March 27, 2017

India:All Bengal Minority Youth Federation (ABMYF) wants the bust of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman emoved from hostel and calls it 'anti-islamic'

The Hindu

‘Remove Mujibur Rahman’s bust from Kolkata hostel’
A white marble bust of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman has been installed at the Baker Hostel.Special Arrangement  

Minority body says Islam does not permit setting up of idols

Ahead of Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s visit to India next month, minority organisation All Bengal Minority Youth Federation (ABMYF) has demanded that the bust of ‘Bangabandhu’ Sheikh Mujibur Rahman be removed from the government-run Baker hostel.


Calling it “anti-Islamic”, the ABMYF’s State general secretary Md. Quamruzzaman told The Hindu that “Islam does not permit setting up of idols. Baker Hostel being a hostel for Muslim students, we think the statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman here is anti-Islamic.”
A white marble bust of Mujibur Rahman is installed at the entrance to the museum on the hostel’s third floor. It was inaugurated by then Bangladesh Foreign Minister, Dipu Mani, in 2011.
The 110 year-old-Baker hostel, which is located in central Kolkata’s Janbazar area, was home to Mujibur Rahman from 1945 to 1946. The well-maintained statue and museum here stand in stark contrast to the dark and damp corridor of the hostel.
Mr. Quamruzzaman said the statue becomes “even more objectionable” as there is a large mosque inside the hostel premises. Claiming that he was also a resident of the hostel when the museum came up, he said that he was not aware of the statue until he saw media reports on the birth anniversary of Mujibur Rahman on March 17.

Not aware, says TMC MP

Trinamool Congress MP and minority leader Idris Ali, meanwhile, said he was “not aware of the matter.” The hostel authorities, too, did not offer a comment.
The ABMYF now plans to write to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. “We will write to the Chief Minister and communicate with Ms. Sushma Swaraj through email. We have also sought an appointment with Zaki Ahad, Deputy High Commissioner of Bangladesh,” said Mr. Quamruzzaman.

The anti-Muslim pitch - Beware India! You are being led into a civil war (Apoorvanand)

The Tribune, March 27, 2017

The anti-Muslim pitch


We need to recognise it for what it truly is

The signs: A sinister plan seems afoot, not just in UP, but across India.

BEWARE India! You are being led into a civil war. Or, you are already in it. This is not a rhetorical statement. In UP, slaughterhouses are being demolished, closed down forcibly, small mutton shops are being gutted. Livelihood of thousands is under threat, that too by the orders of the government which had promised to work for all. In Jaipur, a hotel owned by a Muslim is surrounded and attacked in daylight, its employees beaten up by a mob, hotel is evacuated, sealed, the owner is hounded, the police joins the marauders. Youth are being arrested for Facebook posts on the new CM in UP.

I know what would be the reaction of many of my co-nationals. That the number of these incidents is insignificant when compared with the population of India. That Muslims can always change their food habits. Why are they stuck in the business of slaughterhouses, a cruel job? They can always find alternative ways to live. Why do they insist on eating beef, making their women wear burqa which makes them look strange and suspicious! That was the rationale behind the demand to double-check them when they come to the booths.

This is a war on the Muslims of India. It needs to be said in these very words. And the spread is wide. Thousands and thousands of Muslims in Assam are being evicted from their habitats in the name of preservation of forest lands and yet the national mind fails even to register it.

Just before the election, a 16-year-old Muslim boy is detained in a police station in Uttarakhand on the charge of abducting a Hindu girl, and is sent dead to his poor parents by the police. His murder at the hand of the state apparatus fails to make news. No cry of justice for him.

A Muslim student disappears from a university and all the media can do after five months is to discover that he had affinity for terrorists. It is not only the physical injury that hurts. It is not only a Muslim of UP who is feeling a prisoner of this nation called India. The message of the results was clear enough, but to make it stark, a man was put in charge of UP whose existence is defined by his anti-Muslim hatred. It is this insult which pains Muslims more.

It was humiliation not only for Muslim men, but Muslim women as well, when the media joined the BJP in claiming that they have taught a lesson to their men by voting for the BJP in the recent Assembly elections.

By closing down the slaughterhouses, the economic backbone of the poor Muslims is being broken. They are being forced to be slaves of the wishes of the state which itself is turning more and more Hindu with each passing day. The resolve to change the living style of Muslims could have been reported by the media two years ago, when the Home Minister asked the BSF to plug the gaps in the borders of India and Bangladesh, stop the transfer of cows to Bangladesh with the aim of making Bangladeshis forget their habit of eating beef. Can one miss the symbolism of this exhortation?

Let us not confuse it then by saying that it should not be narrowly seen as a Hindu-Muslim thing, that it is an attack on the syncretic culture of India. Let us also not compare with the attack on Adivasis in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, or on Dalits across India. This is because, as my friend Shahnawaz explains, a news of the arrest of a bearded man in some distant land does make all bearded men suspect, fit to be arrested and even lynched. The feeling of the fear of living under this ‘legitimate suspicion’ is distinctly Muslim. And we have seen Adivasis and Dalits joining anti-Muslim alliances, politically and socially. Dalits can be made Hindu and Adivasis too, it is the Muslims alone which are the last stumbling block in the project of making India a Hindu land. And since it is impossible to eliminate them totally, they need to be effectively subjugated, confined to their ghettos and disempowered, so that Indian polity is not contaminated by the Muslim touch.

That we are so reluctant to speak the ‘M’ word is itself a proof of what has changed in India. And Muslims themselves have started pleading with parties not to utter their name for it may antagonise and infuriate Hindus.

As it is, the Christians have just disappeared from our consciousness. We lack the sensibility and empathy to realise the depth of disappointment, anger and frustration of Muslims. To most of us their fears sound hallucinatory. Muslims across India have suffered multiple displacements. They do not any longer resent being ghettoised even with popular consent. But now, their psychological displacement is getting complete. While observing their present being invisiblised, they also see themselves being monumentalised and their cries and shouts drown in the celebration of these syncretic pasts, Sufi music, Taj Mahal and Lal Quila. The celebration of Urdu looks so obscene when you realise that a paper in Urdu in your possession can land you in jail.

Let us record that the educated and the media reported and exalted the pious and hard lives of the hate-mongers and murderers, that they weaved stories of their love for the animals with a singular aim to humanise and legitimise their hatred of Muslims. Why do Mulsims fail to find place in such kind hearts? The fault must lie in them.

Let us put it on record that India was pushed into this war by its ruling parties, the governments that they created and fostered disaffection towards a large section of society and stoked violence against them. Let it be recorded that the finest minds of the educated youth who form our civil services and the police collaborated in this with the murderers. Let it be said that we went about our lives unperturbed when our neighbours were doubling with pain and not allowed to scream even for it would sound a sectarian cry.

It would be a long war and we would come out of it one day, with stories of the banality of violence and our shame of participating in it and mutilated bodies.

Victims are being blamed for forging victimhood; asked to free themselves of this imaginary cage. This duplicity would be noted in some distant time. We would not be there then. But let us stand witness to what is being done on our behalf and call it by its name. That much we can do at least.

The writer is a Professor of Hindi in Delhi University

India: योगीजी धीरे-धीरे..महिलाओं के बारे में अपने विचार बदलिये - Quint Hindi

India: BJP’s spectacular success in Northeast; in 1995 RSS and affiliates had 650 units, in 2017 over 6000

The Indian Express

Behind the BJP’s spectacular success in Northeast, years of silent work by Sangh
Back in 1995, the RSS and its affiliated organisations had about 650 such units in the Northeast; today there are over 6,000.

Written by Samudra Gupta Kashyap | Updated: March 27, 2017 8:15 am

To form N Biren Singh’s government in Manipur, the BJP has risen meteorically to win 21 seats. (Source: Express Archive)

What do T Thangzalam Haokip of Henglep, Vungzagin Valte of Thanlon, V Hangkhanlian of Churachandpur, Samuel Jendai Kamei of Tamenglong and Nemcha Kipgen of Kanpokpi have been common? They are all tribals, members of the new Manipur Assembly, elected on BJP tickets. More significantly, they are all Christians, and have been elected from constituencies where almost 99% voters are Christian. The elections in Manipur have dismantled the myth that the BJP is a party that belongs to and works only for Hindus.

In Manipur, the BJP has risen meteorically to 21 seats; less than a year ago, it had swept the Assam elections, increasing its strength from 5 to 60 in the Assembly. While credit for the success in Manipur is due to a team led by Northeast Democratic Alliance (NEDA) convener and Assam minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, BJP national general secretary Ram Madhav, the young strategist Rajat Sethi, party secretary in charge of Manipur Prahlad Patel, and Assam BJP secretary Jagadish Bhuyan among others — the party also owes is remarkable showing to the work carried out silently by a number of organisations of the Sangh Parivar, some of whom have been working in 100% Christian areas in the Manipur hills.

“It is a fact that the BJP worked hard. But one must also remember that various Sangh wings have been working very hard for years, both in the Imphal Valley as well as the surrounding hill districts,” Jagdamba Mall, a veteran RSS organiser who has spent 40 years in Nagaland and was deputed to Manipur for the elections, said. “Tribal people, irrespective of their religious faith, particularly trust and respect our welfare programmes. This trust was definitely converted to votes,” Mall said. As many as 15 organisations affiliated to the Sangh have been active in Manipur, some for over three decades. “All the good work these wings have done have paid dividends,” said Shankar Das, prachar pramukh of the RSS’s Uttar Assam prant, which covers most of Assam, and the whole of Nagaland and Meghalaya. Instead of openly campaigning for the BJP, the RSS wings focused on getting people out on polling day. “When you go from door to door, house to house and village to village asking voters to come out early, the message not only becomes clear, it also gets translated,” Das said.

Organisations like Sewashram, Ekal Vidyalaya, Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, Sewa Bharati, Kisan Sangha, ABVP, Vidya Bharati, Friends of Tribal Society or Van Bandhu Parishad, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bharatiya Jan Seva Sansthan, Bharat Kalyan Pratishthan, Bal Sanskar Kendra, and the Rashtriya Shaikshik Mahasangh have been running formal and informal education units across Manipur, and have had some impact, especially on the parents of children attending these centres. “You should not be surprised if you find children of some so-called extremist leaders of Nagaland attending English-medium schools run by a Sangh wing,” said one RSS worker who belongs to Maharashtra but has spent over 20 years in the Northeast.

Back in 1995, the RSS and its affiliated organisations had about 650 such units in the Northeast; today there are over 6,000. The number of Ekal Vidyalayas is said to have crossed the 3,000 mark. The RSS has over 120 shakhas and mandalis in Manipur alone, and its Ekal Vidyalayas — though restricted to the Imphal Valley — have touched a large number of families. “We have not only promoted Indian culture, but have also successfully driven home the point that Manipuri culture is an inseparable part of it,” said Kedar Kulkarni, who has recently moved to Manipur after having served for several years in Nagaland. And while the illegal influx of Bangladeshis resonates across the region, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat had, during a recent visit to Manipur, declared that the problems of the state were the problems of the entire nation.

The BJP’s alliance with the Naga People’s Front (NPF) in neighbouring Nagaland — which had not gone down well with the Meiteis because the NSCN (IM) includes parts of Manipur in its Nagalim map — too contributed to the BJP’s victory. Although the Congress initially gained some ground among Meitei and non-Naga voters of Manipur underlining the central government’s signing of the Framework Agreement with the NSCN (IM), a sizeable section of Meiteis later changed mind, with the RSS playing a role in persuading them. “We have been focusing for long on the patriotism and nationalism of the Manipuri people,” Mall said. The membership of the RSS has been increasing in the Hindu-majority areas of Assam. In the Imphal Valley, Arunachal Pradesh and Tripura, the Sangh’s organisational structure has grown from 2 divisions until 2013 to 4 now.

Veterans in the RSS strongly believe that Manipur is just the beginning of the realisation of their potential in the hill states, and more is in store. The number of workers in Tripura has doubled in just a year, and with Assembly elections likely in February 2018, the BJP could give the ruling Left Front a run for its money. The RSS is also working to prepare the ground for the BJP in Meghalaya, another Christian-majority state that goes to polls early next year. Various Sangh wings are fast adding units, and last year, over 300 RSS cadres — mostly from the Khasi and Jaintia communities — paraded through Shillong in khaki shorts and white shirts, holding sticks. The BJP already has an ally in Conrad Sangma’s National People’s Party, which has a strong base in western Meghalaya — what it needs now is the help of the RSS’s wings to reach out rapidly in the eastern region of the state.

BJP's 'congress mukt bharat' project - employing all greedy turncoats and defectors from Congress

The Telegraph - March 27 , 2017

Party without a difference

- The BJP has adopted the dirty tricks of the Congress of yore

Greener pastures

In the pursuit of power and pelf, many a politician has dispensed with ideological commitment or just plain idealism - provided they had either to begin with. Even so, the spectacle that unfolded at the conference hall of the Bharatiya Janata Party headquarters at 11 Ashoka Road last week would make the skin of the most hard-boiled cynic crawl.

Sporting well-coiffed locks that would make much younger men proud and displaying an obsequiousness to his new masters that would make medieval serfs squirm, S.M. Krishna joined the BJP on March 22, having quit the Congress party after a 46-year-long association a few weeks earlier.

Announcing his decision to resign from the Congress on January 29 this year, Krishna had lamented: "No party where age and experience is not valued will have a great future."

The Congress's future certainly looks bleak and no one would be surprised if a politically ambitious young man or woman chose to jump ship midstream. Rats, after all, are not the only creatures to leave a sinking ship in the hope of clambering up on to a more stable craft that may take them to better shores.

Still, there was something truly pathetic about Krishna's crossover. Here was an 84-year-old man, well into the twilight of his life, who had got everything any politician could dream of from his parent party, still greedy for more.

In his four-and-a-half-decade long stint with the Congress, the Karnataka veteran had not been a faceless cog of the party machine but a member of the legislative assembly who had served both as Speaker and then chief minister of the state. Moving on to the national stage, he was elected to the Lok Sabha three times, given two terms in the Rajya Sabha, the governorship of Maharashtra and the coveted post of external affairs minister - one among the 'big four' portfolios - in the United Progressive Alliance government.

Krishna made a point to mention that last one even though his stint at the foreign ministry is best remembered for the gaffe he made at the United Nations security council when he began reading out the Portuguese foreign minister's speech mistaking it for his own. At that time, the BJP pilloried him mercilessly, describing his goof-up as "laughable proof" of a "directionless" government.

All that was forgotten last Wednesday when Krishna claimed, "As foreign minister for three years, I know that India has reached a stage where other nations are jealous of the way India has emerged and re-emerged and it is all because of the leadership of Shri Narendra Modiji and Shri Amit Shahji."

Amit Shah, who has so far been feted only for his skills at winning domestic elections, beamed at this rare bow to his international stature and returned the compliment with alacrity. Welcoming Krishna into the BJP fold, Shah said the erstwhile Congress leader's "spotless" political career would strengthen the BJP not just in Karnataka but also in the country as a whole.

Shah seemed to indicate that Krishna's late-life switch would not go in vain. Modi may have no place for old men in his own party, with 75 being the cut-off age for becoming minister or chief minister. But there are always governorships to hand out and a Raj Bhavan would do just fine for Krishna even if it doesn't quite measure up to a Lutyens' bungalow.

If Krishna's switch has the ring of low comedy, the BJP's readiness to welcome every defector that comes its way reflects the Modi-Shah combine's unrelenting drive for complete domination over India's polity any which way, every which way.

For the BJP's hard-core support base, Modi's goal of a 'Congress- mukt Bharat' is a code that signifies the replacement of the Congress's ideals of secularism, pluralism, openness and diversity with a muscular majoritarianism that brooks no dissent.

But the 'Congress- mukt' mantra appealed to a much wider audience because 'Congress culture' had acquired a pejorative and putrid flavour over the years. As the 'natural party of governance' for several decades, the Congress got embedded with all the ugly accoutrements that unchallenged power tends to attract. The idealism that it represented before Independence gradually ebbed as it turned into a patronage network, a magnet for all kinds of power seekers. Corruption, venality, opportunism, cynical manipulation and reckless misuse of institutions came to be associated with the party - not least because political power and the Congress were seen to be synonymous.

The BJP claimed to be different - not just ideologically but also in terms of its core characteristics. With 'character building' being the self-proclaimed goal of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the BJP cadre schooled in RSS shakhas have always made much of their four Cs: chaal (behaviour), charitra (character), chehra (image) and chintan (thinking.) If lust for power and greed for wealth guided the politics of an average Congressman, loyalty and commitment were the hallmarks of the BJP member, they insisted.

In recent weeks, that façade has fallen off with a rapidity that has taken even BJP loyalists by surprise. Despite having a brute majority at the Centre and in many states, and in spite of the vast cadre network of the RSS, the BJP leadership has now acquired such an insatiable desire for total control that it thinks nothing of rewarding defectors from the Congress and other parties in the hope of attracting more opportunist turncoats.

In Uttarakhand, for instance, although the BJP won a three-fourths majority, five of the seven cabinet ministers in the Trivendra Singh Rawat government are Congress rebels who crossed over to the BJP - some as recently as a few months ago. In Uttar Pradesh, too, Rita Bahuguna Joshi was given a cabinet post - her 'Congress culture' wiped out the minute she joined the BJP.

Apart from embracing Congress turncoats, the BJP had no qualms about cynically using Raj Bhavans and engineering across the board defections to grab power. If two men were responsible for the victories in UP and Uttarakhand, two women - Najma Heptulla and Mridula Sinha - delivered the states of Manipur and Goa to the BJP, both showing scant regard for constitutional procedures and norms, not even bothering with the formality of inviting the leader of the single largest party to form the government.

As the most dominant party in India today, the BJP is in a far better position to cajole and co-opt smaller parties, or coerce and crush them. So it could have easily formed governments in Panjim and Imphal - even though the Congress was the single largest in both states - by voting out a minority Congress government on the floor of the assembly. But the party was in such a tearing hurry to prop up governments made up of defectors that it did not bother with such formalities.

BJP apologists cited past Congress precedents to justify the brazen bribe-and-grab tactics, unmindful yet again of the irony that a party wedded to the cause of a 'Congress- mukt' polity thinks nothing of adopting discredited Congress tactics, which the Grand Old Party itself jettisoned quite some time ago.

As the BJP, in its haste to acquire absolute power, adopts all the dirty tricks associated with the Congress party of yore, the Congress should rejoice at the exit of the Krishnas, Joshis, Bahugunas and Biren Singhs from its ranks. Back in 1920, Mahatma Gandhi transformed the Congress from an elite forum to a mass party by offering 'four -anna' membership to anyone committed to a long struggle for a distant goal. Nearly a hundred years later, it may seem impossible to revive that same spirit of idealism. But the exodus of greedy time-servers certainly makes the slim chance of revival just a little brighter.

Choice of Yogi Adityanath as Uttar Pradesh chief minister stirs concerns within sections of the international community that civic tensions may deepen in India

The Telegraph, March 27, 2017

Yogi blips on radar of envoys
- Amid signs of civic strife, some diplomats express concern about CM pick and its message

A performer takes a selfie with Modi at an event organised on Sunday at the Delhi residence of Union minister M Venkaiah Naidu on the occasion of Telugu New Year Ugadi. (PTI)

New Delhi, March 26: The congratulatory messages for Prime Minister Narendra Modi from international leaders flowed in for a week after the BJP's landslide victory in Uttar Pradesh.

That trend stalled on the evening of March 18 when Yogi Adityanath was unveiled as Uttar Pradesh chief minister.

The choice has stirred concerns within sections of the international community that civic tensions may deepen in the region's most stable country, diplomats from six countries separately told The Telegraph. The diplomats spoke to the newspaper when the controversy over abattoirs in Uttar Pradesh had just broken but before it had assumed the current proportions.

Reports of sporadic resistance to a drive to shut down abattoirs and an apparent argument over the issue leading to at least one murder are trickling in from various places in Uttar Pradesh. Meat sellers across the state have threatened an indefinite strike from tomorrow and fish vendors are also said to be in favour of joining the agitation.

None of these countries, the diplomats said, wanted to prejudge the new chief minister's work in Uttar Pradesh, and remained hopeful that Modi would ensure that a stable investment climate continue as the most prominent emblem of India's economic rise globally.

But Adityanath's anointment has tempered the initial confidence with which many foreign offices read the BJP's victory as a catalyst for greater political stability and easier investments, the diplomats said.

Sections within the Indian foreign policy establishment too are concerned that Adityanath's history - he has repeatedly targeted Muslims in his speeches and faces charges of rioting - could embolden New Delhi's critics within the international community.

Even isolated hate crimes in Uttar Pradesh, an Indian official said, could be linked to Adityanath and used to portray India as a tinderbox. Amnesty International has already demanded that Adityanath "publicly retract" his comments against Muslims.

"Indian parties do not choose their politicians with a view to what the world might conclude, but there is no denying the signal this pick sends," Alyssa Ayres, former US deputy assistant secretary of state for South Asia, has written for the Washington-based Council for Foreign Relations, where she is now a senior fellow. "With a huge mandate, the BJP has decided to lead with the face of religious nationalism - not the forward-looking, twenty-first century face of the New India - in their most important state."

For some countries, like Nepal, Adityanath's history of aggressively supporting the restoration of the monarchy there complicates an already tricky relationship with traditional friend India.

Diplomats in the New Delhi missions of at least two countries in India's immediate neighbourhood have rushed cables home to alert headquarters about Adityanath's history.

Despite their misgivings over the pace of reforms under Modi, most foreign diplomats here acknowledge that the Prime Minister's emphasis on the "ease of doing business" has improved the Indian investment climate.

Modi's Make in India initiative - aimed at transforming the country into a manufacturing hub - has had only limited success so far. But in some sectors like defence, the US, France, Russia and Israel - India's biggest partners - have either demonstrated interest or have already begun investing in projects here.

"The Modi government has prioritised economic growth to fulfil its electoral promises and to address the Indian electorate's high expectations," the US state department's bureau of economic and business affairs wrote in a July 2016 report.

"However, the government has been slow to propose other economic reforms that would match its rhetoric, and many of the reforms it did propose have struggled to pass through Parliament."

But the perceptions about an improved investment climate are deeply linked to political stability and the limited acts of political violence.

"There have been no significant incidents involving political violence (under Modi as Prime Minister)," the state department report said.

Many foreign investors and their countries have for years lamented the challenges they face navigating India's multi-party system, and the BJP's massive electoral wins this month appeared to have eased those worries.

On March 13, the Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi, Sheikh Mohammad bin Zayed al Nahyan - who was chief guest at this year's Republic Day - dialled Modi to congratulate him for the victories.

Over the next five days, French President Francois Hollande, Qatar Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al Thani and Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak called up Modi to congratulate him.

Former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper also called Modi to offer "felicitations" - and Hollande's predecessor Nicolas Sarkozy, who was visiting, met the Indian Prime Minister late morning on March 18 to congratulate him.

But hours later, the BJP picked Adityanath as their chief minister in Uttar Pradesh, sparking a scramble within foreign embassies here to research the new state leader and then the stirrings of worry.

One senior diplomat from a European Union member state, posted here, said his first reaction on reading up about Adityanath online was: "Really? This guy?"

Another European diplomat said the EU had long recognised India's plurality as among its biggest strengths - but also a source of potential vulnerability at times of internal strife.

"The security of India also largely depends on ethnic and religious stability, as the country is home to a large variety of ethnic and religious groups," a September 2016 European Parliament report on India-EU relations said.

Many EU member state governments, the second European diplomat said, had overridden domestic concerns from human rights lobbies to aggressively embrace Modi, based on his commitment to fast economic growth as a principal goal. Ambassadors here lobbied for greater investments in India.

With Adityanath's elevation as chief minister, he said, that "faith" had taken the tiniest of dents.

It is unlikely that the Indian foreign policy establishment is unaware of the perceptions. Which is why, perhaps, the foreign office did not take kindly to the critical opinion by The New York Times last week on Adityanath's anointment.

India: Gujarat student clash turns communal, one dead (report on indianexpress.com)

By: Express News Service | Ahmedabad | Published:March 26, 2017
One person was killed and at least 12 were injured in a clash between two communities at Vadavali village in Gujarat’s Patan district following a scuffle between two students of Class 10 after their Board exams. Sources said the two students were climbing down the stairs in their school after their exams when one of them fell. This led to an argument that turned physical and other students joined in.
According to Additional DGP Tirth Raj, the students alerted villagers and soon, a mob of around 5,000 people attacked the Muslim residents of Vadavali village,