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Showing posts with label West Bengal. Show all posts
Showing posts with label West Bengal. Show all posts

May 21, 2024

India: The Shifting Trajectories of Hindutva - Bharat Sevashram Sangha and the Making of a Saffron Wave in Contemporary West Bengal | Koushiki Dasgupta

 Studies in indian Politics, Volume 11, Issue 2

https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230231203769

Abstract

This article strives to explore the ways in which the politics of Hindutva, as represented by the Sangh Parivar, permeated new organizational and ideological spaces in Bengal following the Lok Sabha election of 2014. The article specifically delves into the case of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha, a significant Hindu spiritual and philanthropic entity in Bengal. The Bharat Sevashram Sangha and the Sangh-Parivar represent distinct but interconnected manifestations of the broader Hindutva ideology. With a focus on the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s position on the configuration of Hindutva, this article revolves around deciphering the intricate interplay between religion and politics within the context of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s engagement with the Hindu right-wing organizations. Moreover, the article seeks to unveil how the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s spiritual and cultural visions converged with a strategic political consciousness and potentially paved the way for the emergence of new opportunities for right-wing political forces within the state.

 



March 07, 2024

Sandeshkhali, the untold story [dont read Hindu-Mulsim into it] | Dwaipayan Bhattacharyya (The Hindu, March 5, 2024)

The Hindu

Sandeshkhali, the untold story

Sandeshkhali is an apt example of franchisee politics, told through two compelling and powerful narratives

March 05, 2024 12:57 am | Updated 08:17 am IST

‘Sandeshkhali quintessentially reflects the crisis of a model of governance’

‘Sandeshkhali quintessentially reflects the crisis of a model of governance’ | Photo Credit: The Hindu

There are two routes to Sandeshkhali in West Bengal. One takes you through a Hindu-Muslim divide. The other through the acquisition-deprivation divide. Both stories are compelling and powerful.

In the first story, the name of the villain is Trinamool leader Sheikh Shahjahan, and the victims are the Hindu women. The story fits into the long tale of Muslim attacks on the hapless Hindu whenever and wherever the Hindu is weak or in a minority, be it in Bangladesh, Pakistan or places such as Sandeshkhali. The strength of this story reinforces a sweeping narrative that has gained traction in West Bengal in recent years, restoring the festering wounds of Partition. The problem is that in Sandeshkhali the story is not only partial but also false. [  . . .  ]

 https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/sandeshkhali-the-untold-story/article67914009.ece

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see full image of the article here

October 13, 2021

India: ‘Bengal CPM did not see BJP threat or communalism’ - Sobhan Lal Dattagupta in The Telegraph, Oct 13, 2021

 "That the West Bengal CPM’s stand on BJP and Trinamul was at variance with the line of the central committee was made unambiguously clear by Sitaram Yechury in his recent statement and in the stand taken by the central leadership of the party. While these criticisms have led the West Bengal CPM to admit it was wrong to coin the “Bijemul” slogan and, thereby, virtually equate the TMC with the BJP, I’m not sure whether this necessarily is a sign of a serious rethinking within the party in West Bengal.

In fact, this is related to a larger question. The West Bengal Left, in general, has been prone to believe that the virus of communalism has been predominantly absent from the Bengali psyche and that this is explained by Bengal’s cultural heritage. Consequently, it has never taken into consideration the apparently invisible undercurrent of communalism that flows through the veins of the average Bengali.
This led to a feeling of complacence in regard to the threat of the BJP and its consequent underestimation. In other words, there is no use in simply admitting that a mistake was committed unless appropriate corrective measures are adopted.
As regards the possibility of an all-India anti-BJP alliance where the TMC and the Left can join hands, there is nothing unusual about it. This can certainly happen because of the situational compulsion. The process has already started at the central level although there are many knotty issues to be resolved involving Congress-TMC-Left equations.", said Prof Sobhanlal Datta Gupta in an interview to Telegraph.

‘Bengal CPM did not see BJP threat or communalism’

April 26, 2021

Historical Roots of the Rise of Hindutva in West Bengal | Monobina Gupta, (India Forum, April 23, 2021)

Historical Roots of the Rise of Hindutva in West Bengal

Monobina Gupta

April 07, 2021

India: Dike Dike Hao Hushiar - Beware of the Communal Crocodile [ Song in Bangla] April 2021


 

India: Bengal is in the throes of unalloyed bigotry | Sankarshan Thakur (The Telegraph, 07 April 2021)

 The Telegraph

07 April 2021      E-paper



The air’s changing

STATE OF PLAY | Bengal is in the throes of unalloyed bigotry
Representational image.

Sankarshan Thakur   |     |   Published 07.04.21, 12:11 AM

One afternoon three or so years ago, I stepped out of our Calcutta offices for a smoke and a shot of bhaanr (earthen cup) coffee. Within earshot from where I stood is a small shrine to Hanuman that hugs the corpulent trunk of a banyan. The neighbourhood is a busy wholesale warren, scores pay obeisance to the deity as they pass by. That afternoon, a quite unusual devotee had arrived below the banyan. He wore a saffron shirt and a tilak emblazoned across his temple. There was a swagger to his manner. He hadn’t arrived to pray, he was hectoring the mahant of the shrine, a quiet, wizened man always turned out in dhoti and kurta. He sat there, in his implacable little space, hearing out what sounded more and more like a burst of bluster. Paraphrased, this is what the mahant was being told: the colour of the shrine is all wrong, it needs to be saffron, not white; it needs ornate lighting and it needs a loudspeaker which can drown out the azaan call that routinely rings out from a nearby mosque; it needs activity, bhajan and kirtan, some action. This was no way to run the affairs of a temple, help was required to assert its presence and help was at hand; “Panditji, kaho to log bhijwaaben? (Should I send men, Panditji?)” At this point, the elder could take it no more. He shed his calm and barked back: “Yeh Bangaal hai, aur yeh pracheen mandir aisehi rahega jaise rahaa hai, yahan tumahara hukmarani nahin chalega! Prasad lo aur badho aage!” (This is Bengal, and this is an old temple, it will run as it has run in the past. Your diktat will not work here, receive your prasad and carry on!) The visitor, most likely a sangh apparatchik out to push his authority, hovered a moment on the dare, then turned and picked his way.

Three weeks ago, I was in central Calcutta again, in the vicinity of the Hanuman shrine, in a similarly busy lane opening on Dharmatala. I saw a febrile chant stampede across the streets: ‘Jai Shri Ram! Jai Shri Ram!’ There was nothing like a prayer to the intonation of it; it was the bellicose outcry of assertion and arrival. It reminded me instantly of that afternoon three years ago, and it made me wonder if the mahant under the banyan would still be able to bark back in the face of the new refrain strutting the streets: “Yeh Bangaal hai!” If at all iterated, his riposte would sooner be drowned than heard in today’s Bengal.

Bengal is changing, or it already has; it isn’t the Bangaal the old mahant was invoking. We shouldn’t have to wait for the outcome of the assembly elections to acknowledge or understand that change. If Dharmatala is ready to echo the sectarian rabble-rousing of the northern heartland, something has changed, and it is not a fleeting change that will arrive and depart with election season. There is an unspoken, but probably well and widely understood, code to the ‘asol poribartan’ being promised — ‘real change’. It’s akin to the promise of ‘achchhe din’ whose distillation we all now know is unalloyed bigotry. Bengal is in the throes of it. It is a change that will leave much more than merely the banyan tree mahant censored.

I hope Bengal understands the meaning of it; I fear that it may not. I fear, even more deeply and despairingly, that it actually does. That a securely buried demon seed from the past has been watered, and coaxed to sprout. And that such sprouting has become, tragically, a vociferously celebrated thing. Do more Partitions await Bengal? Or, to put it more bluntly, are Bengalis happy to build welcome arches to another one? And if so, where do they intend to sow the walls? And how many?

I am not a Bengali, and I must seek pardon for affecting familiarity. I belong to a benighted neighbourhood called Bihar. Biharis have bestowed upon themselves the extreme poverty of pride, we are perhaps to Bengal what Sudama was to Krishna. But one of the things I did for the longest time take pride in was that Biharis were not sectarian about the daily conduct of their lives. There were flaming hiccups of infamy, of course — Bihar Sharif, Nawada, Bhagalpur. It cannot be said faith does not turn Biharis to bigotry; it often does, but the bouts came, most often, with a post-script of shame and apology. I come from a north Bihar village called Singhwara, which is twin to Paigambarpur. My grandfather’s most fulfilled afternoons were the afternoons on which he and Bachcha Mian from Paigambarpur would share a sip of tea and savories. Our rides home from the nearest railhead would always be on Wajib Mian’s open Willys. Singhwara households, even to this day, fetch their mutton from Daroga Mian and Ghafoor and Saddam, who have succeeded their father in the trade. But none of that is to suggest that cracks haven’t opened on either side of which we whisper unspeakable things and bear dark mistrusts. There were always walls, but there existed conversation across them. They shuddered when bricks began to be prised away for a project of ‘nationalist sentiment’. A few years down the line, all came asunder, but because it was patently a thing of sectarian pathology and hatred, it was no thing of pride.

When I arrived in Calcutta to work more than a quarter of a century ago, I discovered my world, shattered and shaken by what had befallen Bhagalpur in 1989, suddenly rejuvenated. The Calcutta street was the reconjuring of home. I discovered a city willing to embrace beyond distinction of class, creed, and tongue. Perhaps I was wrong even then, perhaps what I perceived was a delusional invention of desire. But it was real and tactile too, make no mistake. The lordly rested in their mansions, north and south of Park Street, but the lungi-clad daily wager looked no less lordly snoozing away a sweltering afternoon on the back of his cart, or bathing with abandon on the many hydrants that gurgle along the city’s streets. They earned a half a penny worth but they were afforded to believe themselves no less worthy. I hope I don’t sound like I am patronizing poverty; I merely wish to say pelf isn’t a precondition to pride, and Calcutta breathed that almost surreal egalitarianism. Perhaps it still does, but it is no longer possible to be sure. Can it be said for certain that the impulse convulsing across Bengal is an impulse that answers to humanity? Is it an impulse that sings the song Bengal’s great sons have bequeathed mankind? Is it not an impulse amplifying the chasm between shei samay and ei samay? Can anybody be certain that in the run-up to these elections the humanity that was Calcutta has remained a living thing, or not come under assault?

I wonder, and I have spoken from the heart; I am told that requires, in New India, an apology.

sankarshan.thakur@abp.in

March 31, 2021

2021 West Bengal Polls: many left workers make the ideological shift to the right-wing party | report by Parth MN (Al Jazeera, 31 March 2021)

 al jazeera

Why ex-communists are joining Modi’s BJP in India’s West Bengal

With assembly polls under way, many left workers make the ideological shift to the right-wing party, which has never ruled the state.

A BJP supporter with his body painted gestures during an election rally addressed by India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Kolkata [Dibyangshu Sarkar/AFP]
A BJP supporter with his body painted gestures during an election rally addressed by India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Kolkata [Dibyangshu Sarkar/AFP]

Nadia, West Bengal, India – Kumaresh Adhikari became a political activist much before turning 18 – the age when you can vote in an Indian election.

In his teens, he would plaster the walls in his village in India’s eastern West Bengal state with posters of the party he believed in as he mobilised more activists to join the ranks.

Five decades later, at 71, his commitment towards galvanising public support for political mobilisation has not changed. However, his political affiliation has.

Adhikari, who once worked for the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPM) is today a campaigner for the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Modi’s BJP, which has never won power in West Bengal, has emerged as the main challenger in an eight-phase state legislative assembly election that started last week and will end on April 29. Results will be declared on May 2.

Adhikari, who lives in a remote village located near India’s eastern border with Bangladesh, explains why he now sits on the right of India’s ideological spectrum even though he started his journey with the left.

“The communists spoke up for the poor. I came from a poor family so I identified with them,” he said, sitting across his furniture shop in Kadipur village in Nadia district, about 120 kilometres (74 miles) northeast of state capital, Kolkata.

“So many years have gone by, but I am still poor. The CPM did not create enough jobs. They did little to alleviate poverty. Just look at my village.”

Adhikari quit CPM to join BJP ahead of state elections this year [Parth MN/Al Jazeera]
The left front – of which CPM is the main party – ruled West Bengal for 34 consecutive years from 1977 to 2011 – one of the longest-elected communist governments to rule in any part of the world.

Adhikari’s Kadipur village falls in Krishnaganj constituency, which the CPM represented in the state assembly for all of those 34 years before Trinamool Congress (TMC), led by its firebrand chief Mamata Banerjee, came to power in 2011.

‘From left to Lord Ram’

West Bengal has a long history of political violence, with the large CPM cadre accused of attacking opponents, often fatally, during their decades of rule.

After the TMC came to power in 2011, the brunt of the new governing party’s brute force was borne by the left by workers such as Adhikari.

“I have been tied to a pole and tortured by TMC goons,” he told Al Jazeera. “The CPM became so weak so quickly after they lost power that they could no longer protect activists like me.”

For him, joining BJP was a matter of survival. “BJP is a force in India and they have the resources and might. I had to join them for survival in 2014. There are many like me,” he said.

As West Bengal goes through another election, the trend of left workers and voters deserting the party to join the Hindu nationalist BJP continues to be seen across the state – a phenomenon locally described as “Vaam se Ram” (From the left to Hindu god Ram).

BJP supporters wearing Modi masks gather for a rally addressed by the Indian leader in Kolkata [Bikas Das/AP]
The reasons behind the trend are multifold: desperation to protect themselves from attacks by TMC workers; fatigue after decades of CPM dominance; little potential for growth in a party seen as redundant; and, most importantly, the Hindu supremacist campaign run by the BJP and its ideological mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), in the state.

Inspired by the rise of Nazism in Europe, the RSS was formed in 1925 and aims to create an ethnic Hindu state in India by denying other minorities, mainly Muslims, their political rights.

After their induction into the BJP, many former CPM workers Al Jazeera talked to in West Bengal said they undertook a training programme conducted by Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), a far-right RSS affiliate accused of attacking Muslims and Christians across the country, to help them make the ideological shift.

The fresh BJP recruits said they were told by the VHP about the importance of “prioritising Hindus” and how Muslims were involved in the smuggling of cows, which many Hindus consider sacred.

Somen Ghosh runs a cybercafe in Krishnaganj constituency [Parth MN/Al Jazeera]
Somen Ghosh, 33, used to be a prominent activist with the CPM’s student body in Krishnaganj. He says he has spent the past year looking after 250 cows seized by India’s Border Security Force (BSF).

“The cows were being smuggled by Muslims and BSF caught it,” he said. “But someone has to look after the cows. As a Hindu, it is my duty.”

Political aspiration is also a reason behind left workers joining India’s governing party.

Rita Biswas, 40, who worked with the CPM for 10 years between 2001 and 2011, said she joined the right-wing party in 2018 because she wanted to become a respected political activist in her constituency.

“I got nowhere working with the CPM,” she said. “They expect you to toil without any personal returns. Why is it wrong to harbour personal ambitions?”

A resident of Ghugurgasi, another village in the Krishnaganj constituency, Biswas runs a self-help group for women. She says she also has to protect herself from the “hooliganism of TMC workers”.

“My husband is a migrant labourer. He is mostly working out of the village. I need to think about me and my family’s safety.”

Biswas said she joined BJP because she wanted to become a respected political activist in her constituency [Parth MN/Al Jazeera]
West Bengal opposition leaders and voters were often attacked or threatened by CPM workers during their long rule.

“Mamata Banerjee was one of them,” said Mohammad Reyaz, a Kolkata-based academic and political commentator.

“Therefore, when she came to power, she did not allow any opposition to thrive. There are villages in Bengal where CPM offices were never allowed to open after 2011. The BJP provided an alternative to the CPM cadre and voters being pushed to the margins.”

Election data supports Reyaz’s claim. Between the state polls in 2016 and the national election in 2019, the CPM’s vote share in West Bengal dwindled from 26.6 percent to 7.5 percent. At the same time, the BJP’s vote share rose from 10.16 percent to 40.7 percent.

The Jangalmahal region, once a left-wing bastion with a large tribal population and one of the state’s most underdeveloped areas, has seen an overwhelming shift to the BJP since 2009.

Jangalmahal consists of six West Bengal districts – Purulia, West Bardhaman, Bankura, Birbhum, Jhargram and West Medinipur – and shares the state’s western border with neighbouring Odisha and Jharkhand states.

BJP, which had little electoral presence in this region, has virtually wiped out CPM now.

The left workers think they can enable the vote share of BJP and then get it back once the TMC is out of the way. But it does not work like that.

Ayesha Khatun, left politician

Kalicharan Shaw, who works for the BJP’s media cell in West Bengal, said the shift from left to right in West Bengal has little to do with ideology.

“Ideology largely works with the urban, elite electorate, which is still voting for the left,” he said. “The situation in rural areas is different. For them, representation matters.”

Shaw said the left had West Bengal for 34 years but the party was “dominated by upper castes” among the Hindus.

“The state has a significant population of scheduled castes, backward castes and scheduled tribes. They are our biggest vote bank because the left never nurtured or produced a leader from these communities,” he said.

Beginning of end

The tectonic shift away from the left, however, came in 2007 at Nandigram, a town 130 kilometres (81 miles) south of Kolkata, when the government led by Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee wanted to acquire farmland to develop a special economic zone.

But the farmers, backed by opposition leaders, protested the acquisition. To break up the agitation, left-wing cadres allegedly attacked the site. Official records showed 14 deaths, but more than 100 people were said to be missing. Allegations of rape were also made.

The Nandigram incident marked the beginning of the end for the left in West Bengal. In the last national election held in 2019, it drew a blank. In 2014, it won just two out of 42 seats.

However, Mohammad Salim, a senior CPM leader, said the situation in West Bengal has changed in the past two years.

“During the coronavirus-induced lockdown, TMC and BJP were nowhere to be seen,” he told Al Jazeera. “We were in the streets, fighting for those struggling with economic hardships.”

Salim said the CPM is still raising the issues of students, women and farmers in the current election. “But the media is ignoring it. We have analysed our failures and you will see a rejuvenated CPM in the upcoming elections,” he said.

On the ground, though, the reality appears to be different. For a party that dominated the Jangalmahal region for years, its presence today is strikingly underwhelming as flags and posters of other political parties drown out the CPM campaign.

Sadanand Singh said the condition of workers has not changed much in West Bengal [Parth MN/Al Jazeera]
At a brick kiln in one of the remote villages of Purulia district, none of the labourers Al Jazeera talked to said they would vote for the CPM.

Sadanand Singh, 37, and his wife Dipali, 28, toiling in the twilight in Dabra village, said their families traditionally voted for the CPM, but the next generation has moved away.

“The condition of workers like me did not change much,” said Sadanand. “When TMC came around, we gave them a chance. But that party also turned out to be disappointing. Now, we have a new option in BJP. We should try that out too.”

The prospects of a rising BJP, which had little say in West Bengal until 2016, has made several West Bengal observers nervous. The party, heading the federal government since 2014, has been accused of throttling freedom of expression, jailing its critics, and persecuting the minorities, mainly Muslims, who constitute more than 14 percent of the country’s population.

In Bengal, Muslims form nearly 30 percent of its population, raising concerns over the BJP gaining a strong foothold in the state.

But critics say the CPM also failed to stop communal forces from entering West Bengal by ignoring the right-wing party. Instead, the CPM were bent on defeating the TMC in the 2019 election.

In the elections that year, CPM supporters were seen campaigning alongside BJP candidates with saffron flags, while the left-wing party’s leaders were said to be aware of the transfer of their vote to the BJP.

Former West Bengal Chief Minister and CPM stalwart, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, had reportedly warned against this trend. “There is no use in leaping from a TMC frying pan into the BJP’s fireplace,” he had said.

Ayesha Khatun, 50, who was the left-wing coalition’s candidate in 2014 and 2019 national polls from Rampurhat in Birbhum district, expanded on the “mistake” committed by the communists in propping up the BJP to defeat the TMC.

“The left workers think they can enable the vote share of BJP and then get it back once the TMC is out of the way,” she told Al Jazeera. “But it does not work like that. The public is not a property of anyone’s father.”

Source: Al Jazeera

March 18, 2021

India: How BJP uses gods and icons of marginalised communities in Bengal | Badri Narayan

How BJP uses gods and icons of marginalised communities in Bengal and elsewhere to draft them into Hindutva politics

It has turned the heterogeneity of Hindu culture into its strength

Written by Badri Narayan
Updated: March 18, 2021 8:58:29 am

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to visit the Matua temple at Orkandi later this month when he travels to Dhaka. He had also started his 2019 election campaign in West Bengal by seeking the blessing of Boro Maa, the head of Matua sect. The Matua is one of the largest Dalit communities of West Bengal, which migrated from East Bengal after Partition. Similarly, the party invokes Lord Birsa Munda (Bhagwan Birsa) in the Adivasi belt these days. In Bengal, we see the BJP constantly extending its political influence by assimilating left-out and marginal communities in various ways. These actions point to the BJP’s attempts to expand its footprint by including new gods and goddesses in its pantheon. [ . . . ]

https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/narendra-modi-bjp-hindutva-politics-7233187/

 

Written by Badri Narayan |

 

March 15, 2021

India: Communalisation of Politics in West Bengal - Religion and the Public Sphere | Anindya Sekhar Purakayastha (EPW, April 2018)

 .. one can see the growing saffronisation of the Bengali public sphere with Ram Navami and Hanuman Jayanti celebrations being organised amidst violent political fanfare…” What does it imply for the future of politics in Bengal?

https://t.co/B4cVZA8HCP?amp=1

 


March 13, 2021

India: The RSS men fostering BJP’s Bengal parivar | Shyamlal Yadav | New Delhi | Updated: (Indian Express, March 13, 2021)

The RSS men fostering BJP’s Bengal parivar

In the high-stakes battle for Bengal, Shiv Prakash, an RSS pracharak, has been practically permanently stationed in Bengal. “After coming to the BJP I have spent more than 60% time in the state,” Prakash told The Indian Express.

 by Shyamlal Yadav | New Delhi | Updated: (Indian Express, March 13, 2021)

The BJP’s West Bengal campaign is composed of many parts. A crucial one is the little-known Shiv Prakash, an RSS pracharak deputed to the party in 2014 soon after he had overseen its sweep of Western Uttar Pradesh in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. With former ABVP leader Arvind Menon, Prakash has set the framework for the BJP in the state, working behind the scenes.

In December, Prakash, 53, was asked by BJP president J P Nadda to move his headquarters from Delhi, and give “special attention” to Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, besides West Bengal. However, in the high-stakes battle for Bengal, he has been practically permanently stationed in Bengal. “After coming to the BJP I have spent more than 60% time in the state,” Prakash told The Indian Express.

Daily briefing | The stories you need to start your day with 

In the past more than four months, he has come to Delhi just to attend party meetings. Originally from UP, Prakash is now fluent in Bangla, and knows statistics across the state like the back of his hand.

Hailing from a Thakur family of Moradabad, Prakash became an RSS pracharak in 1986. In 2000, he was appointed prant pracharak of Uttarakhand, and then kshetra pracharak of Western UP (including Uttarakhand). After he proved his organisational skills in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, he was moved to the BJP as the joint general secretary (organisation). He was first given charge of Odisha, before the party decided it needed him more for West Bengal. A few months later, Prakash was made in-charge of the BJP’s organisational affairs in West Bengal.

If national general secretary Kailash Vijayvargiya, the BJP Bengal in-charge, is its public face in the state, Prakash is credited with building the party grassroots up. A BJP national secretary, Arvind Menon is one of the two co-incharges in West Bengal of the party.

Since 2015, when Prakash first came to Bengal, the BJP has set up committees at most of the 78,000 original booths in the state (the number has since been increased to enforce Covid norms). Prakash claims to have inducted as many as 17,500 short-time booth workers alone, with the booths split into over 12,000 “Shakti Kendras (power centres)”, a unit devised by him.

“Like the Lok Sabha polls, this time too we have vistaraks in every Assembly segment… Initially people were scared of joining the BJP… Now we have no scarcity of workers,” Prakash says.

His RSS links have also helped Prakash coordinate better with other Sangh organisations working in the state. Pracharaks of other states have pitched in for the West Bengal polls, for example Sunil Bansal from UP and Ratnakar Pandey from Bihar.

Prakash says keeping a low profile has helped him carry on working in Bengal’s violence-ridden politics, and that he has travelled the whole state many times without security.

When in Delhi, he lives in an accommodation in the backyard of 11-A, Ashoka Road, the official residence of BJP Rajya Sabha MP from Bihar Gopal Narayan Singh.

Menon, a Malayali Nair from Varanasi, also speaks Bangla fluently. He started out in the Sangh Parivar as an ABVP worker in Indore, later moving to the BJP Yuva Morcha. It was as part of the BJP Yuva Morcha that he first came to Bengal, touring the state extensively.

Close to Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan, he was first shifted to Delhi in 2016 following some controversy. But he has long put this behind him.

Menon is said to have played a crucial role in the 2017 Gujarat Assembly elections.

In 2018, he was named national secretary and assigned to West Bengal. Menon’s main role has been bridging the gap between the BJP’s old guard and new in the state.

 

 https://indianexpress.com/elections/the-rss-men-fostering-bjps-bengal-parivar-7226005/

March 11, 2021

India: 'BJP ke ektio vote noy' [in English: Dont vote BJP] report on Calcutta Campaign Telling People Not To Vote BJP in 2021 Bengal Assembly Elections

 Around 10,000 people bound by the common objective of not voting for the BJP walked together in a rally in Calcutta on Wednesday, asking everyone to follow their policy to save Bengal.

https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/calcutta/west-bengal-assembly-elections-2021-vote-for-anyone-but-bjp/cid/1809172

March 02, 2021

India: Congress party’s Deputy leader in Rajya Sabha Anand Sharma slammed the alliance with Indian Secular Front (ISF), a Muslim outfit headed by a firebrand cleric, in West Bengal

 The Times of India


‘G-23’ leader slams Congress tie-up with ISF

TNN | Mar 2, 2021, 03.04 AM IST
‘G-23’ leader slams Congress tie-up with ISF

NEW DELHI: The dissenting ‘G-23’ bloc’s showdown with the Congress leadership sharpened significantly on Monday with deputy leader in Rajya Sabha Anand Sharma slamming the party’s alliance negotiations with Indian Secular Front (ISF), a Muslim outfit headed by a firebrand cleric, in West Bengal, saying it went against the “Nehru-Gandhi secularism”.

Sharma’s strong comments, coming a day after another leading ‘G-23’ member, Ghulam Nabi Azad, praised PM Modi for being “upfront” about his roots, dealt an embarrassing blow to Congress in the middle of seat-sharing negotiations for the election campaign in five states.
Referring to the joint Kolkata rally of Congress, Left and the ISF of Furfura Sharif cleric Abbas Siddiqui, Sharma tweeted, “Congress’s alliance with parties like ISF and other such forces militates against the core ideology of the party and Gandhian and Nehruvian secularism, which forms the soul of the party. These issues need to be approved by the CWC.”

He added, “Congress cannot be selective in fighting communalists but must do so in all its manifestations, irrespective of religion and colour. The presence and endorsement of the West Bengal PCC president is painful and shameful, he must clarify.” In Jammu over the weekend, where G-23 leaders attended a function to felicitate Azad, the J&K leader said though he and Modi were opposed politically, the PM did not "hide his reality".

The comments are a spoiler for Congress which was optimistic that the massive show in Kolkata would help it position itself credibly in the polls that have otherwise turned bipolar between Trinamool Congress and BJP.
This also came after the letter writers, at a public rally in Jammu, expressed concern that Congress was weakening by the day. Sharma’s barb suggested that tensions between Congress and the G-23 may be coming to a boil. “It may explode if the leadership does not become inclusive and listen to dissenters who are being blocked by a coterie,” a letter writer said.

While Congress and Left announced a deal among themselves last month, the ISF emerged as a late entrant in the alliance talks as the former were encouraged that its presence would consolidate Muslim votes in favour of the combine. The two parties also put a condition that the ISF should not join hands with the AIMIM of Asaduddin Owaisi.

Bengal Congress chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury was quoted as saying, “We are in charge of a state and don’t taken any decision on our own without any permission.” It implied that the state unit was going by the nod from the headquarters. Interestingly, Congress and ISF have not held talks and only the Left has negotiated seats with Siddiqui.

The red flag from within Congress may hurt the party’s morale in Bengal and Assam as Sharma’s denunciation rings close to the campaign theme of BJP that Congress is partisan towards “minority communalists”.

It also came on a day Congress’s Bihar ally RJD, led by Tejashwi Yadav, junked the ‘grand alliance’ to throw its lot with Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee and urged “Biharis” to vote for TMC.

While G-23 members refused to react on the issue, Punjab MP and dissenter Manish Tewari said, “My foremost objective is to defeat BJP. Like earlier, wherever the party asks me to campaign, I will be more than eager and willing to do so.”

The back-to-back comments from Azad and Sharma triggered unease in the dissenters’ bloc even as Congress wrestled with how to react to the developments. A senior letter-writer said negotiations with “minority or majority communalists” could be questioned but “the timing was bad and could not be supported”.

Source URL: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/elections/assembly-elections/west-bengal/g-23-leader-slams-congress-tie-up-with-isf/articleshow/81284200.cms


March 01, 2021

India: Induction of the Shady Abbas Siddiqui, 'Indian Secular Front' at the Brigade rally of the Left and the Congress

Meghdeep Bhattacharyya   |   Calcutta   |   Published 01.03.21, 01:42 AM

"Bengal on Sunday witnessed the injection of a new dimension into its politics with the formal induction of Abbas Siddiqui, a Furfura Sharif pirzada, who took centre-stage at the Brigade rally of the Left and the Congress with a pledge to uproot both the Trinamul Congress and the BJP.

The cleric’s formal entry into mainstream politics — a rarity in Bengal till now — added an element that even sections within both the “secular” allies were uncomfortable with while it drew derision from Trinamul as well as the BJP.

“For decades, we had successfully asked crores of Bengal’s minority voters to support a Marxist party and its allies, shunning identity-based politics. Even though many of them had turned away from us in favour of Mamata Banerjee, we had not compromised ideologically,” said an Alimuddin Street insider.

“But with the inclusion of Siddiqui’s so-called Indian Secular Front, giving the fledgling outfit 30 seats from the Left quota in the alliance, we will formally be asking the same voters to make a sea-change in their mindset. Will that be reversible in the foreseeable future? We don’t know,” he added.

The answers to other questions like the impact of Siddiqui on the upcoming polls or the future of the political discourse in Bengal also remained hazy. Siddiqui supports the cause of the marginalised, including the Dalits, but his party is still seen as deriving its core strength from the minority community."

 [ . . . ]

 https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/west-bengal-assembly-elections-2021-abbas-siddiqui-formally-inducted-into-left-congress-alliance/cid/1808150

India: Left-Congress alliance for 2021 West Bengal elections that equates TMC with BJP is also peddling the so called 'Indian Secular Front' driven by a religious Cleric

‘Showstopper’ cleric makes Congress uneasy

 https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/bengal-assembly-elections-showstopper-cleric-makes-congress-uneasy/cid/1808168

December 29, 2020

India: The BJP is at the Gates in West Bengal | Prasenjit Bose (The Hindu, Dec 29, 2020)

 West Bengal is a border State with a nearly 10 crore population of which 27% belong to the Muslim minority. It is also home to millions of post-Partition refugees, a significant section of whom belong to Scheduled Caste communities like Rajbanshi and Namasudra.

If the BJP comes to power, armed with the citizenship matrix of the National Register of Citizens-National Population Register and the Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 2019, and determined to weed out “1 crore Bangladeshi infiltrators” as imagined by its State President Dilip Ghosh, what lies ahead for the State’s social fabric is anybody’s guess.

Unfortunately, so far none of the secular political forces appear to have a coherent strategy and appropriate tactics to prevent such a predicament.

Link: https://www.thehindu.com/.../the-bjp.../article33439448.ece 

 



 

October 20, 2019

Saffronisation at Vishva Bharati University in West Bengal ?


 see larger image at URL Below:

https://epaper.telegraphindia.com/imageview_298056_171731629_4_71_19-10-2019_7_i_1_sf.html

July 29, 2019

India: Defeat Political Violence in West Bengal


Stop Fratricide
Build Up Working Peoples' United Resistance
Defeat Political Factionalism, Bloodshed and Murder
Post election violence is still continuing in West Bengal. The state has already earned the title of worst affected state in terms of poll violence. Stopping candidates from filing nominations, capturing areas and election booths, indiscriminate firing and bombing, murdering rival party supporters like scoring goals in a  football game.  In this ill fated state election means hooliganism, physical assault, bloodshed and death. 
Who are killed? All victims of this hooliganism and fighting between political parties  are poor and toiling people. Nobody can even touch the leaders of political parties who roam around under police protection. And in front of that very police force common supporters or cadres of political parties are attacked, injured or murdered by one another. 
Why this violence? The political parties are solely responsible. The leaders of political parties use their cadres and supporters as pawns to capture local areas and election booths.  Stopping candidates from filing nominations, attacks on election campaign of rival political parties, stopping voters from casting their votes, false voting - there is no dearth of misdeeds. Rewards are in the offing. He who can manage to provide the candidate with a lead in number of votes - gets access to political and money power in exchange. Criminalisation of politics turns into politics of criminals. With increase in intensity and spread of violence common people are compelled to leave their homes in search of places where they can save their life or property and earn livelihood.
Whither the administration? The police protects the political leaders - the real perpetrators of violence and criminal activities. They do not protect the common people - who are victims of violence. Siding essentially with the ruling party the administration generally plays the role of bystander. How long the common people will be victimised? How long the political parties will play with the lives of the common people? How long people living in the same locality will be turned by the political leaders of electoral parties into their henchmen and made to attack each other?
Recently political violence killed three people in Sandeshkhali block of the district of North 24 Parganas in West Bengal. Pradeep Mondal, Kaiyum Molla and Sukumar Mondal. Who were they? All of them were from fishing community. The poor families depended on their earnings. Young wives, kids, aged parents all are left in the lurch. Leaders throng to en-cash the deaths. Shameless politics does not spare even the dead bodies. Flood of promises pours out - from taking all responsibility of the victims' families to financial assistance, jobs - nothing is left out. The people of this ill fated state know that these promises live at best up to the establishment of memorial stones for the dead under the banners of political parties. After that poverty and neglect engulfs the victims' families.  
This political violence pushes back the real livelihood issues of the toiling masses and bars them from uniting on their common demands. Bidyadhari river of Sandeshkhali is severely polluted. Thusands of fisher families have left the area in search of a living. The Government or Pollution Control Board take no action. 'Land to the Landless' and 'Own House, Own Land' schemes had been announced with fanfare, yet thousands of poor people including fishing communities still live in shacks besides roads, canals or rivers. Government official or political leader - none has the time or intention to take up these issues. Villages after villages are being declared as 'clean village', yet hundreds of poor families do not have any toilet. Corruption, nepotism and dereliction of duty have become habit of the government officials and political leaders. 
Dakshinbanga Matsyajibi Forum (DMF) holds high the banner of revolt against this. Unmasking the machinations of political parties DMF urges upon the toiling masses including fish workers to say no to this political violence, refuse to be played in the hands of political leaders, oppose fratricide and unite on common issues, issues that are affecting their life and livelihood.
DMF activists of  took out a campaign on 24th June, 2019 from Malancha Bazar to Kanmari Bazar of Minakhan block. The campaign was participated by representatives from 5 blocks namely Sandeshkhali, Hasnabad, Haroa, Minakhan and Basirhat. The voice of dissent against political violence is spreading to different areas.