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Showing posts with label Dangs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dangs. Show all posts

January 05, 2011

Hindutva leader to be booked for Samjhauta blast - 2 reports from Times of India

The Times of India

Saffron terror leader to be booked for Samjhauta blast

by Vishwa Mohan & Dwaipayan Ghosh, TNN, Jan 6, 2011, 12.54am IST

NEW DELHI: The National Investigation Agency probing the blast on Samjhauta Express in February 2007 looks set to book militant Hindutva leader Aseemanand. It has identified Aseemanand as the key plotter of the attack that killed 68 people, majority of them Pakistani citizens returning home after visiting their kin in India.

Sources in the agency, which was brought in after investigations by Haryana Police reached a dead-end, told TOI that Aseemanand planned the blast to avenge the series of terror attacks by Islamist terror groups.

"The role of Hindu extremists behind the blast has become clear. The probe agency found that Aseemanand was one of the plotters. The group had done it under their 'Bomb-for-Bomb' plan which was hatched in the Dangs district of Gujarat," said sources in the NIA.

Haryana police had found similarities in the explosives used in the Samjhauta blast and the explosion at Hyderabad's Mecca Masjid, another attack suspected to have been carried out by Aseemanand and his comrades under the 'Bomb-for-Bomb' plan.

But the Haryana cops could not connect the dots. The picture was further complicated when the US named a Pakistani terrorist, Asif Kasmani, suspected to be a go-between Lashkar and al-Qaida, as the main suspect in the Samajhauta blast.

NIA's probe into the cases of saffron terror has gathered momentum after the arrest of Aseemanand who is believed to have inspired Abhinav Bharat members to retaliate against Islamist terror.

NIA's investigation into the Samjhauta train attack may give Pakistan a handle to embarrass India. Officials are wary of the possibility of Islamabad asking for Aseemanand's custody once he is charge-sheeted. But the government has decided to press ahead with the probe, said an official.

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SEE ALSO:

The Times of India

From a swami to kingpin of 'Hindutva terror'

Yagnesh Mehta, TNN, Jan 5, 2011, 05.54am IST


Swami Aseemanand is the latest big name in the "Hindutva" terror web blamed for a series of blasts; starting with Samjhauta Express in 2007 to the ones at shrines in Hyderabad, Ajmer and Malegaon.

The 58-year-old, whose real name is Jatin Chatterjee, is best known for reconverting tribals in the remote Dangs area of Gujarat from Christianity to Hinduism.

But as the anti-terrorist squad and then the National Investigation Agency (NIA) dug deeper, they found that Aseemanand was more than just a preacher.

Investigators believe that the "bomb-for-bomb" policy of the extremist Hindu groups was formulated at Shabridham in the Dangs during the Shabri Kumbh held from February 11 to 13, 2006. The Shabri Kumbh, a mela was the brainchild of Aseemanand who came to the Dangs in 1995. In fact, the success of the fair helped BJP win the Dangs assembly seat for the first time in 2007. Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur, Sunil Joshi, Ramji Kalsangra, Lokesh Sharma and Sandeep Dange were some at the saffron activists who participated in the 2006 Shabri Kumbh.

The investigators are now trying to put together the story of how the conspirators managed to not only create a terror network but also acquired skills to make sophisticated bombs within just a year.

Aseemanand's case cropped up soon after the arrest of Sadhvi Pragya Thakur in the Malegaon blast case. He was using a mobile phone registered in the name of his driver Sunil Dahod. Many calls were made from this phone to Sadhvi Pragya Thakur. The Maharashtra ATS questioned Dahod in November 2008 to track Aseemanand but he escaped. He was finally arrested by the CBI in Haridwar on November 19 last year.

The 80-page chargesheet filed by CBI said Aseemanand held a meeting within 10 days of the bomb explosion at Sankatmochan temple in Varanasi in March 2006 with his supporters.

On Monday, the NIA told the court that the Samjhauta blast was hatched in the Dangs district of Gujarat and at Chittaranjan in West Bengal.

Aseemanand first landed in the Dangs as a member of the Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, an RSS front organisation. Before that, he was active in the Andaman & Nicobar Islands.

Born and brought up in West Bengal, Aseemanand completed his masters in physics from West Bengal's Burdwan University and joined the Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram in 1978.

Aseemanand's reconversion drive spread to the neighbouring tribal areas of Valsad, Navsari and Surat of Gujarat and Nandurbar of Maharashtra.

He started reconversion of Christian tribals to Hinduism with a bath at the hot water spring at Unai temple. He gained a fair amount of popularity during this time. After around two years of stay in the Dangs, Aseemanand managed to create strong feelings among Hindu tribals which led to anti-Christian riots in December 1998 in various parts of the backward area.

Then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and leader of opposition Sonia Gandhi had then visited the Dangs. Following the riots, Aseemananad went underground for a year.

January 04, 2011

RSS top brass and Aseemanand at Shabari Kumbh - 2006 Hindutva jamboree

Hindustan Times

Senior RSS men at blast accused's 2006 jamboree

Rajesh Ahuja, Hindustan Times

New Delhi, January 04, 2011

Was Aseemanand only a fringe player in the Hindutva camp? Although the mastermind of the alleged Hindu terror blasts was a leader of only an RSS-inspired group, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, he used to enjoy the trust of the top Hindutva leadership. So much so that a good part of the who’s who of the Hindutva camp attended his Shabari Kumbh in Gujarat’s Dang district in 2006 to make the event a success. (Aseemanand headed the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in Dangs district.)

Among the luminaries at the event were then Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief KS Sudershan, his deputy and current chief Mohan Bhagwat and Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan, besides Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi.

Also, religious and social leaders, such as Morari Bapu, Swami Satyamitrananda Giri, Asaram Bapu and Shankaracharya Vidya Narsingh Bharati of Karvir Peeth, attended the event.

Aseemanand, investigators said, organised the event meant for attracting tribals to the Hindutva camp by using the Ramayana character Shabari, a tribal woman devoted to Ram.

But the Rajasthan anti-terrorist squad has said in its chargesheet in the Ajmer blast case that Aseemanand alias Jotin Chatterjee — a suspect in blasts on the Samjhauta Express and in Mecca Masjid, Ajmer Sharif, Malegaon and Modasa — used the event to meet his followers to finalise plans for the blasts.

The chargesheet said around half-a-dozen members of Aseemanand’s group reached the venue 10-12 days ahead of the start of the event on February 11, 2006. It also said people later exposed for their roles in the blasts — Sunil Joshi, Pragya Singh Thakur, Sandeep Dange, Ramji Kalsangra, Lokesh Sharma and Devendra Gupta — were among the organisers.

Of them, Joshi, a close follower of Aseemanand, was shot dead in December 2007 while Dange and Kalsangra are yet to be apprehended. Aseemanand was arrested from Haridwar last November.

But Manmohan Vaidya, national publicity chief of the RSS, said Aseemanand was only a member, not a leader, of the ‘Shabari Kumbh Mahostav Aayojan Samiti — the event’s organising committee. Admitting he used to lead an RSS-inspired group, Vaidya declined further comment as the matter is being investigated.

November 20, 2010

The arrest of Swami Aseemanand

Indian Express, November 20 2010


Shock grips Aseemanand’s followers at his Dangs base

The arrest of Swami Aseemanand has come as a shock to his followers in Sabridham that he set up after he came to the tribal district of the Dangs in 1996. Most of them found it hard to believe he could be involved in terror strikes. Routine activities at Sabri Mata temple, however, continued on Friday.

Aseemanand had gone underground soon since his name figured in the so-called Hindutva terror ring after the arrest of Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur by the Mumbai ATS more than two years ago. Both Rajasthan and Mumbai ATS have been on his trail in the Dangs but failed to get any leads from the locals in the Dangs, mostly tribals among whom he commands a large following.

Swami was one of the trustees of Sabri Mata Sewa Samithi Trust formed for building a temple at Subir village in the Dangs. A veteran BJP leader from Navsari, Jayenti Kewat, had helped him in building the temple by collecting funds from businessmen in Surat and Navsari. Aseemanand also played a key role in organising the Sabri Kumbh fair at Subir village in 2006, which many said was a re-conversion exercise.

Kewat was president of the Trust from 2006 to 2009. Later, when Aseemanand’s name figured in connection with the Malegaon blast, he went underground and the entire body was dissolved.

A new body was formed comprising Aseemanand’s close associates including Vijay Patel, the BJP MLA from the Dangs, Nirmala Kishor Gamit, Ramni Puwar, Phoolchand Kokni, Kalu Gayekwad and a few others.

At present, the president of the Trust is Swami Jagdev Ramji of Chhattisgarh, who is also president of All India Vanwasi Kalyan Ashram.

“Swami came to Dangs in 1996 and had stayed in Kangadiamal village. He created a good image among tribals and even learnt Dangi language. He was truly a religious man. He had brought back many tribals to the Hindu fold after they were converted into Christianity,” said Nirmala Kishor Gavit, one of the trustees.

“We have worked with Swamiji for long and roamed with him in villages for years. He is a pious man and worked for the uplift of tribals,” he said.

October 28, 2010

Gujarat was the hub for all the Hindutva terror attacks in Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh

Indian Express, Oct 27 2010

The Gujarat connection

by Kamaal Saiyed

While the blasts to “avenge the killings of Hindus” happened in (Ajmer) Rajasthan, (Malegaon) Maharashtra, and (Mecca Masjid) Andhra Pradesh, it is Gujarat — more specifically South Gujarat — that has emerged as a hub for the conspirators. It is from and to Gujarat that they kept flitting, while planning and plotting the conspiracy. Malegaon’s copycat blast, leading to a death near a mosque in Modasa, a North Gujarat town, had the Gujarat Police reportedly stonewalling the leads. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has since taken over the probe.

The chargesheet filed by the Rajasthan ATS in the Ajmer 2007 blast case names two people linked to Gujarat: Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur, now in jail for her alleged role in the Malegaon blast, and Swami Aseemanand, now on the run. While Pragya’s family is based in Surat, it was Aseemanand who cultivated South Gujarat’s tribal region, stationing himself inThe Dangs in the 1990s to take on the Christian missionaries there.

A Bengali by birth, after a brief stint with the Ramakrishan Mission, Aseemanand entered Gujarat with a Sangh Parivar affiliate, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram. He started work at Waghai in The Dangs, which became the hotbed of the anti-missionary movement. He was one of those who organised the Shabarikumbh Mela in 2006. It is at the mela, at Subir in The Dangs, that the key organisers, including Aseemanand, allegedly gave concrete shape to the plans to “avenge Hindu killings”, while reportedly networking with the Sangh Parivar affiliates in the state.

For Aseemanand, the location of the district was perfect for the execution of the plan: it borders Maharashtra, with a direct road link to Malegaon. It was in The Dangs that he had reportedly vowed that the “threat” from Islamic jehad and Christian conversion were the two challenges to the Hindu samaj and both need to be confronted. After Pragya’s arrest, he disappeared from the area.

The police say nobody has approached them in the case. Surat Range IG A K Singh, who is spearheading the Naxal-linked arrests in the state, particularly in South Gujarat, said, “We know that many investigating agencies are looking for Aseemanand for his involvement in the Ajmer and Malegaon blasts. He developed his base at the Shabari Mata temple in The Dangs. We have done our homework, he has not been spotted in the area for a long time. Nobody has sought our help to locate him.”

Aseemanand, fluent in Hindi, English, Gujarati, and the Dangi dialect, wooed the tribals arduously. According to sources, he is still in touch with his aides in Subir, and visited the area twice. But he no longer remains the trustee of the Shabari Sewa Samit Trust. The Trust, earlier presided over by Jayanti Kewat, a known saffron affiliate in the region, went in for a complete change a few months ago. Kewat, a resident of Navsari district, resigned, with new faces like the district’s first BJP MLA, Vijay Patel, Aseemanand’s close associate Kishor Gavit’s wife Nirmala taking up the office-bearers’ posts. Kishore had introduced Aseemanand to Vijay and other BJP leaders of the area. Now all of them plead ignorance regarding his whereabouts in South Gujarat and in Maharashtra’s Dhulia and Navapur — places he frequented. However, all of them speak of him with respect.

Said Kishor Gavit, “He came to Subir village. He is a genuine man, down to earth and polite. He addressed public meetings at different villages. It’s been a long time since I saw him in the Dangs.”

Cross over to Maharashtra, and in Navapur, a border town seven kilometres from Gujarat and 140 km from Malegaon, Aseemanand is a known name. “He was in Navapur only once, during Dussehra,” said Ganesh Wadnere, a Shiv Sena councillor of Navapur Nagar Parishad who heads the Rashtra Jagruti Seva Manch that hosted Dussehra celebrations in September 2008.

Nilam Pathak, a Navapur-based journalist, recalled that the Swami had told them how Pragya travelled “from Indore to the Shabarikumbh Mela on a motorbike, reaching in the dead of the night”. In Chitpada village in Dhulia, Maharashtra, Aseemanand was the chief speaker at the Hindu Adivasi Hit Raksha Morcha way back in May 2000.

The police, in The Dangs and Modasa, have no leads in the case, nor know of his whereabouts. In the Modasa blast case, the police have filed a summary, while the NIA has taken over material evidence for further testing in Delhi’s Forensic Science Laboratory.

November 10, 2008

Trail leads to Hindutva laboratory

Hindutva operator in Dangs Gujarat and Malegaon blast

The Hindu, November 10, 2008

One held in south Gujarat
Special Correspondent

AHMEDABAD: The Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad has arrested Ramji from the tribal-dominated Dangs district in south Gujarat in connection with the Malegaon bomb blasts.

The State police sources said Ramji was picked up from the Shabri temple in Dangs district where he was employed as a “sevak.” The Shabri temple had sought to fame recently when the Vishwa Hindu Parishad organised a massive rally of sadhus and sants to promote “Shabri Mata,” said to be an ardent disciple of Lord Ram, to woo the tribals.

Ramji was alleged to have used Sadhvi Pragnya’s motorbike in Malegaon. He was connected with Hindu Jagran Manch activist Swami Ashimananda, who has been working among the tribals in Dangs to re-convert the Christian tribals to Hinduism.

Malegaon probe: ATS raids ashram of Swami Asimananda in the Dangs, Gujarat

source

Malegaon probe: ATS raids ashram of prominent Swami

TimePublished on Sun, Nov 09, 2008 at 15:50 in Nation section


FINER DETAILS: ATS is trying to ascertain if the ashram or the swami had any connection with the blasts.

FINER DETAILS: ATS is trying to ascertain if the ashram or the swami had any connection with the blasts.

New Delhi: The Maharashtra anti-terror squad (ATS) has raided the ashram of prominent Swami Asimananda in the Dangs district of Gujarat.

ATS sources say Swami Asimananda was using his driver Sunil Dahwad's sim card and was in constant touch with prime suspect sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur.

ATS is trying to ascertain if the ashram or the swami had any connection with the blasts.

The swami's ashram is near Subir village in the Dangs district, about 34 km from the district headquarters.

Asimananda has been very active in the Sangh Parivaar's re-conversion drives in the tribal-dominated belt.

Investigations by the ATS has also put more army officers in the probe radar.

After the arrest of the Lt Col Purohit, two more serving Colonels and a retired Lieutenant General are on the Maharashtra ATS' radar.

The blast in Nanded had taken place on April 6, 2006 at the residence of a retired irrigation department engineer and Rashtriya Swamsewak Sangh activist Lakshman Rajkondawar.

Rajkondawar's son Naresh Lakshman Rajkondwar and Himanshu Venkatesh Panse were killed in the blast while four others - Yogesh Ravindra Deshpande Vidholkar, Maroti Kishore Wagh, Gururaj Jayaram Tuptewar and Rahul Manoharao Pande - were seriously injured.

Pande managed to flee from the scene of the explosion, but was arrested later

April 05, 2007

Anhad petitions Supreme Court on inflamatory CD

(The Hindu)

SC admits PIL seeking inquiry into 'inflammatory' CD

New Delhi, April. 5 (PTI): The Supreme Court today sought the Centre's response on a PIL seeking CBI enquiry to identify those allegedly involved in the production of inflammatory CD, propagating anti-Christian remarks in Gujarat and Maharashtra in 2005.

A Bench comprising Justice A K Mathur and Justice Dalveer Bhandari admitted a petition filed by a Delhi-based NGO alleging that administration has failed to take action against some organisations involved in the activities leading to communal unrest.

The Bench granted four weeks to the Centre to file its reply after going through the alleged inflammatory CD circulated in Dang district of Gujarat and some places in Maharashtra and north-east states.

The NGO, Anhad, alleged that Sri Shabri Kumbh Samoroh Ayogan Samiti, which organised Sabri Kumbh Mela in the Dangs district of Gujarat, distributed inflammatory CD which incites Hindus against Christian community.

"The CD violates the fundamental rights to preservation, communal harmony and public order as enshrined in Article 19(2) and 25 of the Constitution," the NGO said.

It also sought prosecution of all persons and organisations involved in the production, sale and distribution of the CD.

The petitioner also submitted that despite several complaints made to the senior police and administrative officers refused to take action to check the distribution of the CD or to nab the accused persons, saying that nothing objectionable or wrong was shown in the CD.


Copyright © 2006, The Hindu

December 24, 2006

Gujarat 2006: Life For Christians, Tribals And Dalits

(People's Democracy
December 24, 2006)

Gujarat 2006: Life For Christians, Tribals And Dalits

by Nalini Taneja

MUSLIMS have lived a precarious existence since 2002, but life has not been much better for Christians, particularly christian tribals and dalits in Narendra Modi’s Gujarat. They have been affected by the Sangh Parivar activities in two ways: the Sangh Parivar mobilisations have created divisions within tribals and dalit communities by incorporating the non-Christian dalits and tribals into their scheme of Hindu rashtra, and by inflicting violence on those it sees as ‘converted’ by Christian missionaries. The Religious Conversion Bill has been made a tool for both intimidating Christian tribals and dalits, and for promoting their ‘home coming’ to ‘Hinduism’ via the RSS fold. Discrimination and ‘reward’ in providing relief and other social schemes has assumed the contours of a system facilitating entry into the RSS fold.

The ‘social organisations’ of the Parivar have worked among the tribals in Gujarat, they have brought them into the fold of Hinduism by incorporating their deities into the Hindu pantheon, and have a running system of monetary and other incentives to enlist them as foot-soldiers in their attacks on the Muslims. The Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad has been receiving huge funds from the government, ‘projects’ sanctioned and funded during the NDA regime continue into the UPA regime. The proliferation of Ekal Vidyalayas is similarly a result of such funding.

These schemes not only incorporate the ‘beneficiaries’ of such schemes, they also enlist and train the teacher, preacher and social worker, who become key figures in the network of communal organisations. The social intervention among tribals and dalits has been significant in the creation and sustenance of Hindutva activists at the ‘grassroots’; and they are fast co-opting and replacing the Gandhian activists in Gujarat. Tribals form about 15 per cent of the population of Gujarat.
Dangs, a tribal district, has seen intermittent attacks on Christian tribals and Christian priests and nuns, and on Christian congregations, since 1996. Intimidating camps for re-conversions and arms training have been organised by the Bajrang Dal, more particularly since 2002. A Citizens’ Inquiry Committee Report on proselytisation of tribals in Dangs, released on January 3, 2006, gave extensive details on the activities of the Sangh parivar.

According to this report, Dangs is the smallest district of Gujarat, with a 92 per cent tribal population, subject to utter neglect. The legend is propagated that Ram visited Dangs, which according to the Parivar propaganda is Dandakaranya of the Ramayana; and a nearby place has been designated as the exact spot where Ram accepted and ate berries given by Shabri. Christianity is described as a ‘foreign’ faith, and tribals are called upon to do them what Ram did to Ravana. Hindu Jago, Christi bhagao (Hindus wake up, drive out the Christians) is the central slogan here. The team which visited the district found that “even the pretence of distance between the state apparatus and the Sangh has been abandoned. The local administration, its functionaries, vehicles and funds, are openly being used for the advancement of the intensively divisive communal agenda.” The collector justified the communal mobilisation as “religious and cultural awakening.” In February 2006 the Sangh organised a massive ‘Kumbh’ in the district, which resulted in hate filled campaigns, insecurity and tensions, and organised violence against Christians in the area.

Mobilisation of Tribals

The mobilisation of tribals in eastern Gujarat and their active participation in the 2002 genocide of Muslims must not be seen as a culmination of Hindutva mobilisation of tribals, shocking though it was for most scholars and activists who have been analyzing the success of Hindutva in the state. In many ways it was one stage along a path that promises to pay many dividends in the future for the communal forces.

State policies and the globalisation of economy in the last two decades have exacerbated tensions among tribals and created class conflicts within tribals, and it suits the emerging beneficiaries of these policies to tie up with Hindutva in a state that is aligned to the Sangh Parivar and committed to policies that lead to dispossession of the majority among them. Therefore today, so many years hence, it would be foolish to look on the tribals as an undifferentiated community, fooled into participation in riots by false propaganda alone, lured by Hindutva myths that represent them as part of Hindu social order and false consciousness, or even individual monetary bribes and incentives alone. There is a system in all this madness, as they say.

Gujarat is after all not the most backward of states in economic terms, and the dispossession that is taking place among tribals is not affecting them all equally (market forces never do so), nor is it proceeding without the state co-option of a section of tribals (a typical state strategy wherever there is discontent). There is a need to note therefore the fundamental link between the widespread undifferentiated Hindutva propaganda which influences all sections of the tribals, and thereby inhibits their involvement in democratic struggles, and the overtures to a section among them that forms the nuts and bolts of their organisational network at the local level.

A ‘grassroots’ leadership of Hindutva activists among tribals has been made possible through economic policies that affect tribals and their rights and control over resources, and through implementation of social projects, often government projects, which require and provide sustenance for those recruited as ‘social workers’ in these projects and government schemes. These act as nodes which provide leadership and facilitate decisive action on the part of a sizeable section of tribals in favour of the Hindutva forces at the local level. The mobilisation of tribals in Gujarat has been achieved in precisely such a manner: the Modi regime in the state and the NDA government in the centre have been a crucial factor in the creation and sustenance of this network Sanskritisation, economic advancement in an environment of market forces and political patronage from a right wing state have contributed to a safe climate for a section of tribals to break off their moorings in favour of the Hindutva politics where it pays to do so.

Co-option of tribals for the agenda of globalisation and communalisation in Gujarat is thus proceeding apace with attacks on tribal rights and their religious identity, as well as pro active economic measures and Hinduisation: the lack of a visible state-sponsored Salwa Judum like movement in Gujarat should not blind us to the reality of its presence as a pervasive current.

Hindutva mobilisations against Christians in Gujarat, as elsewhere in the country, have helped prevent unity of tribals by creating divisions among Christian and ‘Hindu’ tribals, while mobilisations against Muslims have prevented this disunity from assuming class forms.

Mobilising Dalits

The Hindutva strategy for mobilising dalits in Gujarat has been similar. The involvement of a sizeable section of dalits in the 2002 genocide was noted with a sense of shock. There has been a general dismay among scholars and secular activists. There has been intense introspection among dalit scholars and activists as well. But again, as in the case of tribals, most people have stressed on the Hindutva propaganda incorporating rituals and practices of the dalit communities into the larger Hindu religious expression as the one significant reason for their success among dalits. Ambedkar is now routinely being depicted as an advocate of the Hindu rashtra, they point out.

All this is of course true. But one needs to take cognisance of the changing historical context in which the dalit movements are operating today and what is happening to the dalit movements as well. One needs to look at what has been happening to our polity and the trajectory of ‘economic development’ in the country in the last two decades. In many ways Gujarat has led the way on both counts. It has represented the onslaught of both neo-liberal economic policies and ideologies and the sectarianism and chauvinism they characterise. What Bush has been fighting for in global terms, Modi in Gujarat has fought for within our country.

Just as the mobilisation of all other marginalised sections by the ruling classes has been facilitated by the general rightward turn of the political parties of the centre, it is so in the case of mobilisation of dalits as well by the Sangh Parivar. In times of increasing deprivation social tensions derive not just from the fact of deprivation which catapult all deprived sections towards struggle, but also by the intensification of competition, quite often with their own kind. It is this that provides a basis for co-option of a section of dalits into the Hindutva project.

The Hindutva forces have been best able to take advantage of this, rather than the also- shifting-to-the-Right Congress, which in Gujarat has never been able to pose any real alternative—not just in economic, but also in social terms. The Gandhian intellectuals and activists have long ceased to represent the interest of the lower castes in Gujarat, and have found their own secularism eroded in the Hindutva ‘laboratory’. The 2002 genocide in Gujarat thoroughly exposed their weakness and inability to defend even what Gandhi in his compromises stood for, or the Gandhian consensus, as some would like to term them.

At another level one has seen a tendency among some dalit leaders and ideologues to consciously de-link dalit movements from the general democratic and secular struggles. Secularism is no longer a sacrosanct and necessary component of dalit movements; dalit identity is being counterposed with upper caste Hindu identity without reference to secularism and a scientific temper. The moorings within the freedom movement and the strong rationalism and egalitarianism of Ambedkar are missing in many streams of dalit movements even as Ambedkar himself is still revered by millions of dalits. The strivings of dalits for a better life and the stirrings that make dignity non negotiable are being weakened by this de linking, and are propelling some sections of dalits towards a politics of identity rather than democratisation of society as a whole.
This is not to undermine the validity of asserting dalit identity and culture, or even the significance of challenging the dominance of the upper caste and the Hindu social order through the politics of identity and assertions of an alternative culture, but to underline that even this fight gets weakened when de-linked from issues of secularism, class struggle, and political democracy.

Mayawati’s support for the BJP and the vicissitudes of electoral politics has created an intellectual atmosphere where the BJP does not become untouchable. She has not only come out openly in support of Modi and campaigned for him in Gujarat, she has obliged the Sangh Parivar with her anti-Muslim rhetoric.

Caste based movements of the BSP, like those of the OBCs, have preferred aligning with the BJP which represents upper caste domination in order to fight each other. In such a context it becomes difficult to sustain an anti Hindu social order profile for the dalit movements at a mass level even as its political leadership and intellectuals may consider “the Hindu social order” as the “chief instrument for their oppression”. In Gujarat the dalit movements have been subject to all these pressures.

On their part, the middle castes in Gujarat, because of the Gandhian legacy of opposing labour movements and land reform, and the trajectories of economic development in the state, have found many more threads that bind them to the upper castes. Attacks on dalits have intensified in Gujarat, as in all other parts of the country because of these caste alliances, which are not every time mediated by political parties.

In most cases attacks on dalits are open, caste attacks by upper caste men are often backed by village control over landed wealth. Unless these are traced to Ranvir Sena or some such organisation as in Bihar and UP some times, these attacks are assumed to be local. Dalits are hardly able to retaliate, given the local balance of class-caste forces.

In other cases, like the recent defiling of Ambedkar’s statue, the dalits are able to retaliate and protest widely, and some times counter attack.

But in the case of Sangh Parivar organised violence, when the attacks on dalits are well organised and openly attributable to the organisations of the Sangh Parivar, such as the Bajrang Dal, new factors come into play. Sangh organised violence is never seen as or reported by the media as attacks on dalits: they are seen as and reported as attacks on Christians.
In Gujarat most of the attacks on dalits belong to this category. Dalit Christians are branded as anti-Hindu, anti-national elements, much like Muslims are, and Christian missionaries are accused of “spreading Christianity through forced conversions”; and the converted are as much enemies of the people as those who convert them. Attacks on their congregations are represented as contestations with western dominance.

Therefore, also, in the recent decade anti-dalit violence can easily be shown to be on the decline, even as Christian dalits and the Muslim poor (often also of lower caste), bear the brunt of Sangh Parivar violence. The recorded number of cases regarding violence against dalits is much lower than in other states and convictions even lower: recorded number of cases is approximately 1300 and convictions are in one digit number, i. e., about two percent.

And precisely because attacks on Christian dalits are seen as attacks on Christians and not on dalits, it has become possible for the Sangh parivar to co-opt some sections of the non-Christian dalits into their scheme of the Hindu rashtra.
Double Burden

The dalit Christians, bearing the double burden of being dalits and Christians, are never able to protest and retaliate. It is the Christian organisations, and often middle class spokespersons and representatives who protest on their behalf. There are never counter attacks or counter violence against the Sangh Parivar organisations, which have a lot of muscle power and organised strength, more particularly in the BJP ruled states, including Gujarat.

Yet another factor is that there are many dalit ideologues who believe and have been advocating that globalisation policies benefit dalits; on the spurious grounds that it entails the hegemony and primacy of market over the Hindu social order. Such ideologues and leaders can hardly prevent the co-option of a section of dalits into the Hindutva fold, so closely aligned in Gujarat with a government that congratulates itself for its globalisation policies.

In a state where the index of ‘development’ is higher than in many other states it is not surprising that a section of dalits can be mobilised for the Hindutva project, seeing themselves as directly benefiting from the economic boycott of and destruction of small businesses and workshops of the Muslims: dalits share many occupations and economic functions with the poor and lower middle class Muslims.

The Gujarat ‘Gaurav’ day this year saw violence against both Muslims and Christians, and an affirmation and assertion on the part of Narendra Modi that Gujarat stands by and is proud of its creations of localities that term themselves ‘Hindu rashtra’( by virtue of having rid themselves of Muslims and Christians). Score of such boards adorn the state, particularly at entry points to several villages.

The acceptance of this sorry reality by the people of the state tells its own story: it is a message that the fight for secular ideals and democracy in Gujarat is long drawn and there are no short cuts.

The UPA government seems to rest on its laurels that genocide has not been repeated, and it expects the Muslims and Christians to be both grateful and happy for that. Is this all they have a right to expect as citizens from a government that won on the slogan of secularism?

February 12, 2006

How the Sangh usurps traditional myths: a living story from the Dangs

(Tehelka,Feb 18 , 2006)

When It Comes To Power The RSS Knows Its Gods

Why this hostility around an inspirational story from a great epic?

By Dilip D’Souza


The road to Ahwa gets worse as we get closer to the little town. We can tell as much by the light of a full Sankrant moon, playing peekaboo as we wind through the hills; brilliant burnt orange when we first see it low on the horizon, gleaming silver high into the sky as the night wears on. Though really, I don’t need the moon to tell me how bad the road is. The bumps suffice.

On the right along one stretch, there’s nothing between us and the dull gleam of a river. But wait, what are those flickers of orange just beyond the road’s edge? Small fires. We’ve seen plenty of those, clumps of people huddled around them warding off the January Dangs chill. But here the fires seem...well, constricted. These are fires inside small shacks.

These are labourers working on the road, living beside it for the duration, as migrant labour does. Labourers, come ‘home’ for the night. Shacks like these, all over the Dangs.

So what’s cooking here? The Shabari Kumbh mela, 500,000 pilgrims expected. Roads are being improved, but there’s more. Long tracts of empty fields have sprouted poles, by the thousands, for tents to house pilgrims. Troughs have been dug and lined with multi-coloured toilets. Large plastic water tanks stand on concrete platforms. Electricity is making its way all over the district. The Purna river has had 22 check dams built on it to form Pampasarovar, where pilgrims are supposed to bathe.

All this, because for years, tribals in the Dangs have quietly venerated a spot on top of a hill near dusty Subir. Kumbh organisers say this is where Shabari sat Ram and Lakshman while she fed them berries. So they are building a temple here, and decided to hold this celebration.

Hyper-reality: Shabari Kumbh poster

Witness this inscription: We will remove
conversions and jehadi mentality from this world...What does such hostility have to do with
a tender story from a
great epic?
February 11, 12, 13, 2006: likely the most crowded days the Dangs will ever see. Yet, if faith is to be served, if pilgrims are to find spiritual fulfillment in the gentle waters of man-made Pampasarovar — why the things you hear about the event? An RSS activist at the mela office, Mahesh Daga said, “The main objective is to put a full stop to conversion of tribals.”

The Kumbh mela’s website, shabarikumbh.org, has a section, ‘About Kumbh’. The second paragraph there is a denunciation of the Christian church. You learn that the slogan Hindu jagao, Christi bhagao has become ‘popular’ in the Dangs. You learn that Swami Aseemananda, one of the moving spirits behind the mela, told Christians here, “I have come here to drive away those who have come here to serve.”

What does such hostility have to do with a tender story from a great epic? ‘About Kumbh’ has more of interest. “Organising a Kumbh in a remote, heavily forested area is a nightmare,” it says. “The 352 villages in Dang district had no electricity or roads ... There are no medical facilities or eateries in the vicinity. ... Realizing the importance of (the Kumbh) the state government of Shri Narendra Modi has extended full cooperation (and) has undertaken construction of roads on a war footing. All the 352 villages of Dang have got electrification.”

Good. But consider: if the state government has done so much since the idea for the Kumbh, why was the Dangs deprived before? After all, Modi has been in power for several years. Why did it need a Kumbh for his government to bring electricity here, to construct roads “on a war footing”?

The irony goes deeper. We drove between the Navsari border and Ahwa one night, between Pampasarovar and Ahwa the next night. If you discount Ahwa, the number of electric lights we saw could be numbered on two hands. Oh, but plenty of village homes were lit by fires and oil lamps. Some families used to have electricity and meters but could not pay their bills. Why? One farmer told us that bills only came once in two years, thus for large amounts like Rs 12,000. Unable to pay — they could have managed smaller monthly bills — their meters and supply were taken away.

So I have no idea what shabarikumbh.org means by claiming that all 352 villages have been electrified.

What is electrified, of course, is the temple. Sited on top of a hill with a magnificent view of forested slopes, the Shabari Dham temple promises to be a spectacular tribute to a charming story. Yet here too, there is hostility. To one side is a large concrete water tank, with this inscription: Dharmantran aur jehad ke vichaar ko vishwa se nirmool karenge (We will remove conversions and the jehadi mentality from this world).

And later, as we drive past dark villages like Mukhammal and Jarsol where meters were installed, then ripped out, we can see brightness on that hill. Yes, the not-yet-finished temple has lights at night. The villages don’t. Welcome to the Kumbh mela.


The writer is a Mumbai-based journalist

February 10, 1999

Gujarat: Extremist Hindus oust Christianity


In the hills of the Dangs district of Gujarat, cut off from the world by the thick teak forests that cling to their slopes, Hindu extremists are waging a modern Inquisition, forcibly converting aboriginal peoples to what they have decreed is India's one true faith. Since Christmas, hundreds of Adivasis, the remnants of the tribes that once roamed all of India, have been forced to renounce Christianity and undergo a shudhi, or purification, ceremony at a hot springs at the town of Unnai. The conversion drive is the latest terror to be visited on the tiny Christian community. In the week after Christmas 22 mud-and-thatch prayer halls were attacked by Hindu extremists The extremists justify the attacks - and the stoning of schools, desecration of icons and assaults on priests and nuns in 108 recorded acts of violence against Christians throughout the country last year - as spontaneous outbursts of anger against the relentless efforts of Christian missionaries.
But the accounts of villagers who were forced to undergo the ceremony and the saffron-robed sadhu (holy man) who has orchestrated the conversion campaign show that Hindu extremists allied to the nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, which leads India's coalition government, are pursuing their efforts with a similar zeal.
'They said our Christian gods were demons and that they would burn down our houses,' said Umra Mohan Pawar, an old man in Jamuna Vihir, a village about 10 miles from Ahwa, the main town in the Dangs.
Like virtually all the 144,000 Dangs, Mr Pawar is an Adivasi. Largely confined to forest areas, the Adivasis traditionally worshipped the forces of nature, and were introduced to Christianity by missionaries last century.
Nobody knows how many Christians they produced. Leaders of the Catholic Church and Protestant denominations put the number as low as 12,000. The Hindu extremists claim that 40,000 Adivasis have become Christians, enticed by faith healing and false claims of salvation. Nationally Christians comprise 2.3 per cent of the population.
Mr Pawar said he and two dozen other villagers were bundled into jeeps by militants of the Hindu Jagran Manch (Hindu Awakening Movement).
They were taken to Unnai, where a temple has been built around a natural hot spring. Mr Pawar mimed the splashing of water over his head. 'Then they said: 'you are Hindus now',' he said.
He was also given a locket of the Hindu monkey god. I am not putting it on,' he said. 'I am staying a Christian.'
The struggle for souls is not confined to Gujarat, where Christians make up less than half a per cent of the population of 43 million. The extremists have launched a conversion drive in neighbouring Maharashtra state too.
On a larger scale, they are seeking to mobilise India's Hindus against the Congress leader, the Italian-born Roman Catholic Sonia Gandhi, whose party humiliated the BJP in the state elections in November.
Until violence broke out in the Dangs the authorities largely dismissed the attacks on Christians, arguing that no lives were lost and that the media and foreign powers were seeking to subvert the national interest.
Sensitive to the rising international criticism, however, the prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, visited the Dangs last weekend. Hours after he had left Hindus set fire to a village church at Dhuda
'Before Vajpayee came, there was a little peace, but now all types of incidents have happened,' said the Rev TV Gaikwad, the local convenor of the Church of North India, which groups mainstream Protestant denominations. He fears the violence will continue.
People in other villages tell the same story as Mr Pawar: threats and intimidation, followed by the ceremony at Unnai and a visit to the ashram in the town of Vaghai, presided over by a persuasive Hindu sadhu, Swami Aseem Anand. Then they return to their villages and set fire to the church.
The swami disclaims any connection to the converts - save to serve them a vegetarian lunch and to distribute lockets and pictures of the monkey god.
'It is not I who am doing this. The people of Dangs go on their own. The Hindu brothers keep on coming here and saying that our Christian neighbours want to become Hindu,' he said.
Mr Pawar's adoption of Christianity a few years ago, during the despair that followed the death of two of his four children, was as speedy as his arrival in the Hindu fold.
With a chuckle and an embarrassed shrug he mimed the splashing of water over his body, but this time laid a hand on his head in an imaginary blessing.
That simple action is telling of the tactics of the recent arrivals among the Christian missionaries, who have proved nearly as aggressive in their methods as Swami Aseem Anand.
'We pray to God to intervene in their life and we get their sickness cured,' said Solomon Swamidoss, a Baptist missionary. He estimates that he converted 300 people to Christanity on his six miles of territory between 1985 and 1994.
Mr Swamidoss's opponents appear equally determined. 'It is our duty to protect our religion,' said Gamagbhai Gawli, a leader of the Hindu Jagran Manch. 'We will keep fighting.'