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Showing posts with label cricket. Show all posts
Showing posts with label cricket. Show all posts

November 01, 2021

India's Cricket Captain Virat Kohli’s strident defence of colleague Mohammed Shami bodes well says Editorial in The Indian Express (Nov 1, 2021)

 The Indian Express

Virat Kohli’s defence of Mohammed Shami breaks a silence

For a while now, the defence of tolerance and secularism — the inheritance from the freedom struggle, the default settings of a diverse nation — is framed as a political shibboleth, anti-this or pro-that.

By: Editorial |
Updated: November 1, 2021 10:00:46 am
Kohli’s words draw a line and say: Enough.

Nobody said it better than Virat Kohli. The captain Saturday stood up for his teammate Mohammed Shami after the latter was attacked on social media after the loss to Pakistan in the T20 World Cup match. His words need reiteration, so here they are: “To me, attacking someone over their religion is the most pathetic thing that a human being can do. Everyone has the right to voice their opinion over what they feel about a certain situation, but I personally have never ever even thought of discriminating (against) anyone over their religion. That’s a very sacred and personal thing to every human being. People take out their frustrations because they obviously have no understanding of what we do as individuals. They have no understanding of how much effort we put on the field. They have no understanding of the fact that someone like Shami has won India a number of matches in the last few years and he has been our primary bowler with Jasprit Bumrah, when it comes to making an impact in games. If people can overlook that and his passion for his country, honestly, I don’t even want to waste one minute of my life to give any attention to those people, and neither does Shami and neither does anyone else in the team. We stand by him fully. We are backing him 200 per cent, and all those who have attacked him can come with more force if they want to. Our brotherhood, our friendship within the team, nothing can be shaken.”

The clarity of Kohli’s statement, its refusal to duck behind pieties and euphemisms, has enormous significance. While former cricketers had sought to defend Shami by excusing a rare “off day”, they chose to elide the communal nature of the abuse Shami faced. Kohli looks this brand of divisiveness in the eye, and calls it out for what it is. His assertion of solidarity and brotherhood is not just relevant to cricket. It ripples out to the larger world of politics and culture, where every day the right to take offence is being weaponised to polarise, where micro-contestations over language, advertisements, art and cinema, are used to prise open the bonds that have held communities together and to hand over the freedoms of Indians to moral police and digital mobs. In this environment, Kohli’s words draw a line and say: Enough.

They also break a long silence. For a while now, the defence of tolerance and secularism — the inheritance from the freedom struggle, the default settings of a diverse nation — is framed as a political shibboleth, anti-this or pro-that. Too many celebrities and public figures, who both think and know better, from all walks of life, do a cost-benefit analysis and decide to shut up rather than speak up and call out hate and bigotry. But that one of India’s biggest celebrities, whose talent, achievement and voice reach out to vast numbers of India’s young, chooses to do so marks an important moment. Like Olympian Neeraj Chopra before him, Kohli calls the bluff of those ever ready to sound the dog-whistle and twist sport into the service of polarisation. It is for the rest to listen and learn from Captain Kohli.



October 20, 2015

India: Right wing Shiv Sena (part of coalition Govt with BJP) derail cricketing ties with Pakistan; The International Cricket Council should seek protection of all foreign players part of teams visiting India

See a collection of URLs to relevant reports:

After Shiv Sena threat, ICC withdraws umpire Aleem Dar from India-South Africa series
TNN | Oct 19, 2015,
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/sports/south-africa-in-india/top-stories/After-Shiv-Sena-threat-ICC-withdraws-umpire-Aleem-Dar-from-India-South-Africa-series/articleshow/49456785.cms

Akram, Akhtar to return to Pakistan after ICC withdraws Aleem Dar
Anshul Jain,TNN | Oct 19, 2015
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/sports/south-africa-in-india/top-stories/Akram-Akhtar-to-return-to-Pakistan-after-ICC-withdraws-Aleem-Dar/articleshow/49458953.cms

BCCI virtually rules out Indo-Pak cricket series
PTI | Oct 19, 2015
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/sports/toi-cri/top-stories/BCCI-virtually-rules-out-Indo-Pak-cricket-series/articleshow/49453830.cms

Protest by Hindu nationalists scuppers cricket talks between India and Pakistan
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/india/11940471/Protest-by-Hindu-nationalists-scuppers-cricket-talks-between-India-and-Pakistan.html

see also:

Shiv Sena’s intolerance: Why Mumbaikars are silent
Rajdeep Sardesai, Hindustan Times | Updated: Oct 15, 2015
http://www.hindustantimes.com/columns/shiv-sena-intolerance-why-mumbaikars-are-silent/story-FgajAhhQyjmWMyQuKExvwM.html

October 19, 2015

India: Following Attack by Shiv Sena attack Board of Cricket Control (BCCI) forced to Cancel Talks With Pakistan Board at Mumbai Office

ndtv.com

After Sena Protest, BCCI Cancels Talks With Pakistan Board at Mumbai Office

Mumbai | Edited by Deepshikha Ghosh | Updated: October 19, 2015 12:02 IST

Mumbai: Talks on a potential India-Pakistan series were cancelled this morning in Mumbai after activists of the Shiv Sena broke into the office of India's cricket board BCCI just before its chief Shashank Manohar was to meet with his Pakistani counterpart Shahryar Khan.

Shiv Sena activists waving placards of "Shahryar, Go Back" crashed through the gates of the office in Mumbai's Wankhede Stadium that serves as the headquarters of the BCCI or the Board for Control of Cricket in India.

They entered Mr Manohar's office and crowded around his desk, shouting slogans and appearing determined to stop him from meeting the Pakistan cricket board chief to discuss a bilateral series in December. At least 10 protesters were arrested.

Shahryar Khan had arrived yesterday for the talks, at the invitation of the BCCI chief.

The Congress condemned the attack. "BCCI is a responsible body and will not do anything against national interest. Cricketing decisions should be left to BCCI. Cricket is a gentleman's man and the spirit of the game expects same generosity and tolerance from those who love the game," tweeted Congress lawmaker Rajeev Shukla, who was BCCI vice president in the past.

The Shiv Sena, which rules Maharashtra in alliance with the BJP, says it will not allow any engagement with Pakistan because of terror attacks planned from its soil and firing on the border.

The Shiv Sena's protests forced the cancellation of legendary Pakistani artiste Ghulam Ali's concert two weeks ago and last week, its activists threw black paint on columnist Sudheendra Kulkarni for organising the launch of former Pakistan minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri's book.

The Sena's partner BJP could not prevent the scrapping of the Ghulam Ali concert but Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis took a firm stand against the attack on Mr Kulkarni. The state government also provided Mr Kasuri protection for the book launch function, which led to friction between the Sena and the BJP.

The Indian and Pakistani boards had signed a pact for six bilateral series between 2015 and 2023, beginning with Pakistan's home series in December.

source URL: http://www.ndtv.com/mumbai-news/shiv-sena-activists-attack-bcci-office-in-mumbai-1233779

November 01, 2013

India: Confront these painful truths about communalism

From: Hindustan Times, November 01, 2013

by Rajdeep Sardesai

Why does an underworld don who offered the Indian cricket team Toyota cars if they beat Pakistan in Sharjah in 1986 become a resident of Karachi and India's most wanted in 1993?

Former India captain Dilip Vengsarkar's revelation (made on camera at a function despite a subsequent denial) only confirms what many players of the 1980s have confessed in private: Dawood Ibrahim was at one time in his life an ardent Indian cricket team supporter.

This columnist had been targeted for saying as much in an article I wrote soon after the Mumbai blasts of 1993 in The Times of India. The blasts were widely seen as a 'Muslim conspiracy' with Dawood as the mastermind.

The political narrative at the time had an ominous ring of stereotyping an entire community which one found abhorrent and one said as much in a column.

At the time, Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray had publicly announced that a true test of an Indian Muslim's 'patriotism' was if he waved the tricolour at an India-Pakistan match.

I pointed out that by this spurious definition even Dawood should be seen as a patriot since he had been seen supporting the Indian team in Sharjah.

The comment on Dawood was designed to point out the inherent dangers of handing out 'certificates' of patriotism to minority group members in a politically surcharged atmosphere.

Instead, it stirred such a controversy that Thackeray attacked me in a public meeting, death threats were issued and I was offered police protection. A BJP MP even raised the issue in Parliament and distributed copies of the article which he dubbed as 'anti-national'.

Even today, the Hindutva army on the social media tries to occasionally revive the issue by suggesting that I had validated Dawood as a 'nationalist' when that was far from the case.

Few were willing to recognise the real nub of the argument: one was only asking a central question as to what had changed between October-November 1992 when Dawood was seen cheering the Indian cricket team and March 1993 when he chose to blast the city of his childhood.

Till today, no one (except Anurag Kashyap in his brave film Black Friday based on a book by journalist Husain Zaidi) has sought to address this inconvenient truth: why did a gangster involved in gold smuggling and contract killings with several Hindu members in his D company transform himself into an ISI-backed terrorist heading a 'Muslims-only' gang?

The answer probably lies in the traumatic events of December and January 1992-93 when, in the aftermath of the Babri masjid demolition, Mumbai's cosmopolitan veneer was ripped apart by terrible communal riots.

If the city's elite and middle class got divided on religious lines, then so did its underworld. Only the latter had AK-47s and RDX to add a horrific twist to the polarisation.

There are, of course, many other inconvenient truths which we do not wish to confront, especially in the context of communal riots.

Is it not true for example that the barbaric pogrom of 1984 which saw 3,000 Sikhs being massacred became a trigger for the Khalistani terrorism that followed? Is it also not true that the Gujarat riots of 2002 became a magnet for terror groups like the Indian Mujahideen to be formed?

Violence begets more violence is the oldest truism and one which has seen a cycle of rage and vendetta in the name of religion destroy neighbourhoods.

Perhaps this is what Rahul Gandhi was alluding to when in a speech in Indore he spoke of how intelligence officials had told him that 10 to 15 Muslim youth were being sought to be recruited by the ISI in the aftermath of the Muzaffarnagar riots.

Purely as an academic argument, Rahul may have had some basis for drawing a connection between riots and terrorism. But Rahul is neither a journalist nor an analyst seeking to understand the origins of violence.

He is a politician and the Congress' heir apparent, and as a public figure he is expected to weigh his words much more carefully. To suggest, without providing concrete evidence, that Muzaffarnagar's Muslim youth were now being won over by the 'enemy' is to treat the victim as 'suspect'.

Worse, it could only confirm the worst suspicions and prejudices of those who seek to repeatedly question the integrity of the Indian Muslim.

The reality of Muzaffarnagar is far away from the political battleground. Even today, several weeks after the riots, hundreds of families are living in wretched conditions in relief camps, too scared to return to their homes.

Their plight, in a sense, is no different to any victim of communal violence: then whether you travel to the outskirts of Ahmedabad to Citizen Nagar to meet 2002 riot victims living next to a garbage dump, or to the overflowing drains of Tilak Vihar where the widows of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots live, or the makeshift homes for Kashmiri Pandit families in Jammu, the one common factor that binds these groups is the fact that their condition represents the utter failure of the Indian State to uphold the rule of law. This is not about being Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus: it is about a society that doesn't protect and provide justice to its own.

Has Narendra Modi ever even visited Citizen Nagar, or does it simply fall off the map of Vibrant Gujarat? Has Rahul Gandhi fought for justice for the widows of Tilak Vihar?

Will Omar Abdullah provide the healing touch to Kashmiri Pandits? And will Akhilesh's government provide a sense of security to Muzaffarnagar's homeless?

Perhaps these questions will never be raised because no political party can emerge with clean hands on the issue of rehabilitating victims of mass violence. Instead, we will engage in a zero-sum high decibel game of 1984 versus 2002. So much easier than facing inconvenient truths.

Rajdeep Sardesai is editor-in-chief, IBN 18 network

The views expressed by the author are personal

July 07, 2013

India: Why Does the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Resent Cricket?

India Ink / The New York Times Blogs, July 2, 2013

Why Does the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Resent Cricket?
By VAIBHAV VATS

Saurabh Das/Associated Press
A cricket match between India and Australia in progress in Nagpur, Maharashtra, on Oct. 28, 2009.
Nagpur, a city of nearly 2.5 million in central Indian state of Maharashtra, has the slow rhythms of a small town. The noise and edginess of the new Indian metropolis, the gargantuan shopping malls and luxury automobiles, have yet to overwhelm it. Nagpur seeks half-hearted recognition as India’s Orange City, for being a major trade center for oranges cultivated in the region. Nagpur makes an appearance on the national stage when the right-wing guardians of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), pronounce their views on Indian politics or society from their headquarters in the city.

Among other things, they have often aired their dissatisfaction with cricket — their chief complaint being that, as a game, it is not sufficiently “Indian.” In A Corner of a Foreign Field, a magisterial history of Indian cricket, Ramachandra Guha reproduced parts of a speech M.S. Golwalkar, one of the R.S.S.’s founders, had given in the 1950s. Mr Golwalkar argued that “the costly game of cricket, which has not only become a fashion in our country but something over which we are spending crores of rupees, only proves that the English are still dominating our mind and intellect.”

In 2011, following the Indian team’s progress through the Cricket World Cup, I was in Nagpur to attend India’s match against South Africa. One morning, I decided to visit the offices of the RSS to understand why they resented cricket.

Nobody seemed to know where the RSS office was. At Badkas Chowk, a chaotic roundabout barely a hundred meters from the RSS office, two shopkeepers had no clue. A puzzled autorickshaw driver asked me, “What is RSS? A shop?”

I had expected the headquarters of the powerful Hindu nationalist organization in India to be a prominent address in town. I was amused by the sight of locals scratching their heads about its whereabouts. After several fruitless forays, I finally spotted a pale, unremarkable building, tucked inside a lane off from the main square. Two policemen surveyed the street from a watchtower behind its gate.

The RSS headquarters had no signboard. The boundary wall was not high, but several rolls of barbed wire had been added to it. Prohibitive barricades were placed outside the main entrance. Inside the complex, there were bunkers and tents, where security personnel slept when not on duty.

“A few years ago, this was a relaxed place,” a colleague and friend had told me. After the reports of involvement of fringe Hindu groups in bomb attacks on several Muslim religious institutions in India, in which the RSS was accused of aiding and abetting the perpetrators, the mothership of India’s Hindu right was scared of reprisals.

At the reception area, an inordinate number of details were sought : name, father’s name, address, occupation. After an official at the reception area examined my details with a grave, diligent expression, he pushed a button behind him and waved me in. I was led to Harish, a portly man, who used only one name. He wore a checkered shirt and a sarong, and had smeared his forehead with tilak. I asked Mr. Harish if I could speak to someone about cricket. “The office is empty,” he said. “Everyone is in Mangalore for a meeting.” I might have seemed incredulous. “You can have a look inside if you like,” he said.

I wandered about for a while. The inner courtyard had a temple with a Krishna idol. A few group photographs of the RSS workers on the walls did not have a single woman in them. It had the feel of a military barrack.

I eventually returned to Mr. Harish. He seemed to specialize in a form of non-conversation, almost as if being drawn into a discussion was a breach of organizational discipline.

“Are you from Nagpur?” I asked.

“Yes.”

“How long have you worked here?”

“A few years.”

“Do you watch cricket? What do you think of cricket?”

“I have no views on cricket,” he said. “I don’t even have a television.”


Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Members of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh during a youth camp in Bangalore, Karnataka, on Jan. 26, 2002.

Our non-conversation went on for several minutes. Each question was followed by a long silence. Mr. Harish was calm. After a while, utterly pleased with the visible exasperation on my face, he suggested that I should visit the RSS office in Reshimbagh area, about five kilometers away. “We do our shakhas, our maharaj satsangs, our big meetings there,” he said. “You may be able to speak to someone there.”

In Reshimbagh, a dusty area populated with vocational institutes and rundown hostels, the RSS complex, which seemed like a high school compound, merged seamlessly into the landscape. The buildings in the complex sat opposite a muddy, grassless field. The rooms shared a small porch, which served as a place for socializing and gossip.

Inside the Reshimbagh complex of the RSS, I met Vinod Nalgaonkar, a mild, bespectacled man. Mr. Nalgaonkar worked as a mid-level bureaucrat in India’s Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Civil Aviation. He had retired from the government service and devoted himself to working for the RSS, which he had been a member of throughout his employment with the Indian government.

Mr. Nalgaonkar was an unabashed cricket enthusiast. After I told him I had come to Nagpur to write about the Cricket World Cup, he promptly proceeded to comment on the Indian bowler Ashish Nehra’s last over against the South African team, which cost India the match. With South Africa needing 13 runs to win, Mr. Nehra had conceded 16 runs, which included two fours and a six, in just four balls.

Mr. Sunil, who did not wish to share his last name, was another retired bureaucrat and lifelong RSS follower. He joined Mr. Nalgaonkar. As most Indians do, Mr. Nalgaonkar spoke authoritatively about the Indian cricket team. He analyzed why the Indian team lost the match against South Africa and recommended measures for improving its performance. Mr. Sunil sat in silence as his friend spoke. He seemed bored by the talk of cricket. I took this to be a natural aversion to the game that many members of the RSS shared.

I was startled a few minutes later when Mr. Sunil broke his silence, discussing the performance of the players Munaf Patel and Yusuf Pathan.

“Munaf and Yusuf should be dropped,” he said. “They are no good at all.” There was no attempt at subtlety or veiled criticism. Mr. Sunil was forthright in directing his ire at the two of the Muslim players in the Indian cricket team. Mr. Patel and Mr. Pathan, who both hailed from the western state of Gujarat, had not performed well in the match against South Africa. Mr. Patel, a fast bowler, had given away too many runs while Mr. Pathan had been dismissed for a duck. They were not alone; several other players had performed poorly in the match against South Africa.

I think his outburst slightly embarrassed Mr. Nalgaonkar. He tried to steer the conversation in a different direction.

“Look at Sachin! He is from our Maharashtra,” Mr. Nalgaonkar said “There is no one like him. At 37, he is still performing so well. At his age, none of the others will even be able to run.”


Amit Bhargava for The New York Times
Members of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh taking oath at a morning exercise session in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, on June 25, 2002.

Mr. Nalgaonkar and Mr. Sunil helped organizing the shakha, the annual physical training and indoctrination camp. Among the shakha’s activities were the practice of yoga and the playing of kabaddi. “Do you ever play cricket in the shakha?” I prodded them on cricket.

“No chance,” they both replied together.

“We have kabaddi and other Indian games,” said Mr. Sunil. “No cricket. The RSS doesn’t approve of it.”

After our conversation, Mr. Nalgaonkar gave me a tour of the complex. A part of the building housed a small hostel, where 20 children were being lodged and educated. Most of them were poor orphans, while some had been sent by parents who admired the disciplinarian ethos of the RSS. When we stepped into the recreation room of the hostel, the children, between the ages of five and 15, were glued to a solitary television set, watching highlights from the previous day’s game.

A little later, I was struck by a map of India hanging on a wall. India’s peninsular shape appeared strangely bloated, its bulge extending towards both east and west. A closer look explained it: the RSS version of the Indian map included the territories of Pakistan, Bangladesh and Myanmar.

I pointed out to Mr Nalgaonkar that the Saffron-colored map was perhaps incorrect. “What does it represent?” I asked.

“Akhand Bharat,” he said in an admonishing, berating tone, “Undivided India. That’s what we believe in.”

I followed Mr Nalgaonkar to the shrines of K.B. Hegdewar and M.S. Golwalkar, the founders of the RSS. Mr. Hegdewar in black marble sat imperiously on a pedestal wearing the RSS cap, his moustache unperturbed by the breeze, his legs crossed. A little ahead, Mr. Golwalkar was represented by a small flame; an inscription in Marathi and Hindi stated his desire not to have a memorial.

In 1925, Mr. Hegdewar founded the RSS in a small ground in Nagpur. Upon his death in 1940, Mr. Golwalkar succeeded him as the chief of the organization, a position he held for more than three decades. Mr. Golwalkar, who had a fondness for anti-Muslim invective, was one of the more rabid public speakers in modern Indian history. Another of his personal hatreds concerned the game of cricket, which became the reason for the organization’s opposition to cricket.

But beyond the boundary of the RSS complex was a modern cricket facility, where the children of Nagpur filled the impressive nets of Reshimbagh Gymkhana, oblivious to Mr. Golwalkar’s passions and commands.

Vaibhav Vats’s first book, “Triumph in Bombay: Travels during the Cricket World Cup,” will be published by Penguin Random House India in July.

March 27, 2013

India: Tamilnadu call for protest against against Sri Lanka Players in IPL is Chauvinism - Editorial

The Hindu, March 27, 2013

Editorial

Chauvinism at its worst

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa did more than give her stamp of approval to calls for protests against the participation of Sri Lankan players in the Indian Premier League. By declaring that the State government will permit the matches to be held in Chennai only if the organisers provided an undertaking that no Sri Lankan players, umpires, officials or support staff would participate in these matches, she effectively endorsed chauvinism and discrimination in sport and politics. But the IPL governing council did more harm than Ms Jayalalithaa. Its decision to keep the Sri Lankan players out of the matches in Chennai after talking to the team owners will have larger, long-term repercussions for not only cricket, but also India’s international relations. Protesting against atrocities by the Sri Lankan military is one thing, preventing cricket matches involving Sri Lankan players is entirely another. For a person entrusted with the task of ensuring law and order, Ms Jayalalithaa, in her letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, appeared too eager to surrender her responsibilities. Far from extending assurances on the law and order front, she voiced her apprehension that the participation of Sri Lankan players “will aggravate an already surcharged atmosphere and further offend the sentiments of the people” of Tamil Nadu. To drop the Sri Lankan players on this ground is to blatantly discriminate on the basis of nationality and ethnic identity.

If the IPL is to be open to foreign players, it must be open to all foreign players. For a government to decide who should or should not be in the playing XI, and withhold permission to host the matches on this count, is plain wrong. The IPL organisers evidently took the easy way out. Taking the matches out of Chennai would have involved greater costs than keeping the Sri Lankan players out of the city. Not too long ago, when India’s relations with Pakistan were at an all-time low, the cricketing authorities worked behind the scenes and prevailed upon team owners not to bid for any Pakistani player. But now, the IPL governing council does not have even this fig-leaf. The arm-twisting is in the open. It is not just cricketing logic that is at stake here. That dropping some players and selecting some others will distort the game is the least of the problems. True, teams had bid for and taken players at huge costs, and those who put their money on Sri Lankan stars are at a huge disadvantage. But worse, sport, which brings peoples together, has now been turned into a vehicle of jingoism and ethnic affinities. The effects of such divisive politics will surely be felt beyond the realms of cricket, and for far longer than will be obvious immediately.

October 31, 2012

India: Sena, MNS oppose Pak cricket team's tour

Published: Wednesday, Oct 31, 2012, 9:30 IST
by Dhaval Kulkarni

The Shiv Sena and MNS have opposed the Pakistan cricket team’s proposed tour of India in December [2012].

http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report_sena-mns-oppose-pak-cricket-teams-tour_1758246

February 06, 2010

Peace Mumbai on IPL, Shah Rukh Khan and Shiv Sena

Press Statement

4th February 2010


The Peace Mumbai, a coalition of organisations and activists from Mumbai
working towards just peace in the sub-continent in particular, expresses its
grave concern at the highly deplorable farce of keeping Pakistani players
out at the recent auction of the IPL. Things looked so ugly that even the
Union Home Minister, no peacenik by any stretch, has gone on record strongly
disapproving the orchestrated tamasha.

In this context, the Peace Mumbai finds it even more revolting that the Shiv
Sena, in Mumbai, has launched a vile and vicious tirade against an extremely
popular silver screen hero, Shah Rukh Khan, who is also a co-owner of the
Kolkata Knight Riders - one of the participating teams, for voicing his
disapproval of this development. Khan has also made it known that he would
have still hired a Pakistani cricketer had there been any slot available.
While the Union Home Minister has been spared, even though he expressed
exactly the same sort of sentiments, SRK has been chosen as a target clearly
on account his perceived vulnerability on more than one counts.

The Peace Mumbai, in the same vein, would also like to place on record of
its profound appreciation of SRK for his gritty refusal to buckle down. It
also demands that the state government must provide all the legitimate
protection to him in this specific context.

Sukla Sen Varsha R Berry Nasreen Contractor Asad Bin Saif

January 24, 2010

Shiv Sena has threatens Australian cricketers to play in the upcoming Indian Premier League

source: geo.tv

Shiv Sena won’t allow Australian to play IPL

Updated at: 2343 PST, Saturday, January 23, 2010
Shiv Sena won’t allow Australian to play IPL NEW DELHI: Shiv Sena has threatened that it would not allow Australian cricketers to play in the upcoming Indian Premier League (IPL).

According to Indian media reports, party chief Bal Thackeray warned that his party would not permit Australian cricketers to play the IPL.

“We shall not allow the Australian team to play in IPL till the attacks on Indians in their land are stopped,” he said.

Meanwhile, IPL Commissioner Lalit Modi said players were receiving threats, however, strict security measures will be taken during the event.

March 06, 2007

The Faith over the pitch. Tabhligi Jamaat and The Cricket Pakistan team

Outlook Magazine Mar 12, 2007

cricket: pakistan

A Catch In The Deep

THE FAITH OVER THE PITCH. THE PAKISTAN TEAM IS RIVEN OVER THE PLAYERS' SOULS.

by Amir Mir

Long before the Islamists discovered their frightening zeal, Pakistani cricketers were considered a paragon of modern Muslims: they played flamboyantly, partied hard and didn't flaunt their religion publicly. They were the playboys of their times˜suave, educated and dashing; they had their one-night stands, clubbed and tippled; as great exponents of reverse swing as they were ardent admirers of fine legs. They had the lifestyle only stars have˜in any country, of any sport, of any religious persuasion.

Those days of cricketing insouciance are now memory, as are so many other aspects of secular life in Pakistan. Every prize presentation ceremony has captain Inzamam-ul-Haq begin his soundbite with "Bismillah (In the name of Allah)"; players huddle to pray on the ground during pre-match preparations; 'Islamic beards' are sported as an advertisement of their faith; batsmen have been known to cramp up because they fast and play during Ramzan.

The responsibility for this fervent religiosity are a clutch of players˜Inzy, Mushtaq Ahmed (bowling coach), Mohammed Yousuf, Saqlain Mushtaq, Shahid Afridi, Shoaib Malik and Yasser Hameed˜who have become members of the Tableeghi Jamaat, or the 'party of preachers'. The TJ, an exact Arabic translation of which is the Proselytising Group, occupies itself participating in functions organised to propagate Islam and stressing on the virtues of an 'authentic Islamic lifestyle'. TJ has invaded the dressing room˜they can be seen praying with players and reciting the Quran for the team's success. As TJ membership makes it incumbent upon a person to preach, Inzy reportedly went to Gujranwala, Punjab, on a three-day preaching tour, before flying off to South Africa for the recently concluded series.

Inzy's proclivity to mix religion with cricket has sparked accusations that he favours TJ players over those who are either non-religious or prefer to confine religion to their private lives. The non-Tableeghi group is led by vice-captain Younis Khan and includes Shoaib Akhtar, Mohammed Asif, Danish Kaneria, Imran Nazir, Abdul Razzaq etc. This divide often shadows differences between players. Though Inzy is said to detest Shoaib for his indiscipline, some in the team feel the real reason is the fast bowler's liberal views, the occasional pegs and his breathlessly busy night life.

A disgruntled team member who requested anonymity detailed to Outlook aspects of Inzy's religious passion. On tours abroad, one of the rooms is declared a 'prayer' room, where TJ players offer prayers and discuss religious issues. Accompanying the team is a former TV personality and TJ member, Naeem Butt, who stays in the team hotel. Butt arranges interactions between the cricketers and officer-bearers of the TJ chapter of the host country.

This palpable Islamisation prompted even President Pervez Musharraf to tell Pakistan Cricket Board chairman Dr Naseem Ashraf that players should go easy on religion and strike a balance between it and cricket. Ashraf subsequently warned the Tableeghi cricketers at a recent press conference, asking them to "stop exhibiting their religious beliefs in public". To Outlook, Ashraf confessed, "I have discussed the matter in detail with Inzamam, making it clear to him that religion is purely a private affair and there should not be any pressure on those who don't pray regularly. He assured me there is no pressure at all on any of the players to do anything they don't want to do."

So how has the flamboyant cricket team of the past become a Tableeghi Jamaat redoubt? The Islamisation of the team, in a way, has been in tandem with the transformation of society here. The process began under president Zia-ul Haq, under whose rule the TJ was even provided access to soldiers in the barracks.Simultaneously, the democratisation of cricket brought in players from semi-urban centres where religion can be a more prominent part of life. As ex-Test opener Mohsin Khan points out, "The current team's make-up is different from the earlier Pakistani sides, which drew from the educated and social elite in Lahore and Karachi. Currently, half the squad hails from outside of Pakistan's two major cities."

In the early days, Pakistani players may have been believers but didn't flaunt it. It was the otherwise hip Imran Khan who made it cool for cricketers to talk religion. His 'awakening' following retirement and his public, even strident, endorsement of Islam provided Islamists the cue to recruit cricketers to their cause. Among them was Maulana Tariq Jameel who, like Inzy, is a Multani, and a close associate of Maulana Abdul Wahab, the ameer of Pakistan's TJ chapter. He began to concertedly target the team once he had converted Saeed Anwar to the TJ cause. The stylish opener, a computer engineer by training, became a born-again Muslim in 2001, after the tragic death of his infant daughter Bismah. The traumatic experience prompted Anwar to find solace in religion˜he joined the TJ. His primary task: working on present and former cricketers to join the TJ and spread the message of Islam.

About his TJ experience, Anwar told Outlook, "There's only one aim in my life...follow Allah Almighty's path and prepare for the Day of Judgement. I am a different Saeed Anwar today, the material world to me is meaningless now. I have turned to Allah for solace and am committed to spread the religion worldwide."

So now religion has become a badge the cricketers are willing to wear publicly, particularly Inzy, whose diffident personality acquired an assertive edge under Maulana Jameel's influence. Perhaps religion provided Inzy an anchor in the glamourous and corporate world that cricket has become˜and which he as a Multani must have found alienating. With the captain under its sway, the TJ now had an open field, winning over players in numbers that divided the team into TJ and non-TJ groups.

Inzy himself denies any rift in the team. He told Outlook, "The team is selected purely on the basis of merit. There is no pressure on any player to join the five-times-a-day collective namaaz. Those who say otherwise have never offered prayers, nor have any links to Islam... which does not force anyone on the issue of religion." He furnishes proof of his contention. "Look at the players yourself. Only four players who toured South Africa˜Mohammed Yousuf, Shahid Afridi, Shoaib Malik and myself˜have beards. Our religious activities have never stopped a match." Inzy says the preaching sessions with Islamic scholars help instil unity in the team, and that his own piety enables him to overcome distractions on tours abroad.

Inzy has long sported a beard. But others wear it, critics allege, only as a show of allegiance to the captain, to boost their chances of getting into the squad. Saqlain and Mushtaq are counted among the prime examples. There's also the unique case of Mohammed Yousuf, who converted from Christianity and seemingly never shaved thereafter. Despite repeated denials, there aren't many takers for Yousuf's view˜that he didn't convert to boost his chances of becoming captain in the future.

Yousuf says: "My conversion is because of a change of heart...it's not a calculated move. Danish Kaneria is Hindu and there is no problem. Before my conversion, I had played for Pakistan for 10 long years and there had been no problem. I didn't do this to be captain. Islam is the true religion because it says that life after death is the real life; the better you prepare for it, the better your present life will be".

His transformation was not only confined to his faith, but extended to a change in name, appearance, behaviour˜and even performance on the field. The string of tall scores he made became a prompt line for those who say Allah favours those who turn to Him. Residing in a posh Lahore locality, and having recently bought a Mercedes, Yousuf told Outlook that he credits the "benediction from above" for the change in fortunes. He plans to repay his debts to Allah. How? "After I retire, I plan to serve God by devoting myself to preaching Islam to all those out there who have not been exposed to the real face of the religion."

Meanwhile, Mohsin Khan pooh-poohs the notion of religiosity helping players perform better. He points to the irony˜Saeed Anwar, Mushtaq Ahmed and Saqlain Mushtaq lost their form once they took to sporting beards. "Shahid Afridi too is following in their footsteps," he points out. But English-speaking opening batsman Salman Butt pleads for the positive impact Islam has had on the team. As for performance, Butt explains, "A lot of people work hard, but only those get to their destination who are lucky and have the help of God. We believe if we pray five times a day and go in the way of God, we will get help. That is our firm belief. It puts all of us in very good spirits, and has made us disciplined˜a definite change for the team."

Even coach Bob Woolmer recently admitted that religiosity has helped foster unity among players. He however added, "But there is the odd problem. You have to train the players with less intensity during the Ramzan, or do it at a time of the day when they have more strength. In some respects, this can be frustrating as a coach." The non-TJ group have a litany of other complaints though: the stifling atmosphere, charges of bias, mutual suspicion etc.

Former cricketer-turned-TJ man Agha Zahid says his organisation recruits sporting stars because "if they change their lifestyles, then others who idolise them would follow their example". For a society riven by religious passions that often, consciously or otherwise, shrinks the secular space, cricketer-preachers could unwittingly undermine Musharraf's enlightened moderation.

This shrinking of the secular space is perhaps already happening in the cricket team. As editor Najam Sethi says, "The issue is not about being religious. That is an individual choice. It is about flaunting it in a manner that seems to threaten some and pressure others to follow suit. The Pakistani team must be talked to about the image the world has of men with unkempt beards. The team must build a good image for itself, if for nothing else than for the sake of gaining a neutral crowd watching the game." For Allah's cricketers, these are minor matters.

March 04, 2007

Communal tension in Gujarat over playing cricket