India: Weaponizing the Holi festival for communal polarisation | Irfan Engineer

 

Weaponizing the Holi festival for communal polarisation 

Irfan Engineer

According to advice of the Dy. Superintendent of Police in Sambhal – Anuj Kumar Chaudhary – that Muslims should stay indoors if they felt uncomfortable with Holi colours being sprinkled on them – as the festival comes only once a year, whereas Jumma namaz takes place 52 times in a year – it appears that the Muslims might have heeded his advice and remained indoors. There are no reported complaints from any Muslim that they were on streets – with or without any work – and got coloured. They changed the timing of their congregational Jumma namaz in the Holy month of Ramazan – to accommodate the Hindus observing their festival – and some might have decided to forgo their obligatory prayers. The Hindu nationalists in Sambhal (UP), and in other BJP ruled states had the streets entirely to themselves till they wanted. Chaupai, a Holi procession passed peacefully through 10 mosques in Sambhal, including the border wall of Shahi Jama Masjid (Pragynesh, 2025). The BJP MLA from Bihar – Haribhushan Thakur Bachol – made a similar appeal on the legislative assembly premises, asking Muslims to stay indoors on the day of Holi (Pandey, 2025). No one from the BJP or their alliance partners in Bihar, including JD(U) condemned the statement.

Hansraj Meena (25) in Dausa (Rajasthan) ventured out and despite his objection, colour was forcibly applied on him. He died after being assaulted by three persons who applied colour on him. Meena should have remained indoors but he ventured out to go to a library to prepare for his state civil service exams. He did not heed the advice of Dy.S.P. Chaudhary (Khan, 2025).

Provocative slogans were raised during Shimga festival on 13^th March, 2025, when Madachi miravnuk, an old Konkani ritual, when tree trunks are carried to the Dhopeshwar temple in Rajapur (Ratnagiri district, Maharashtra) on the eve of Holi. Those carrying the tree trunk rammed into the mosque gate several times while raising provocative slogans (Express News Service, 2025). Muslims staying indoors did not protect this mosque.

UP police had to baton charge the traditional ‘laat sahab’ procession in Shahjahanpur district as those participating in the procession threw brickbats on the police, injuring three of them. Trouble started when those playing Holi threw footwears at the police (Rozana Sahafat, 2025). In Unnao (UP), drunk Holi revelers threw brickbats at the police in which three police officers were injured. To control them, police used their batons to disperse them. In the baton charge, many revelers were injured (Rozana Sahafat, 2025). In the traditional Phag procession in Gunj Muradabad village, on 14^th March 2025, they were singing objectionable songs. At the conclusion of the procession, some drunk youth started teasing and playing mischief. When police resorted to mild baton charge, they started throwing brickbats at police. At least three police personnel were injured due to the brickbats thrown at them (Rozana Sahafat, 2025). Muslims remaining indoors did not save the police or the drunken brawls resorted by the revelers.

On 13^th March 2025, on the eve of Holi festival, a man in Dombivili, a distant suburb of Mumbai, attacked a 17-year-old boy when a water balloon allegedly thrown by him landed on the man (Press Trust of India, 2025). This man in Dombivili did not heed the advice of the Dy.S.P. of Sambahal resulting in unnecessary conflict.

Does policing and maintaining law and order mean asking law abiding citizens from marginalized communities to remain indoors, while the potential law breakers from more powerful and dominant sections of the society have the freedom to indulge in revelry even in violation of law endangering peace? In the same vein, women are asked to remain indoors if they do not want to be sexually assaulted.

This approach also encourages those who believe in ‘might is right’ doctrine to be law unto themselves. The Dy.S.P. of Sambhal Anuj Kumar Chaudhary is seen in the viral video taking note of the fact that during the Holi festival people consume bhang (cannabis) and therefore mishaps of forcibly applying colours on Muslims might occur. However, he does not warn the consumers of cannabis. Will the police advice Indians who do not want to be killed in a potential road accident to remain indoors on the eve of new year celebrations as the likelihood of drunken driving increases?

Muslims are not the only victims during the Holi festival. Many Hindus do not like to be coloured. Women also are vary of Holi festival as they too are targeted by strangers against their wish on the pretext that everything is permissible during Holi. They say “bura na mano Holi hai”. The BJP and Hindu nationalists use the occasion to communally polarize people and assert dominance of Hindus. However, the moot question is, shouldn’t we take note of what damage such an approach will do to the Hindu religion and ethics? Not long ago, these festivals were celebrated peacefully with participation of people from all communities. This writer has also enjoyed playing Holi in his school days, and indeed taking part in all other festivals of all religious communities. The unprecedented and massive deployment of police force now necessary since a decade tells its own story. Holi is such a beautiful festival in which one reminds oneself to burn all negative feelings and instincts like acquisitive desires, selfishness, jealousy, fear, hatred into the Holi fire. Mughal emperors too played Holi with their durbaris for days together and called it Eid-e-Gulabi. Amir Khusro and many Muslim poets have composed beautiful verses on Holi.

 

India: Top BJP leader from Bengal says will throw Muslim MLAs out of assembly after BJP wins Bengal: Suvendu | The Times of India

open threats from Suvendu Adhikari the top BJP leader from Bengal ... https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/will-throw-muslim-mlas-out-of-assembly-after-bjp-wins-bengal-suvendu/articleshow/118907832.cms

India: Communal clash at Dehradun railway station over interfaith relationship

Communal clash at Dehradun railway station over interfaith relationship

The confrontation escalated with objects being hurled and damage caused to parked trains.

Written by Avaneesh Mishra
Dehradun | Updated: September 27, 2024

https://indianexpress.com/article/india/communal-clash-at-dehradun-railway-station-over-interfaith-relationship-police-on-the-scene-9590156/?ref=hometop_hp

Video: Release of the volume IN DEFENCE OF THE REPUBLIC by Constitutional Conduct Group April 13, 2024

 

 

https://www.youtube.com/live/ZvldhJRK-sc?si=4gJbJVCBvHPXLkT2

India: Uttrakhand - A Devbhoomi only for Hindus? | A documentary film from The Quint

 

When the Hindu Right Came for Bollywood | Samanth Subramanian (The New Yorker)

 https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/10/17/when-the-hindu-right-came-for-bollywood

India: Forging Communal Space: Negotiating Streets and Practices in Delhi, 1922–65 | Saeed Ahmad

 

Abstract

This paper examines space-making in the Jangpura-Bhogal locality of Delhi by documenting communal conflicts in the late 1920s and 1950s. First, it addresses the production of a Hindu religious space by disavowing Muslim ritual practices under a colonial regime seeking to control religious conflict. Second, it unpacks the diverse mechanisms used to produce a Sikh political space during a nascent postcolonial state’s management of linguistic subnationalisms. Grounded in power relations and cohesions around multiple social registers, these variegated spatial claims were made through political and religious processions, petitions and physical violence. These communal geographies highlight the importance of neighbourhood histories.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00856401.2024.2303836

India: 'Jai Shri Ram' coercion by security force official on elderly Kashmiri sparks row in Valley | The Telegraph

 https://twitter.com/ttindia/status/1755475798578921763

Business as Usual? Bazars and Communalism in Colonial Delhi, 1913–32 | Anish Vanaik

Abstract

This paper uncovers a hitherto unnoticed pattern of communal segregation among establishments located in some of Delhi’s most important bazars. It demonstrates that this pattern, emerging between 1913 and 1932, was driven by structural features of the ways in which Delhi’s trade and retail interacted with communal violence in the 1920s. Those features include the dislocating effects of communal violence on bazars. More strident political activity by merchants, however, was important fuel to this fire. Merchants did not, also, restrict themselves to repeating communal tropes developed elsewhere. Their self-organisation gave shape to a conception of ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ trades. Rather than see a communal ‘pre-Partition’ in the 1930s, this evidence suggests that communal segregation was already well on the rise in the 1920s. Business as usual, then, was a source of deepening communal antagonisms rather than, as is sometimes assumed, a source of everyday bonhomie.

 

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00856401.2024.2283683?src=exp-la

India: Statement by The Communist Party of India on Communalisation of Society in Haryana (Aug 11, 2023)

The Communist Party of India New Delhi, August 11, 2023 Press Release Stop Communalisation of Society in Haryana The National Secretariat of the Communist Party of India issued the following statement today (on August 11, 2023): The National Secretariat of Communist Party of India expresses concern at the report that many Gram panchayats in Haryana have passed resolutions banning Muslim shopkeepers and vendors from doing their business. This amount to social boycott and is provocation for communalization of the society. The Party demands that strict action to taken on these indulging in such anti-constitutional activities and expects government of Haryana to extend all support and protection to minorities in this tense situation. (Roykutty) Office Secretary

India: Will the Illegal actions by Gram panchayat of Jainabad village of Rewari draw any actions from police or by the courts?

 Gram panchayat of Jainabad village of Rewari district in Haryana has passed a resolution prohibiting any person from the Muslim community from entering the village for any kind of trade or to peddle clothes or other commodities Read: https://bit.ly/450kNJ0

India: Communalism today - Ashisk K. Bose interviews Ram Puniyani

 

Communalism today, Violence and Contemporary Politics

 

Ashisk K. Bose interviews Ram Puniyani

 

 (From The Quint - https://www.thequint.com/news/politics/ram-puniyani-interview-hindutva-communalism-bjp-politics

 

 

 

 

AB: You have conducted extensive field studies in northern India, especially in riot-torn places at the time of and after the Ram Janmabhumi mobilisation. What is your current assessment over the communal situation in those places?

 

RP: The places that have witnessed communal violence have become very polarised and the physical and emotional walls have been erected between religious communities. While the majority community harbours the misconceptions of hate against the minority community, the minority community’s primary sentiment is that of fear and insecurity.

The joint celebrations at social and religious level have come to a total halt. The core values of nation and fraternity have suffered a severe jolt. The wounds of communal violence have mostly remained unhealed.

The major obstacles to this had been the failure on the part of the State to give justice and rehabilitate the victims of violence. The places that have suffered the violence may not see the repetition of violence in immediate future as the polarisation in these places is close to complete, and communal forces behind the violence do not achieve much by repeating this in the same place, by and large. But in the country overall the provocations needed to flare up the violence are many and easy to instigate. The hate against minorities is the dominant feature of the present political discourse.

AB: Scholars have maintained that the Gujarat riots represented a distinctively new cultural moment in the long history of Indian communal violence similar to that of the 1984 Sikh massacre in which people were similarly targeted. Can you discuss the theoretical and evidentiary basis for the aptness of such a classification?

 

 

RP: First of all, I would like to point out that the anti-Sikh pogrom of 1984 and Gujarat carnage and other acts of anti-Muslim violence are not comparable. The violence against the religious minorities can be broadly categorised into two groups. One is the anti-Sikh violence, which was a lone event and came up as a sort of insane political revenge against the hapless Sikh community. The other is a regular repetitive violence against Muslims and Christians, which is a part of the Hindu nationalist agenda.

What they share in common is the mechanism of violence against the innocents. The violence appears to be spontaneous, but there seems to be a planning behind it. Those in leadership generally get it organised in such a way that it appears to be spontaneous, ‘bottom-up’. This bottom-up is incited by the ground already prepared due to the hate spread against the minority communities.

In the case of anti-Sikh pogrom, it was a single event, orchestrated as revenge against the killing of Indira Gandhi, which in turn was due to Operation Blue Star, prompted by the occupation of Golden Temple by Khalistani elements. The Gujarat carnage was orchestrated on the pretext of Godhra train burning. The list of Muslim households and shops was ready, and people were incited by taking the burnt bodies in a procession from Godhra against the advice of then local collector of the city – Jayanti Ravi. The violence began with the blame on minority community that ‘they’ burnt the train; locals, particularly subalterns, were roped in to take ‘revenge’.

The anti-Muslim violence is regular and repetitive; it’s a part of Hindu nationalist agenda aimed at polarising the communities and to reap the electoral dividends. To me the violence is organised by inciting the ‘bottom’ and by letting participants know that they will enjoy impunity. While mechanism of violence creation is similar, the underlying politics is very different in both.

AB: What is the rationale that binds a large majority of the lower-caste population behind the Hindu nationalism project and the Bharatiya Janata Party?

 

 

RP: The BJP is the electoral wing of Hindu nationalist politics. Its parent organisation has floated many organisations to work among Dalits and Adivasis. Through its vast network of shakhas, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has trained a large number of pracharaks (propagators) and swayamsevaks (volunteers) who work on ground level, at community level among these sections of society.

They first begin with religious machinations, promoting Hindu religious festivals among these sections. During the 1970s and 1980s, their volunteers promoted Vinayaka (Lord Ganesh) festivals in Dalits localities. They used to initiate the process, support with funds and involve the Dalit communities and introduce Brahmanical norms among them.

In Adivasi areas, they organised Shabari Sangams. Shabari is an Adivasi character in Ramayana who offered berries to Lord Ram. She is a symbol of poverty and destitution. The RSS has built temples to her and promoted her as the goddess of Adivasis. This is also a cultural messaging as to who is the idol of the tribals.

Also, they started moulding Lord Hanuman as Adivasis' deity and initiated multiple campaigns to popularise him in Adivasi areas. This again is a sort of messaging – loyalty to Lord Ram, who has been projected as an icon by the Hindu nationalist forces. This helped in co-opting these sections at religious level towards the RSS version of Hinduism.

At the social level, they regularly interacted with these communities, giving them a feeling of respect. Their regular interaction gave the impression to these communities of being honoured, and consequently being won over at electoral level despite the BJP opposing reservations, diluting reservations through introduction of quotas based on economic basis, and avoiding caste census, among others. It is pure ground-level community interaction, undertaken at massive scale, which has prepared the ground for the BJP making gains amongst these sections of society at electoral level.

AB:  According to one perspective, the 'deepening of democracy' happened in India after the 1980s. The emergence of the BJP as a major force in the country also happened in the same period. How do you perceive the deepening of democracy in India and the simultaneous emergence of the BJP in India?

 

RP:  It is true that democratic process has been deepening in the country. This process gives articulation to subaltern sections of society as well. With deepening democracy and coming up of Dalits and women in the social space, a section of society felt threatened and resorted to communal politics.

In the 1980s, this manifested first as anti-reservation riots in Gujarat, then anti-Other Backward Classes promotion policy in 1985, and later opposition to implementation of Mandal Commission.

In reaction to this [social justice measures], the privileged section of society rallied behind the BJP and the politics of communalism to strengthen its electoral power.

The BJP-RSS stand for the values of pre-modern, pre-industrial caste and gender hierarchy and by the 1980s, the social transformation towards equality started showing up in rudimentary form. It was this which gave a fillip to the already existing BJP mechanism. The BJP is not the primal force in deepening of democracy in India. As a matter fact, it has taken advantage of the process of deepening of democracy to make inroads for an agenda which cuts the very roots of democracy.

 

AB: Certain scholars are of the view that the Modi era in the Indian politics will not last long and are pointing towards the emergence of a new political configuration based on Hindutva other than the BJP. How realistic are such expectations in your understanding?

 

 

RP: The Modi period of Indian politics has wrought havoc on the plight of average people of society. The rising unemployment, the increasing prices, the worsening poverty, increasing rich-poor divide, and social polarisation has made the large sections of people aware about the negative impact of the continuing BJP rule. The declining press freedom, worsening indices of democracy and freedom of religion has raised a severe alarm among most sections of society.

The BJP government is insensitive to people's plight as demonstrated in its response to farmers' movement (in which nearly 650 people lost their lives), to the effort to disenfranchise Muslims through National Register of Citizens and Citizenship (Amendment) Act leading to Shaheen Baugh movement and then the orchestration of Delhi violence, and lastly ignoring wrestlers' complaint against sexual harassment.

The use of Enforcement Directorate, Central Bureau of Investigation, Income Tax Department against the Opposition leaders has made them aware of the dangers of the Modi dispensation. In addition, Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra and the result of Karnataka assembly elections has brought massive change in the political horizon. Now opposition political parties more than before feel the need to come together and form a political electoral front for democracy and secularism.

There are lots of obstacles in its path but as the matters are developing, there is a good possibility that the united opposition by fielding a single candidate against the BJP candidates in the elections may succeed in coming to power. This seems easier said than done as the BJP is vastly equipped with thousands of RSS pracharaks, lakhs of swayamsevaks, many RSS affiliate organisations who work for the BJP's success in elections. The BJP has media on its side aided by the IT cell and social media network carrying its message. It is also the richest political party in the country. It may play some tricks yet again to polarise the society apart from the already floated Uniform Civil Code and the issue of national security.

AB: It is said that the electoral fixation towards the BJP can be sizeably stemmed by educating a large segment of the Indian society. Do you think if the electorate in rural and urban areas is educated, they will stop voting for the BJP? 

 

RP: No doubt education has an immense role in electoral awareness. It was also joked that the BJP is not able to make inroads into Kerala as that state is very literate. But that apart, mere formal education is no counter to the BJP politics.

The RSS and its vast network of shakahs, Sarswati Mandir chain of schools, and Ekal Vidyalayas popularise its version of history, culture and politics which makes a strong case for the BJP’s success. This is aided by pro-Modi media, BJP’s IT cell, and a large number of print media which spreads the BJP version of politics. This is what Noam Chomsky called 'manufacturing consent'.

In Indian scenario, the ‘social common sense’ among large sections of society is constructed on communal lines; the religious minorities are demonised by using history. The medieval period of history is used to demonise the Muslim community by propagating that Muslim kings destroyed Hindu temples, Islam spread by force, and Muslim kings were cruel to Hindu subjects. The demographic issues related to increase of Muslim population is attributed to religion in popular parlance, and the threat of Muslims becoming a majority in the country is used to polarise section of Hindus.

Similarly, the Christians are presented as doing conversion work through force, fraud and allurement. Though all these are totally false, these are becoming a part of social common sense. We need to create popular works to combat these misconceptions, which in turn lead to hate, violence, polarisation and victory of BJP in elections. Mere formal education will not counter the politics of the BJP.

India: Cross Marks on Doors, Cries of Extermination: How Uttarakhand Became Our Hate Speech Capital | Alishan Jafri

 The Wire

Cross Marks on Doors, Cries of Extermination: How Uttarakhand Became Our Hate Speech Capital

A campaign by Hindutva supporters to drive out supposedly 'illegal' Muslim shopkeepers and vendors from the state comes along with various kinds of attempts, coupled with the government's inaction against hate campaigners in the state, in creating fear among Muslims in the state.

Alishan Jafri

New Delhi: Videos of disturbing hate speeches and instances of vigilantism have emerged from Uttarakhand amidst the recent campaign by Hindutva supporters to drive out supposedly “illegal” Muslim shopkeepers and vendors from the state.

The new charge against the minority, that of “vyapar jihad” literally translates into “business jihad”. This is apart from the bogeys of “love jihad” and “land jihad”, which give credence to the imagined conspiracies of Muslim men converting Hindu women through marriage and occupying land respectively.

Sources say that the present drive was triggered by the news of two people – one named Ubaid and another named Jitender Saini – allegedly abducting a Hindu minor girl. The incident led to tensions that have pervaded the Purola district since May 26.

However, there are videos from before the alleged abduction showing Hindutva leaders calling for action against, “Love jihadi wolves who come in the forms of carpenters, mechanics, masons, electricians and plumbers.”

As per reports in the local press, some of the homes and shops belonging to the minority community were marked with an “X” sign.

The Times of India reported that even a BJP minority cell leader who had been living in the town for 25 years was forced to flee the town.

Timeline of events

The duo accused in the Purola abduction case were charged under sections of the POCSO act (Protection of Children from Sexual Offences) and arrested by the Uttarkashi police on May 26.

Subsequently, Hindutva groups took up this case and began calling it an instance of “love jihad.” Posters in the name of Devbhoomi Raksha Abhiyan, a local Hindutva outfit, surfaced in the area. The posters warned the minority community to leave the “devbhoomi” or “god’s land” and shut down their businesses before the Mahapanchayat on June 15, failing which they would face consequences in due course. 

The leader of the outfit, Darshan Bharti, has reportedly denied pasting the posters though he accepted that the call for the Mahapanchayat is by him. He also told The Hindu newspaper, “I am meeting people from across town and urging them not to give their houses and shops on rent to people from the Muslim community. Almost 50% of them agreed with me.”

The bandh calls by local market unions, as per reports, are spiralling out of Purola and are gradually turning into a statewide campaign.

On May 29, a large rally by Hindutva supporters turned violent, leading to vigilantism. Local activists allege a lackadaisical approach by the state administration in not invoking Section 144 to stop the mobilisation. Now a letter by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to the administration has surfaced, asking the administration to ensure that “Muslims are evicted” from several cities, failing which a chakka jam or road blockade would be launched on June 20.

Also read: ‘Chakka Jam’ Assam vs ‘Starve’ Mizos ‘to Death’: UAPA for Sharjeel but No Action Against BJP MLA

As of now, a criminal case has been filed by the police against only unnamed miscreants for marking minority establishments with cross marks. On the other hand, the Uttarkashi police has repeatedly claimed that it has made serious efforts to bring down the tension but repeat offenders continue to target the minority community.

Certain key speakers from the 2021 Haridwar Dharma Sansad – where calls for a Muslim genocide were made, sending shockwaves across the country – have been vocal about pushing out Muslims from the state.

One of the prominent Hindutva leaders leading this drive is Swami Darshan Bharti and his disciple Rakesh Uttarakhandi.

Based on the videos posted by these Hindutva leaders on their social media and their interviews to local YouTubers, The Wire has attempted to piece together the speeches of those driving the present anti-Muslim campaign in Uttarakhand. 

To a local channel, Hindutva activist Rakesh Tomar Uttarakhandi said, “We have worked to chase ‘jihadis’ from the hills under Swami Darshan Bharti for the last eight…We have given them a ten-day ultimatum.”

Darshan Bharti said, “I thank the people of Yamuna valley who have given a message to the entire people of Uttarakhand that the state will be free of ‘jihad’. I am telling you that ‘jihadis’ should not be given work because they eye on our land, women and businesses. We are only awakening the people. This is our first phase.”

The Haridwar Dharma Sansad

The Wire had also reported that between December 17 and 19, a large collection of major religious leaders, right-wing activists, hardline fundamentalist militants and Hindutva organisations came together at Haridwar for an event called the ‘Dharma Sansad’ or ‘religious parliament’. Over the course of three days, this event had witnessed an extraordinary outpouring of hate speech, mobilisations to violence and anti-Muslim sentiment. At the Dharma Sansad, Bharti and others had talked about how the “devbhoomi” is being infiltrated. 

The ‘Dharma Sansad’ at Haridwar. Photo: Video screengrab

At the Haridwar Dharma Sansad, Bharti spoke about “Islamic activities in the devbhoomi.” He said that even Aurangzeb had not managed to conquer the devbhoomi and claimed that its people have not allowed any mosque to be built there since 2015.

“No mazar was allowed to be built.. No madrasa was allowed to be built…Remember this too…Learn this from these poor…I definitely wish to put to you people that only after saving that shrine of Hindu religion can we talk of a Hindu nation…If India follows the path shown by Shankaracharya ji, then surely this saint will give you this knowledge,” he said.

Also read: Is Uttarakhand Govt’s ‘Demographic’ Probe of Property Deals a Play on ‘Land Jihad’ Bogey?

The Wire had reported how in 2019, members of Bharti’s group, the Uttarakhand Raksha Abhiyan, had reportedly circulated 1.5 lakh pamphlets that incited Hindus to stand up against alleged changes in the demography of the state because of Muslims. Bharti was briefly incarcerated after this, having been arrested on charges of instigating communal violence against minorities after instances of looting and arson of shops belonging to the minority community were linked to his Facebook posts. 

In a video uploaded two days ago on Facebook, Prabodhanand, the president of the Dharma Sansad in Haridwar extended support to Darshan Bharti in leading the campaign to evict “jihadis” from the state.

A screenshot of the Facebook video post.

“You forced jihadis to leave. You have taught them a lesson in Purola. Jihadis should be taught a lesson in the entire Uttarakhand. Every single jihadi should be evicted from Uttarakhand. Only then can the devbhoomi can be protected…If you want to protect your temples and shrines then Uttarakhand has to be made free of these jihadis,” he said.

The video ends with a slogan: “Save the devbhoomi, chase the jihadis.”

Prabodhanand, in the 2021 Dharma Sansad too, had made an open call for Muslims’ extermination. 

“We have to make preparations,” said Swami Prabodhanand Giri, president of the Hindu Raksha Sena, a right-wing organisation based out of Uttarakhand.

“And I’ll tell you what those preparations are. I will make myself clear, this is the solution, and if you follow this solution, then the path is made for you…in Myanmar, Hindus were being chased away. The politicians, government and police were just standing and watching. They started by killing them by cutting their necks, and not only this, but they began to cut them in the streets and eat them. The people watching thought we are going to die, we are not going to live.”

Video screengrab of Annapurna Maa, Mahamandleshwar of Niranjini Akhada and general secretary of Hindu Mahasabha, speaking at Haridwar Dharam Sansad. Photo: Twitter/@zoo_bear

Another priest at the Dharma Sansad has been advocating the total ban on the entry of non-Hindus in Uttarakhand. Recently, he had endorsed the government’s demolition drive against “illegal shrines,” a move criticised by observers as targeting the minority community. At the Dharma Sansad, Swaroop had clearly said that Haridwar is the land of Hindus and non-Hindu festivals like Christmas should not be allowed.  “We have written to nearly 300 hotels that they should not entertain Christmas celebrations at their places on December 25. If they still go ahead, they will have to face the consequences,” he had said.

The government 

A September 2021 Uttarakhand government order to the police and administrative officers to track “illegal land deals” based on fears around the changing demography of the state is also a contributing factor to tensions.

The statement issued by the Pushkar Singh Dhami-led Bharatiya Janata Party government had said: “Due to unprecedented rise in population in certain areas of the state, the demography of those areas has been majorly affected. And due to this demographic change, members of a certain community are forced to migrate from those areas. Also, there are possibilities that the communal harmony in those areas may be disturbed.” 

The statement added: “A list of all such people should be made who have a criminal background and are living in Uttarakhand. A verification of their profession and domicile status should be done to make their records. The DMs (district magistrates) should also monitor the illegal land dealings in their districts and check whether someone is selling his land out of fear or pressure. If it is found so, then they should stop it and take strict action against those responsible for it (sic).”

Also read: Is Uttarakhand Govt’s ‘Demographic’ Probe of Property Deals a Play on ‘Land Jihad’ Bogey?

Qurban Ali, the petitioner in the Haridwar hate speech case, feels that the government in Uttarakhand has failed to implement Supreme Court orders on hate speech.

Dismayed by what he describes as the lack of political will to act against repeat offenders, Qurban said, “When no option is left we go to the Supreme court but merely registering an FIR won’t help. The police have to act on the FIRs and make arrests. Lack of action has emboldened these people. Last time, when the Supreme Court intervened, the administration was forced to stop these hate assemblies and the temperatures were suddenly brought down.”

Calls for peace and demands for accountability 

A memorandum by local civil society members and opposition parties in at least 10 districts expressed anger at the attitude of state law enforcement authorities. It called upon the government to take action against the “unconstitutional environment of hate” being created in the state.

“The safety of every citizen is the responsibility of the government, but despite repeated strict orders from the Supreme Court and communal propaganda in various cities of the state, the government is not seen to be taking any steps,” it read. A social activist who is part of this memorandum pointed out that the present drive should be seen in the context of recent campaigns against Vanngujjars by the same set of Hindutva activists.

 In Dehradun, the memorandum was handed over to the City Magistrate and Additional Director General of Police (Law and Order).  During the programme, Kamla Pant, president of Uttarakhand Mahila Manch, said that any kind of sexual violence and crime against any woman cannot be tolerated and it was on this issue that the people of Uttarakhand took to the streets when Ankita Bhandari’s murder happened. But creating a communal atmosphere on the pretext of such incidents and targeting a particular community is a criminal act in itself, Pant said.

Indu Nautiyal of the Janwadi Mahila Samiti said that such an environment is being created in the state in which communities are not able to maintain their businesses and are feeling insecure. Samar Bhandari of the Communist Party of India said that this is also in contempt of the orders of the Supreme Court.

Highlighting the series of eviction drives, mob violence and hate speech in the state, over two hundred organisations and concerned citizens also wrote an open letter to the President of India, expressing concerns. 

“This type of violent, hate filled atmosphere has never existed in the state of Uttarakhand.  The real development of the state can happen only through these principles. The ongoing hate-filled efforts will only harm our country,” the letter reads. Local activists allege that the anti-Muslim mobilisation has only escalated in recent months.

Earlier, a letter dated May 30 by senior Supreme Court advocates to the government of Uttarakhand highlighted how the SC order in the hate speech case has not been implemented in its spirit. 

The letter said how in 2018, in its judgment in the Tehseen Poonawalla vs. Union of India and Ors. case, the Supreme Court directed all state governments to proactively act against hate speech and mob violence, including through appointing nodal officers who will “also make efforts to eradicate hostile environment against any community or caste which is targeted in such incidents.”

The letter also said:

“Further, as per the Court’s 21.10.2022 order in Shaheen Abdullah vs. Union of India (WP(C) 940/2022), the states of Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh and Delhi were specifically directed to “ensure that immediately as and when any speech or any action takes place which attracts offences such as Sections 153A, 153B and 295A and 505 of the IPC etc., suo motu action will be taken to register cases even if no complaint is forthcoming and proceed against the offenders in accordance with law.”

The letter was addressed to the Uttarakhand governor.

It also highlighted a National Commission for Minorities report against Hindutva activist Rakesh Tomar Uttarakhandi, who allegedly threatened the Van Gujjar community to leave their land by April 10 or be ready for consequences.

A screenshot taken from Rakesh Tomar Uttarakhandi’s video.

The community, which predominantly comprises Muslims, had to appeal to the District Magistrate after being threatened by the Hindutva activist. However, no serious action was taken against the activist.

On April 20, a Dharma Sabha was reportedly held by Rudra Sena in the state’s Chakrata region, where hate speeches were made calling for the economic boycott of minorities, and a ban on the settlement of “non-Sanatanis” in the state, the letter said.

They had even declared that “peace cannot prevail in the world, unless every ‘jihadi’ is eliminated.”

It is pertinent to note that as per the letter, which was reported by the Times of India, one of the speakers at the event was Prabhodanand Giri. He’s also named in the FIR that was lodged after a similar event in Haridwar in December 2021 had attracted international outrage and condemnation from senior retired officers of the armed Forces as well as large sections of civil society.

As per the letter, the speeches in Chakrata were posted on Facebook. The police also claimed that they had videographed the event,
but they said they had received no complaints.

India: Communal polarisation in Trimbak city in Nashik District of Maharashtra | Irfan Engineer

 

Communal polarisation in Trimbak city over Shri Trimbakeshwar Jyotirlinga Temple is harmful to the social fabric

By Irfan Engineer

The city of Trimbak, which is also taluka or block headquarters, has recently courted media manufactured and politically patronised controversy where there was none. Media is gaining TRPs, a certain political party is gaining advantage from political polarization at the cost of Muslim community. The community is once again being demonized, and there is a threat of arrest of some Muslim youth for no plausible offence committed by them. They merely followed an age-old tradition on 13^th May 2023 of fanning dhoop (fumes from an incense in a container) in the direction of the Shri Trimbakeshwar Jyotirlinga Temple from its northern gate temple and carrying chadar cloth sheets (a cloth sheet that is normally offered at sufi dargahs to the pir burried) on their heads on the day of annual urs (death anniversary of a sufi saint). The Shri Trimbakeshwar Jyotirlinga Temple is one of the 12 Jyotirlinga temples in the country. There is a notice on the gate that non-Hindus are not allowed inside the temple.

A section of Media proclaimed that Muslim youth residents of the town tried to enter the temple. The youth are seen in the videos, repeatedly played by the electronic media, near the northern gate of the temple with the chadar on their heads and later returning. That act was declared by the media as an attempt to forcibly enter the temple and desecrate it. Hyperactive section of the media also extracted a statement from one of the priest of the temple demanding that the motives of the Muslim youth on “attempting to enter” (not forcibly enter) the temple should be investigated.

Trimbak, is about 28 km from Nashik. Nashik city is the district headquarters, and it is itself a temple town and one of the 4 cities which holds Kumbha Mela once every 12 years. The origin of the sacred Godavari River is near Trimbak. Shrimant Sardar Raosaheb Parnerkar, Fadnavis of Indore State, built the Kusavarta kunda (sacred pond) in the temple premises, which is the source of the Godavari River, the second longest river in peninsular India. The current temple was built by Peshwa Nanasaheb. The temple is located between three hills namely Brahmagiri, Nilagiri and Kalagiri, and has three lingas (an iconic form of Shiva) representing Shiva, Vishnu and Brahma. The entire black stone temple is known for its appealing architecture and sculpture. Trimbak city also has a dargah of Hazrat Pir Sayyad Gulab Shahwali Baba just behind the temple in the premises of Sayyad family – a couple of hundred metres from the northern gate of the Trimbakeshwar temple. The dargah and temple have co-existed for centuries – neither the Mughals nor the Peshwas disturbed these structures.

The total population of the city is 12,056 according to 2011 census, out of which there are 405 Muslims (3.36%). The STs constitute 2,158 and SCs are 713. The city survives on the pilgrims who come to worship from all over the country, including South India. There are shops selling worship accessories like the flowers and other offerings to the deity, and other local goods. Then there are guest houses and muths to cater to all classes of pilgrims. The secret of peaceful co-existence of the Hindus and the Muslims residents of the city for ages must be the syncretic religious traditions that they have evolved together and participation in each other’s religious rituals and festivals. Dinesh Patil, one of the flower vendors for the puja, near the northern gate of the temple confirmed to us that there was an age-old tradition of offering dhoop on the day of the annual urs from the first step of the temple. Another flower vendor, who has his shop just adjacent to the northern gate of the Temple, and did not want to be named, told us that he was present on 13^th May, on the day of the urs, when the local Muslim processionists offered the dhoop towards the temple. According to him, they were neither attempting nor forcing themselves to enter inside the temple. The local residents are well aware that their entry is prohibited. We do not think that a Hindu flower vendor whose livelihood depends on the deity and the pilgrims had any reason to make false statements. Armaan Sayyad a young resident of Trimbak was one of the processionists of the urs and who resides in the bungalow on whose premises the Dargah is situated. He told us that they merely followed the traditions that they have been following for number of years and had no intention of entering the temple. His uncle, who was ill was among the persons who are likely to be arrested. It is not clear under what charge they would be arrested.

It is also not clear as to how offering of dhoop became controversial. There are many priests who help the pilgrims with their worship rituals at the temple for a fee. The website lists authorised priests to do various types of pujas. One of the priests questions the motives behind the Muslim youth “attempting to enter” the temple and that too, according to him, during evening as the pujas were being wrapped up for the day. The entire street near the northern gate of the temple is too crowded with the pilgrims busy buying their worship accessories and shopping other goods, smearing their foreheads with beautiful looking symbols for the puja. Our sedan was literally crawling towards the gate within the crowded street. Should the Muslims have taken out their urs procession in a crowded street? One of the trustees of the Temple is seen in videos played over the media denying that there was any tradition of offering dhoop towards the entrance of the temple during the annual urs of the pir.  The police inspector of Trimbak told us that he could not say anything about the urs tradition as he was posted to the police station only two months ago. When asked what was the opinion of the locals, he told us that some said there was a tradition of offering dhoop during urs while others denied such a tradition existed.

Dinesh Patil opined that if the entire controversy is left to the locals, they would solve it in no time as there was no ill-feeling among them on the basis of religion. The entire controversy, according to him was created by outsiders and politicians. One of the locals, who did not want to be named, told us that one local leader by the name Shukla, who had access to the Dy. CM and Home Minister Devendra Fadnavis had mis-briefed him. The media with access to the CCTV footage also started flashing the allegations of Muslims “forcing their entry into the temple with the chadar on their head.” It made a good TRP sense for the media as it was a hot controversial issue targeting the community which had been much weakened and whose voice has been marginalized int the media. The controversy suited the BJP’s politics, which is facing an adverse outcome of the Supreme Court judgment that illegitimated their government and the Governor’s decision to ask the then CM Uddhav Tackeray to prove his majority in the Assembly. This hot TRP winning controversy would marginalise the space to the Supreme Court judgment in the media. The demonization of Muslims and polarisation along communal lines also very well suits the BJP’s politics and the game plan to win next elections – be it of municipal corporations in the state or the impending Lok Sabha elections in 2024.

The Dy. CM promptly constituted a Special Investigation Team of high-ranking police officials, as if the offering of dhoop or, even if a few Muslim youth were trying to enter the temple, was such a grave and serious offence which warranted an entire team to work on investigation of “the offence”. Even if true, and in the unlikely event of the “offence” tried in a court and the charge of “attempt to enter” the temple is proved, the offence amounts to criminal trespass for which, a court normally awards a sentence of fine. SITs are constituted to investigate a grave and serious offence that requires unearthing of a crime and investigation and arrest of a large number of people involved in the crime that may of  complex nature, and gathering of technical evidence that stands in a court of law. The nature of alleged offence in this case may not require more than CCTV footage and statements of witnesses, something that every police station routinely handles. The promptness with which the SIT was announced without the courts directing it, or police demanding it, or even the aggrieved complainant demanding it, points to the non-application of mind and political objectives behind such an appointment.

The image that this Govt. wants to build up is that they are very prompt in protecting the Hindus from the communally aggressive Muslims. Much graver offences have been committed in Maharashtra, including the ones when more than 50 processions taken out in all the districts of Maharashtra by the “Sakal Hindu Samaj”, importing speakers from neighbouring Telangana and other places known for making communally inflammatory hate speeches targeting the Muslim community for non-existing alleged “love-jihad” and “land jihad” and calling for the social and economic boycott of the community”. Calling for boycott of any person or class of persons is an offence according to the Maharashtra Prohibition of People from Social Boycott (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2016, a legislation passed by the BJP government when Fadnavis was the CM. The Govt. is dragging its feet on taking action against those committing the offences, even though the Supreme Court has ordered to register cases for hate speeches made and take appropriate legal action. There are many grave law and order challenges, including cybercrimes in which citizens, including Hindus are losing lakhs of rupees, hundreds of missing women, sexual offences against women, domestic violence, cases of atrocities against the Dalits and Adivasis, etc. These crimes are tearing the social fabric of the state.

A section of those calling themselves saints belonging to Akharas outside Trimbak city are also exploiting the issue to claim the land belonging to the dargah. Out of the blue and without giving an iota of evidence, they are claiming that the dargah was built on an existing temple, and therefore it should be handed over to the Hindus.

The BJP-Shiv Sena (led by Eknath Shinde) Govt. which has come to power after engineering a split in the Shiv Sena in its political desperation is harming the social fabric of the state and hurting the minorities – creating conflicts where there is none. The conflict should be best left to the local residents of the Trimbak city. The FIR must be withdrawn in the interest of peace. The local Muslims of Trimbak city must revisit the age-old tradition of offering dhoop while taking out urs of Hazrat pir Gulab Shahwali Baba towards the Shri Trimbakeshwar Jyotirlinga Temple if substantial number of Hindus do not appreciate the well-intentioned gesture. Social peace is the objective of the age-old tradition of offering dhoop, however, if that disturbs harmony of the city, it should be re-visited. A section of media and politically motivated leaders has been spreading ill-will against the Muslims of the city, which is an offence under S. 153-A of the Indian Penal Code. Police should file cases against all such persons suo-moto in the interest of maintenance of peace in the city and in the interest of rule of the law. The Muslims of the city have shown remarkable restraint and haven’t reacted to any provocative act.

India in the 2022 International religious freedom report - Prof Apoorvanand Speaks to Satya Hindi

https://www.youtube.com/live/_2jsa7IANZ4?feature=share

Is international religious freedom report a humiliation for PM Modi ? । BJP । APOORVANAND

International religious freedom reports names India along with Russia, China and Saudi Arabia where faith community leaders are being targeted. This report comes just a month before PM Modi is scheduled to go to United States

India: ‘Rationalization’ of Text books or Communalization of Polity? | Ram Puniyani

https://rampuniyani.com/rationalization-of-text-books-or-communalization-of-polity/

‘Rationalization’ of Text books or Communalization of Polity?

Ram Puniyani

Text books of schools are also a site of contestation between differing versions of nationalism. The two inheritors of colonial India, India and Pakistan show this in a parallel and opposite ways. In Pakistan since the country came up in the name of Islam, it taught a history in schools which began with Mohammad bin Kasim ruling in Sind in eight century. The Hindu kings and Hindus are shown in a poor light to the extent that an average child in Pakistan school will refer to a Hindu in a very derogatory way.

India had a much different trajectory and succeeding the early historians, an attempt was made to make the history scientific and rational. Religion was not the sole marker of the king’s rule or diverse aspects of history, till BJP ruled NDA came to power in 1999, when Murli Manohar Joshi as MHRD minster undertook project of ‘saffronization of history and syllabus’. Saffronization term was broadly put to promote the view including understanding of History around Hindu nationalist discourse. It was based on the ‘glorious Hindu kings versus evil Muslim kings’. In addition the faith based subjects like astrology were made part of the curriculum. Rituals like ‘Putra Kameshti Yagya’ (ritual to have a son) found a place in the new syllabus.

With UPA coming to power (2004) and attempt was made to undo part of this saffronization. Now with BJP in the saddle the process of communalization is being brought back, in the name of ‘rationalization’. NCERT on the pretext that Covid epidemic and the lockdown has put extra pressure on the students so there is a need to lighten the burden of students is deleting portions of the books which are a sore to the eye of ruling dispensation. Aghast by the rash and untoughtful ‘deletions’ which break the link of the whole many historians have expressed their dismay to the whole process, as portions related to Mughal history are being deleted while the portions relation to Vijayanagar Kingdom continue to be retained.

In the Hindu nationalist view of the ruling dispensation, Islam is a ‘foreign’ religion and Muslim kings were aggressors who came here and spread Islam on the point of the sword. The syncretism and social interactions during this period stands erased. How will these ideologues present the rise of great Sikh religion, Bhakti and Sufi tradition during this period remains to be seen. The Mughal period or any other period, cannot not be understood solely around the religion of the king. This pattern was introduced by British to pursue their policy of ‘divide and rule’. Particularly during the medieval period the alliances between Muslim and Hindu kings will have to be erased by this method of History writing. Just a single example, how will it be explained that in the battle of Haldighati Akbar’s commander in Chief was Raja Mansing and amongst the two generals of Rana Pratap, one was Hakim Khan Sur.

This aspect of ‘deletion’ of Mughals, though at present in part, has been the most glaring part of the present process of rationalization. The accompanying other deletions go on to tell us the whole agenda of the ruling party.      

Gandhi’s life was the supreme example of promoting fraternity, mainly Hindu Muslim unity in the country. Now this stands deleted. The deleted portion is as follows “His (Gandhi’s) steadfast pursuit of Hindu-Muslim unity provoked Hindu extremists so much that they made several attempts to assassinate Gandhiji… Gandhiji’s death had an almost magical effect on the communal situation in the country… The Government of India cracked down on organizations that were spreading communal hatred. Organizations like the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh were banned for some time…”

The other major aspect, the outcome of communal politics is the rise of communal violence. The carnage in Gujarat, which was orchestrated on the pretext of Godhra train burning, now its reference is being dropped from the books, particularly where the role of BJP is indicated by National Human Rights Commission in failure of the Government to control the carnage. It was possible to control the carnage but the large military contingent which was available to the state Government was put on hold for three long days!  The deleted passage includes an apt observation, “Instances, like in Gujarat, alert us to the dangers involved in using religious sentiments for political purposes. This poses a threat to democratic politics.” It also deletes the advice of Prime Minster Atal Bihari Vajpayee to CM of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, “My one message to the Chief Minister (of Gujarat) is that he should follow ‘raj dharma’. A ruler should not make any discrimination between his subjects on the basis of caste, creed and religion.”

One of agenda of communal politics is to stifle democracy and undermine to suppress the mass movements. Many such movements which took place during last several decades stand omitted from the new books. The one aimed at preserving environment, Chipko Movement is out and the movement Narmada Bacaho, which aimed to preserve Adivasi’s rights and also save environment will not be there anymore. Communal politics also wants to ensure that the dalits-OBC remain on the lower strata of society. While the communal politics adopts complex tactics for this, the books will not mention the significant rebellion of dalits in the form of Dalit Panthers, which awakened the dalit masses to their plight and rights in the decade of 1970s. The most democratically empowering ‘Right to Information’ movement, the main achievement of democratic struggles will stand deleted from the new books.

Origin of caste which has been from within the social norms and religious practices has been mostly attributed to the foreigners, Muslims in particular. So such a para has no place in the new books, “The priests also said that these groups were decided on the basis of birth… Later, they classified some people as untouchable. These included some crafts persons, hunters and gatherers, as well as people who helped perform burials and cremations. The priests said that contact with these groups was polluting…” “…Caste rules were set which did not allow the so-called “untouchables” to take on work, other than what they were meant to do. For example, some groups were forced to pick garbage and remove dead animals from the village. But they were not allowed to enter the homes of the upper castes or take water from the village well, or even enter temples. Their children could not sit next to children of other castes in school…”

 

And of course Nehru’s vision of temples of Modern India has no place in the scheme of things practiced by communal forces today. How can this vision of the Architect Modern India can withstand the communalization of our text books, “Which place can be greater than this, this Bhakra Nangal, where thousands and lakhs of men have worked, have shed their blood and sweat and laid down their lives as well?”

Simlalry chapters like ‘Democracy and Diversity’ along with comments on the Emergency when the media and civil liberties were stifled stands deleted. All in all the deletions are total reflections of the political agenda of communal politics and it is not just the deletion of Mughals.