oppose the construction. The situation escalated into a confrontation, with the two groups reportedly engaging in stone-pelting. The incident attracted a gathering of more than 250 people at the location.

In another, communal riot took place when a procession was taken out in Shevgaon town around 9 pm on 14^th May to mark the birth anniversary of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj. Shevgaon, which is the taluka headquarters in Ahmednagar. The preliminary cause seems some slogans chanted at the time of the procession. When the procession came to Shivaji Chowk area of Shevgaon, some slogans were exchanged in front of a mosque, which led to arguments and the situation escalated to stone pelting. Four persons – police and home guard – have been injured in stone pelting. One person, a civilian, sustained an injury in an attack with a sharp weapon (Indian Express, 2023).

In a separate incident Maharashtra’s Ahmednagar city, a bike skidding at high speed near a group of three persons triggered clashes between groups belonging to two communities on 5^th April, resulting in injuries to five persons and damages to three vehicles. Heavy police deployment was seen in six “sensitive areas” of the city and the situation had calmed down. But there was palpable tension in the air as most shops in the area remained closed or operated with shutters half-down (Kulkarni, 2023).

Mob Lynching

According to the monitoring of CSSS, 21 incidents of mob lynching took place in the year 2023 as compared to 17 in 2022. This amount to 23.5% of increase in mob lynching compared to 2022. Out of the 21 incidents of mob lynching, 12 are related to suspicion around carrying meat or cow slaughter and two are related to Muslim men interacting with non-Hindu women or appearing to be friends with them in public space. 21 incidents of mob lynching have claimed 16 lives- all Muslims.

Mob lynching can be understood as:

 “When a mob (consisting of at least 5 persons) assembles and beats up any individual or group of individual and / or causes damage to their property causing physical injury or death of the individuals so lynched because the lynch mob perceives the targeted individuals of some wrong doing that hurt their (the lynch mobs’) religious or cultural sentiment, whether or not their perception is factual and whether or not the wrong doing they are accused of constitutes any offence or illegality.”

Out of the 21 incidents of mob lynching, four incidents took place in the states of Maharashtra and three Haryana. While two were killed in Maharashtra, three were killed in Haryana. Three incidents took place each in Assam and Uttar Pradesh. Two took place each in Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Bihar. One incident of mob lynching took place each in Delhi and Jharkhand.

Out of the 21 mob lynching cases, 16 took place in states where the BJP was ruling. Two took place in Bihar where the JDU and RJD coalition is ruling. One took place under AAP government, one under Congress government and one under Jharkhand Mukti Morcha.

It is disturbing to note that the pretext of cow slaughter or meat and interaction or friendships or relationships between Muslim men and non-Muslim women are still used unabashedly to target Muslims since the last few years. Despite of guidelines High Courts to prevent and tackle the menace of mob lynching, the state has showed little commitment towards preventing mob lynching or bringing the culprits to justice. The BJP ruled states witnessed the greatest number of mob lynching reflecting the perception of impunity by Hindu nationalist vigilantes. The menace of mob lynching is only growing as the state action is weak or even lacking and the lynchers are applauded and feted by other Hindu nationalist leaders. The lynch mob leaders who upload the videos of their deeds on social media for fame and likes, are also known to run extortion rackets from the members of the community frequently lynched.  This is normalizing lynching and encouraging lay men to take law in their own hands.

The surge in mob lynching incidents, particularly those linked to allegations of cow slaughter, has troubling implications as it reinforces narratives and stereotypes portraying Muslims as involved in cow slaughter. Notably, more than 50% of the 21 reported incidents are directly connected to accusations of cow slaughter. Three persons were lynched in Assam in three separate incidents. In the first one, Darrang police arrested 14 people from Padmajhar in Assam and a neighbouring village in connection with Haque’s death. In the second case from Assam, on August 12, Hifzur Rahman was lynched by a mob in Hojai district after being accused of cattle theft. The police eight people in connection with the case. In the third case, on July 24, Saddam Hussain was lynched in Morigaon district, and after him two others were beaten up by a mob that accused them of cattle theft. Five people have been arrested in connection with the incident.

In Bihar, two persons were lynched in two incidents. One Nasim Kuraishi was brutally thrashed near Banshi Chhapra Tola at Asahani village in Saran district on the suspicion of selling beef on 7^th March. He died during treatment at Ekma hospital in the night. In Bihar, on 29^th June, another distressing incident unfolded when a 55-year-old disabled Muslim driver named Mohammad Zahiruddin fell victim to a mob that suspected him of carrying beef in Saran district. The tragic lynching occurred while the truck driver was transporting animal bones for medicinal purposes. The incident transpired in the Khori Pakar area of the Jalalpur police station in Saran district. The truck, en route to a bone factory in Gaura from Tajpur Basahi, encountered a breakdown on the road, compelling the driver to halt for repairs. As the driver sought assistance, some villagers approached the truck and, upon detecting the scent of meat and bones, inquired about the cargo. Suspecting the transportation of beef, they proceeded to assault him.

Haryana, especially the region of Mewat has been volatile due to the extortion network targeting Muslims under the pretext of cow slaughter. Waris Khan (22) and his friends, Nafis and Shaukeen, were fatally injured when their car collided into another vehicle as a result of a chase by cow vigilante on 28^th January. The vigilante alleged that the trio had lifted a cow for slaughter and were escaping with the animal in their Santro car when they hit a van on the Tauru-Bhiwadi Road. A few hours after the accident, Khan died during treatment the other two survived with minor injuries. In another incident, Junaid, 39, and Nasir, 21 were burnt alive after being kidnapped by cow vigilantes in Bharatpur. The charred vehicle along with the bodies were recovered from Bhiwani on 16^th February. Monu Manesar, a cow vigilante and Bajrang Dal functionary was booked by the Rajasthan Police in connection with the murder of Nasir and Junaid.

In Karnataka, Idrees Pasha was found dead in Sathanur village of Kanakapura taluk on 1^st April, just hours after the vigilante gang intercepted and allegedly attacked the van’s three occupants. Pasha’s family alleges that Idrees was tortured by the vigilante before killing him as is evident from the wounds on his body. Sathanur police registered a murder case against vigilante leader Puneeth Kerehalli and his associates. In Maharashtra, Lukman Suleman Ansari, a resident of Bhiwandi, was allegedly transporting two cows, a bullock, and a calf from Shahpur to Padgha in Thane district on June 8 when he was attacked. A mob of around 15-20 men, some associated with the outfit Rashtriya Bajrang Dal (RBD), killed Ansari and injured his associates Pappu Atiq Paddi (36) and Aqueel Gulam Gavandi (25). In another incident in Nashik district, two men, Afan Ansari, 32, and Nasir Qureshi, 24, were allegedly transporting meat in a car to Mumbai when they were intercepted and attacked allegedly by a group of 10 to 15 cow vigilantes with steel rods and wooden sticks on 25^th June. The duo, both residents of Kurla in Mumbai, received serious injuries in the attack and Mr. Ansari died during treatment. In a separate incident, on April 23 in Latur, Asif Qureshi, who was transporting cattle was apprehended by cow vigilantes. They forced him to bow before a cow, demanding an apology in the presence of two constables and three home guards. Action was initiated against the five personnel.

In a stark indication of the shrinking spaces for interfaith relationships or friendships, the Hindu right wing has been targeting Muslim men who are seen with non-Muslim women. In an incident from Karnataka, on 1^st June, three Muslim boys were hanging out with their Hindu friends at Someshwar Beach in Mangaluru when they were assaulted by a few miscreants. The group, comprising three boys and three girls, was hanging out at the beach when a few people approached them. They then started questioning the three boys, following which an argument broke out. The miscreants then beat up the three Muslim youths and then fled the spot. Police have arrested four people and taken a minor into custody in the case (Raj, 2023).

In Maharashtra, in a video that surfaced on 16^th August, a group of men thrashed a Muslim youth at Mumbai’s Bandra Terminus railway station for going out with a Hindu girl. The videos of the assault circulating on social media show the men dragging the youth outside the railway station and beating him up while shouting “Jai Shri Ram” and “love jihad band karo [stop love jihad]”.

Other triggers:

Suspicion of theft:

On the 26th of September, Israr Wahid, a 26-year-old, was tragically tied to a pole and fatally beaten with sticks by a group of individuals in Nand Nagri, located in northeast Delhi. The brutal incident occurred under the suspicion of theft. Wahid's family asserted that he was killed over the alleged act of taking a banana from a Ganesh Chaturthi pandal in Nand Nagri. Wahid, who worked as a daily wage labourer, resided in Sunder Nagri, approximately 500 meters from the crime scene. The Nand Nagri police station registered a case, leading to the apprehension of seven suspects, including a 17-year-old minor. According to the police, all the suspects admitted to assaulting Wahid under the assumption that he was a thief. The six identified suspects were Kamal (23), Manoj (19), Mohd Yunus (20), Kishan (19), Pappu (24), and Lucky (19) (Bhandari, 2023).

Jharkhand:

Wajid Ansari, 22, a painter from Pandri village of Chanho block, was beaten to death after he entered the house of Jeevan Oraon in the nearby Mahuatoli village on 7^th April. The villagers after catching Ansari tied him to a pole and beat him, leading to his death. Two cases were registered in this regard. The first case was lodged based on the complaint from the victim’s family for murder, while the other side registered a complaint of theft (The Hindustan Times, 2023).

Haryana:

Three Muslim men were allegedly attacked in the city by different groups of youths who asked their names and objected to the clothes they were wearing. The attacks coincide with the call for a Brij Mandal Jalabhishek Yatra in Nuh on 25^th August. Nasir Hussain, a truck driver from Nuh, and his helper Ashfaq were returning home after delivering a consignment when two men in a car stopped them near Sector 65 and assaulted them for their appearance and clothes (Anand, 2023).

Madhya Pradesh:

A Muslim man was beaten up and stabbed by a group of men for some social media posts in Khandwa, Madhya Pradesh in September (The Business Standard, 2023).

Uttar Pradesh:

45-year-old aluminum trader from Moradabad city, Mohd Asim Hussain, was stripped and thrashed for nearly an hour with belts in a moving train in Uttar Pradesh by his co-passengers for allegedly sexually harassing a 20-year-old woman on 12^th January. A complaint is filed against him (Singh, 2023).

In a shocking incident in Uttar Pradesh, a man and his wife fell victim to a brutal attack with iron rods and sticks by their neighbours in Sitapur district on August 18th. Abbas and his wife, Kamrul Nisha, were allegedly murdered by individuals residing in the same village, Rajeypur, under the jurisdiction of Hargaon Police Station. The couple succumbed to the attack on the spot, and all the accused fled from the scene. The roots of the incident trace back to a few years prior when Abbas’s son had eloped with a girl from a neighbouring household. Subsequently, a case was registered, leading to Abbas’s son being incarcerated. Upon the recent release of Abbas’s son from jail, certain members of the girl’s family devised a plan to carry out the fatal attack on the couple (Times of India, 2023).

In Hapur district of UP, 25-year-old Muslim man, Irshad Mohammad was lynched on 24^th October after his bike hit a man, who was part of a group taking part in Dussehra revelry. The incident took place on the outskirts of Luhari village. Another man, Wasim, who tried to save Mohammad, also suffered injuries. Two persons are arrested (Sharma, 2023).

Role of state:

The state’s response, involving both the police and political representatives, has been inadequate and deficient on various fronts. Despite the persisting menace of mob lynching over the past few years, the state continues to assert its lack of documentation regarding the frequency of such incidents, signalling a reluctance to acknowledge the extent of this lawlessness. This absence of official records seems to mirror the government’s unwillingness to confront and address the prevalence of mob lynching, as well as those responsible for perpetuating such acts. The state’s failure to take decisive action has empowered vigilantes to target innocent citizens without fear of repercussions.

 Hate Crimes:

During the monitoring of communal violence in these recent years, CSSS has come across incidents which are communal in nature and amount to violence but can’t be classified into the definition of communal riot or mob lynching. However, these incidents of violence are vicious and significant to note here since they reflect the deep-rooted communal hatred which is motivating individuals to undertake hate crimes. Hate crime can be defined as, “any criminal offence committed by less than five individuals and is motivated by hostility or prejudice based on the victim’s religion or perceived religion. Hate crimes include amongst other things, physical assault, murder, arson, vandalism of property – public or private and of place of worship, verbal abuse or slur, incitement to hatred, creating an obstacle for the victim to observe his/her religious beliefs or threats to carry out the same.

In 2023, India witnessed a slew of such hate crimes which really mirrors the hatred and polarization the state has allowed to take roots in the minds of the individuals and the societal acceptance of the same.

Vandalism of places of worship:

Eighteen crosses and tombstones were vandalised on 8^th January, in the cemetery of Mahim's St Michael's church in Mumbai, famous for its multi-lingual Wednesday Novena prayer that draws people of all faiths. One of the oldest churches in the city, Mahim church, as it is called, originally dates back to 1534.  The police have arrested one 22-year-old man, Dawood Ansari. The crime occurred shortly after daybreak. It is alleged that Ansari entered the cemetery by climbing its wall. He was carrying a marble-like object in his hand and vandalised the crosses with it (Indian Express , 2023).

An under-construction mosque, located near the Balkhandi Naka area in the Banda district of Uttar Pradesh was vandalised by members of right-wing organisations – Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) – on 15^th February.  The Hindutva mob claimed that a second floor that was being constructed in the mosque was illegal. They threw away mosque belongings on the road resulting in a huge traffic jam. VHP district president Chandramohan Bedi alleged that the administration had given a nod for a renovation of the mosque (The Siasat Daily, 2023).

A group of miscreants vandalised the historical dargah and dome of a mosque Baba Bajrudin Shah in Uttar Pradesh's Aligarh district late on 8^th August. The incident happened at the historical dargah and mosque located in Chharra area (Khan, 2023).

Members of a rightwing group called Devbhoomi Raksha Abhiyaan demolished two mazars (tomb shrines) in Rishikesh town and broadcast their act live on social media in last week of August. In the videos members of the right wing group chanted ‘Jai Shree Ram’ before hammering the walls of a mazar erected in the backyard of a Hindu man. They deployed construction machinery to demolish the structure, and issued threats that they would raze down more religious structures of the Muslim community. The police filed a suo moto complaint against unknown persons for promoting enmity between communities and hurting religious sentiments as the video of the demolition had gone viral on social media. Darshan Bharti, founder of Devbhoomi Raksha Abhiyaan, who has claimed responsibility for the incident, has threatened that the organisation has identified 25 more mazars built inside or on lands owned by Hindus, and that his associates would demolish all of them in the days to come (Mishra, 2023).

Others:

A woman in Benguluru targeted a Muslim bus conductor in Bengaluru Metropolitan Transport Corporation (BMTC) bus for wearing a skullcap and compelled him to take it off. The one-and-a-half-minute clip shot circulated on 12^th July, by the unidentified woman shows her asking the conductor whether he can wear a skullcap when in uniform as a conductor. The conductor answers that he could probably wear it. The woman insists the conductor must remove his green cap and the conductor is seen taking it off (Indian Express, 2023)

 Tripta Tyagi, a teacher from Neha Public School in Muzzafarnagar in UP, in August, was seen in a video instructing children in her classroom to hit a Muslim student, one by one, referred to his Muslim faith, and talked pejoratively about “Mohammedan children”. She did so since the child had got multiplication tables wrong. The Muslim child is seen crying in the video that went viral while different students come forward to slap him. At one point in the video, the teacher scolded a student for not hitting him hard enough. There has been pressure on the victim’s family to compromise and not take charges against the teacher forward (Rashid, 2023).

Manjula Devi, who has been working at the Urdu Government Higher Primary School located at Tipu Nagar in Shivamogga, asked students to “go to Pakistan”, while scolding them for making noise in the classroom on 30^th August. The children conveyed the same to their parents. After complaints were raised, the School transferred the teacher to a school Hosamane Tanda in Hassan taluk. Besides that, the Department of School Education has ordered a departmental inquiry against her (The Hindu, 2023).

RPF constable Chetan Singh Chaudhary shot dead his team leader, assistant sub-inspector Tikaram Meena and three Muslim passengers in Jaipur Mumbai Central Superfast Express on July 31. He was seen by eyewitnesses firing from his rifle on the three Muslim passengers in coaches B5, S6 and the pantry – Kadarbhai Bhanpurwala, 62, Saifuddin Sayed, 43, and Azgar Abbas Ali Shaikh, 48. GRP filed a charge sheet in this case. (Sood, 2023).

In Karnataka, Mohammed Jahir, after finishing his work at a catering unit in Mangaluru, boarded a KSRTC bus from Mangaluru bound for Chikkamagaluru. He travelled by sitting next to a Christian girl, who is from the same area. The accused Nitesh was travelling in the same bus and assaulted Jahir along with his other accomplices. The Dakshina Kannada police have arrested four persons on the charge of assaulting a Jahir.

In another incident in Nuh on 20^th August, Mohammad Monis, a resident of Meerut, was attacked by two youths near a liquor store in Sector 14 (Anand, 2023). In a deeply disturbing incident in Gangavati town of Koppal district of Gujarat, a 65-year-old Muslim man named Husensab was subjected to torture by an unidentified duo. The victim filed a First Information Report (FIR) regarding the incident on November 30. According to the FIR, on the night of November 25, after returning to Gangavati from Hosapete, Husensab was waiting for an autorickshaw after having a cup of tea. At that moment, two individuals on a motorcycle approached him, inquiring about his destination and offering him a ride. However, once on the move, the duo began physically assaulting Husensab and subjected him to verbal abuse. Despite complying with their demand to chant ‘Jai Shri Ram,’ the attackers persisted in their assault. The assailants went further, breaking a beer bottle and attempting to cut Husensab’s beard with a shard of glass. When their initial attempts failed, one of them resorted to using a matchbox to set fire to his beard. Fortunately, Husensab was rescued when a few shepherds, alerted by his cries, came to his aid. The victim subsequently lodged a complaint, initiating an investigation into the distressing incident (Upadhye, 2023).

Conclusion:

In this part of the communal violence report of 2023, the authors dwelt into the aspect of physical violence. In the following parts, the authors will dwell into symbolic and structural violence to comprehend communal violence in India.

To be continued… 

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[1] We immensely thank Mithila Raut for the incredible support provided for research assistance and processing of data.

[2] More than 200 persons are killed in the ongoing Manipur conflict

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