The Times of India
‘Prosperity makes Shab-e-Barat occasion for pomp & assertion’
TNN | Jun 4, 2015, 03.40AM IST
Imtiaz Ahmad
Shab-e-Barat is a good example of the transformation of a Muslim festival under conditions of commercialization and search for identity in a plural society. Until a few decades ago, it was an innocuous religious festival associated with piety and obeisance to the dead. It was an occasion for prayers for the soul of the dead. Muslims usually spent the night in prayer and ritual offering to the dead, often in silence at home. No great pomp and show was associated with it. They would visit the graveyards where their ancestors lay buried and light candles on their graves. Some would prepare sweets and offer them to the dead and distribute in the community.
Over the past two or three decades, the character of the festival has changed from a subdued religious occasion to one where there is enormous display of pomp and show. There are fireworks and people, particularly young men, come out on the streets and indulge in revelry. Sweets are still distributed, but the focus is now on revelry and boisterous demonstration of solidarity of the Muslims. Since the festival coincides with the birthday of Prophet Muhammad, the festival becomes an occasion for sermons and gatherings of Muslim clerics. On most occasions, these gatherings and the accompanying celebrations go on all night.
This transformation of an otherwise innocuous sacred event into a boisterous and celebratory occasion has been prompted by several factors. One is prosperity. Muslims, particularly among the emerging socially mobile middle class, donate substantial amounts of money for holding large gatherings and for spending on the festivities. Another factor is the process of commercialization where the all-night gatherings also become a virtual marketplace for people to buy and sell goods. So strong is the pull of trade and commerce that the sanctity of the occasion is pushed to the background.
Most Muslim festivals, except for the Ramadan Eid, are relatively individual or family affairs. Shab-e-Barat has become an occasion for the display of community solidarity. Most Muslim youths use this occasion to show that it is a public celebration like Diwali or the birthdays of Hindu gods and goddesses like Ramnavmi or Janmashtami. Muslims use the festival to show that they too have public festivals and demonstrate a sense of community solidarity. While the community may feel that it is a Muslim festival, but the way it is now celebrated has been influenced greatly by the parallel growth of Hindu festivals and the pomp and show associated with them.
Usually, such transformation that Shab-e-Barat has undergone is natural for a society in which prosperity has become widespread and the prevailing democratic ethos allow all communities to celebrate their festivals with pomp and show. However, the state machinery is wary of such transformation of a Muslim festival. The state authorities often issue public statements advising Muslims to exercise restraint. The police are deployed in large numbers to ensure that Muslims do not go overboard and create potential for conflict. This presence of the state machinery creates more potential for violence and breakdown of social harmony.
Whether heavy deployment of police creates greater potential for conflict or breakdown of public peace is an open question. Muslims are as much interested in maintaining peace and harmony as other Indian citizens. Left to themselves, they may ensure peace, but the alarmist orientation of the law-enforcement agencies provokes potential for conflict and disturbance of public order. The state agencies may do well to reconsider this.
(The writer is a renowned political scientist)
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Showing posts with label public display. Show all posts
Showing posts with label public display. Show all posts
June 05, 2015
September 18, 2013
BJP has the cheek calling for participation of dressed up authentic muslims at its political show off event in Bhopal
Again, BJP tells Muslims to come for Modi's rally 'looking like Muslims'
Milind Ghatwai : Bhopal, Wed Sep 18 2013, 08:51
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/again-bjp-tells-muslims-to-come-for-modis-rally-looking-like-muslims/1170570/
Milind Ghatwai : Bhopal, Wed Sep 18 2013, 08:51
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/again-bjp-tells-muslims-to-come-for-modis-rally-looking-like-muslims/1170570/
September 11, 2013
India: Tax payers' money used by Govt of Uttarakhand state to pay for big advertisement in media which seeks divine blessings for rebuilding state infrastructure
Full page advertisement in India's newspapers by Uttrakhand Govt. seeking devine blessings for rebuilding the flood ravaged state.
The ad. announces the resumption of prayers at Kedarnath temple.
Uttarakhand chief minister Vijay Bahuguna, was also scheduled to attend the prayers along with some of his ministerial colleagues, could not take off from Dehradun due to inclement weather.
September 09, 2013
India: Newspaper advertisement by Delhi police telling public of the illegality of encroaching roads and pavements on religious festivals
Photo of police advertisment from an Indian newspaper [Date : August 2013]
May 18, 2012
Karachi billboard advertisements featuring bare-shouldered women have been covered
Pakistan billboard ads featuring bare-shouldered women covered up
Dozens of billboard advertisements featuring bare-shouldered women have been covered over in the dead of night in the Pakistani city of Karachi with black posters and the slogan: "Sell clothes, not your honour".
The advert featuring Bollywood actress
Katrina Kaif was covered up with a banner with the slogan 'Sell clothes,
not your dignity’ on it Photo: SAAD HASAN FOR THE EXPRESS TRIBUNE
1:26PM BST 10 May 2012
No one knows who is responsible. Claims made previously unknown women's groups
have been dismissed and many believe they are being used as a front for
hard-line religious groups.
"These are not paid advertisements. People are putting up banners over
the billboards late at night," Akhter Sheikh, the head of the Karachi
Municipal Corporation's advertising department told The Express Tribune. "There
is nothing we can do about it."
Spring is the time of year when Pakistan's
fashion houses unveil their lawn collections – colourful, airy linens that
make 104F (40C) temperatures more bearable.
Advertising hoardings fill with images of glamorous women, many with their
heads uncovered, draped in thin, filmy fabrics.
Dozens have now been censored. Two of South Asia biggest film stars have also
been targeted.
A soap ad featuring Meera, a Pakistani actress, and a hoarding featuring
Katrina Kaif, a Bollywood star, have been covered up.
The finger of suspicion is already pointing at the Jamaat-e-Islami party, which last month organised an "anti-vulgarity" day.
The Islamist party sent a letter to prayer leaders lamenting the use of women in "erotic and seminude" advertisements.
However, party officials have denied running a guerrilla campaign against billboards.
Bina Shah, a writer who lives in the city, said the campaigners could not stop fashion shows being beamed into homes by satellite and so had picked an easy target in a city that did not protecting.
"Karachi people are much more liberal in terms of women's dress code," she said.
The blacked-out adverts have now been taken down.
It is not the first time that self-appointed morality police have tried to raise standards of decency in Karachi.
Earlier this year a TV talk show host prowled a public park with a film crew to chase down young, courting couples seen in public without chaperones.
However, Maya Khan's stunt provoked a liberal outcry and she lost her job.
Source: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/pakistan/9257208/Pakistan-billboard-ads-featuring-bare-shouldered-women-covered-up.html
The finger of suspicion is already pointing at the Jamaat-e-Islami party, which last month organised an "anti-vulgarity" day.
The Islamist party sent a letter to prayer leaders lamenting the use of women in "erotic and seminude" advertisements.
However, party officials have denied running a guerrilla campaign against billboards.
Bina Shah, a writer who lives in the city, said the campaigners could not stop fashion shows being beamed into homes by satellite and so had picked an easy target in a city that did not protecting.
"Karachi people are much more liberal in terms of women's dress code," she said.
The blacked-out adverts have now been taken down.
It is not the first time that self-appointed morality police have tried to raise standards of decency in Karachi.
Earlier this year a TV talk show host prowled a public park with a film crew to chase down young, courting couples seen in public without chaperones.
However, Maya Khan's stunt provoked a liberal outcry and she lost her job.
Source: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/pakistan/9257208/Pakistan-billboard-ads-featuring-bare-shouldered-women-covered-up.html
January 12, 2008
Gujarat's Home Made Hitler: Man, Mask And Modi
From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 5, Issue 2, Dated Jan 19, 2008
Man, Mask And Modi
The Gujarat CM is a man who wants to paste his persona over his politics
TRIDIP SUHRUD
Social scientist
IN THE unnamed town in Gabriel Garcia Márquez’s In Evil Hour, the best way to preserve a secret about oneself was to write a lampoon of it. Narendra Modi did something similar with his mask. Simultaneously real, surreal and hyper-real, the mask was no mere carnival device. It said there was something of Modi in each of us, of which the mask was a manifestation. It was a kind of wish fulfilment hitherto possible only in dreams or in cyberspace. It was a brilliant semiotic creation.
Narendra Modi has mystique. He is one public figure who is wholly and entirely public. Nothing of his private world, the world of his emotions, intrudes upon this public persona. He does not display his familial ties in public. The family remains entirely in the private realm. He is a householder who leads the sparse, chaste life of an RSS pracharak. The only emotions he displays in public are about his commitment to Gujarat and its people and his commitment to the RSS. He uses metaphors of kinship to describe this commitment. The RSS and the party are maternal figures; so are Gujarat and its land. He is the pater familias who could also be brother and son. And, like the stereotype of the Indian male, he is undemonstrative of private emotion. He chooses to remain aloof, distant; part of his authority is derived from this unapproachability. He is a mass leader who keeps the masses at bay. He holds no durbars, does not mingle with the people, he prefers to function out of the sanitised environs of his home and the state secretariat. Instead of conversations, he prefers announcements made from tall hoardings.
He speaks of manliness as a virtue in politics, as befits a defender of the land and its glory. His references to his “56-inch chest” are offered as a measure of his nationalism, his patriotic commitment. His virility is directed only to the defence of Gujarat and her people. He is also the lone man who never lets show any sign of being lonely or forlorn. As a fighter, he leads from the front, taking all the blows. He needs neither the party nor the sadhus of the VHP nor even the recalcitrant cadre of the RSS to come to his aid. He has shown he can fight all forces ranged against him and emerge triumphant. He is the perfect male: virile in his chaste conduct, devoted yet distant, bereft of any effete emotion, zealously guarding the honour of his people. He resembles the mythical figure of Parashuram, ready to punish every transgression to the point of annihilation. In this masculine nationalism, all those who challenge the land are rendered effeminate. In a traditionally non-martial culture, his hyper-masculine presence serves to allay deep-seated fears of cultural effeteness. In this the feminine is pushed to the margins and equated with weakness. Therefore, neither Modi’s demeanour nor his language suggest caring, warmth, nurturance, healing or even chatty friendliness.
Two other characteristics form his persona. In a country that considers politics a matter of inheritance, he stands alone in denying benefits to immediate family. Even his most virulent critics would not charge him with nepotism in any form. The second trait is a very non- Gujarati one. The Gujarati mind is occupied by schemes of the “two for the price of one” variety — it speculates, it seeks to accumulate, it accommodates and is ever-willing to negotiate almost anything for a profit. Modi scorns such accommodativeness. He does not bend, he does not give any ground. In a culture that sees bribes as office expenses, he remains personally incorruptible. The only riches he brandishes are the state’s investment figures through his Vibrant Gujarat. In a society where almost all middle-class families have some connection with the diasporas, or aspire to one, he is the only Gujarati who can scoff at the US and still command a massive diaspora following.
In a caste-ridden society, which has hitherto thrived on caste-based political alliances, Modi stands out for his “casteless-ness”. Himself an OBC, he has never appealed directly to this constituency. He appeals, instead, to the Gujarati in us. He projects all the markers of the middleclass Gujarati — his sartorial style, his professionalism, his language all cohere to allow him to emerge as the first middle-class politician with a mass following across group affiliations. This will be his calling card in national politics, whenever he decides to make the shift.
Modi is also seen as a master of political rhetoric. And yet for a man who is partial to poetry, he operates within a very limited range of political vocabulary. He has the capacity to infuse simple words with varieties of meaning, made indelible through repeated use. A simple, everyday term like behn (sister), used almost always as a sign of respect, became something ridiculous with his constant references to Sonia behn. Something similar happened with James Michael Lyngdoh. Vibrant Gujarat, Nirmal Gujarat, Samras Gujarat, Gujarati asmita, five-star NGOs, Sohrabuddin, English media, Italy — all these are terms the people of Gujarat have come to understand without Modi ever explaining to us their semantic structure. He uses them often, deftly moving from one phrase to another, and the audience provides the semantic underpinnings. Those who hear him feel involved in the performance because the audience, many of whose members might wear his mask, imbues the speech with meaning. He need say nothing more.
Modi is one moderniser who stands outside of modernity. He is impatient with modern notions of plurality, polyphony, dissent and autonomy of action. For him, modernisation reads like an auditor’s report: figures of investment, highways, electrification, SEZs and such like. It was no accident that he chose one of the finest auditing firms in the world, Ernst and Young, to showcase Gujarat. In a society that specialises in making sense of figures, he makes perfect sense. He is pragmatic and forward-looking, just what the Gujarati middle-class likes to see itself as being. This pragmatism is a strange thing. It is forwardlooking, but it also prohibits the backward glance, making memory a burden we would rather shed, be it Gandhi, be it violence, be it our own culpability. The absence of such memory impedes self-reflection. With our pragmatism comes the blunting of self-awareness; remorse and repentance are not possible in a primarily forward-looking culture.
Modi’s conduct is fiercely moralistic, but we do not know the contours of his moral universe because he prefers statistics to discourse. We do not know his moral vision for Gujarat, the vision that allows his minions to interpret virtue by attacking nudity in modern art or by “rescuing” girls from undesirable love affairs.
India, be ready. The enigmatic charisma that is Narendra Modi is coming to conquer your heart.
Man, Mask And Modi
The Gujarat CM is a man who wants to paste his persona over his politics
TRIDIP SUHRUD
Social scientist
IN THE unnamed town in Gabriel Garcia Márquez’s In Evil Hour, the best way to preserve a secret about oneself was to write a lampoon of it. Narendra Modi did something similar with his mask. Simultaneously real, surreal and hyper-real, the mask was no mere carnival device. It said there was something of Modi in each of us, of which the mask was a manifestation. It was a kind of wish fulfilment hitherto possible only in dreams or in cyberspace. It was a brilliant semiotic creation.
Narendra Modi has mystique. He is one public figure who is wholly and entirely public. Nothing of his private world, the world of his emotions, intrudes upon this public persona. He does not display his familial ties in public. The family remains entirely in the private realm. He is a householder who leads the sparse, chaste life of an RSS pracharak. The only emotions he displays in public are about his commitment to Gujarat and its people and his commitment to the RSS. He uses metaphors of kinship to describe this commitment. The RSS and the party are maternal figures; so are Gujarat and its land. He is the pater familias who could also be brother and son. And, like the stereotype of the Indian male, he is undemonstrative of private emotion. He chooses to remain aloof, distant; part of his authority is derived from this unapproachability. He is a mass leader who keeps the masses at bay. He holds no durbars, does not mingle with the people, he prefers to function out of the sanitised environs of his home and the state secretariat. Instead of conversations, he prefers announcements made from tall hoardings.
He speaks of manliness as a virtue in politics, as befits a defender of the land and its glory. His references to his “56-inch chest” are offered as a measure of his nationalism, his patriotic commitment. His virility is directed only to the defence of Gujarat and her people. He is also the lone man who never lets show any sign of being lonely or forlorn. As a fighter, he leads from the front, taking all the blows. He needs neither the party nor the sadhus of the VHP nor even the recalcitrant cadre of the RSS to come to his aid. He has shown he can fight all forces ranged against him and emerge triumphant. He is the perfect male: virile in his chaste conduct, devoted yet distant, bereft of any effete emotion, zealously guarding the honour of his people. He resembles the mythical figure of Parashuram, ready to punish every transgression to the point of annihilation. In this masculine nationalism, all those who challenge the land are rendered effeminate. In a traditionally non-martial culture, his hyper-masculine presence serves to allay deep-seated fears of cultural effeteness. In this the feminine is pushed to the margins and equated with weakness. Therefore, neither Modi’s demeanour nor his language suggest caring, warmth, nurturance, healing or even chatty friendliness.
Two other characteristics form his persona. In a country that considers politics a matter of inheritance, he stands alone in denying benefits to immediate family. Even his most virulent critics would not charge him with nepotism in any form. The second trait is a very non- Gujarati one. The Gujarati mind is occupied by schemes of the “two for the price of one” variety — it speculates, it seeks to accumulate, it accommodates and is ever-willing to negotiate almost anything for a profit. Modi scorns such accommodativeness. He does not bend, he does not give any ground. In a culture that sees bribes as office expenses, he remains personally incorruptible. The only riches he brandishes are the state’s investment figures through his Vibrant Gujarat. In a society where almost all middle-class families have some connection with the diasporas, or aspire to one, he is the only Gujarati who can scoff at the US and still command a massive diaspora following.
In a caste-ridden society, which has hitherto thrived on caste-based political alliances, Modi stands out for his “casteless-ness”. Himself an OBC, he has never appealed directly to this constituency. He appeals, instead, to the Gujarati in us. He projects all the markers of the middleclass Gujarati — his sartorial style, his professionalism, his language all cohere to allow him to emerge as the first middle-class politician with a mass following across group affiliations. This will be his calling card in national politics, whenever he decides to make the shift.
Modi is also seen as a master of political rhetoric. And yet for a man who is partial to poetry, he operates within a very limited range of political vocabulary. He has the capacity to infuse simple words with varieties of meaning, made indelible through repeated use. A simple, everyday term like behn (sister), used almost always as a sign of respect, became something ridiculous with his constant references to Sonia behn. Something similar happened with James Michael Lyngdoh. Vibrant Gujarat, Nirmal Gujarat, Samras Gujarat, Gujarati asmita, five-star NGOs, Sohrabuddin, English media, Italy — all these are terms the people of Gujarat have come to understand without Modi ever explaining to us their semantic structure. He uses them often, deftly moving from one phrase to another, and the audience provides the semantic underpinnings. Those who hear him feel involved in the performance because the audience, many of whose members might wear his mask, imbues the speech with meaning. He need say nothing more.
Modi is one moderniser who stands outside of modernity. He is impatient with modern notions of plurality, polyphony, dissent and autonomy of action. For him, modernisation reads like an auditor’s report: figures of investment, highways, electrification, SEZs and such like. It was no accident that he chose one of the finest auditing firms in the world, Ernst and Young, to showcase Gujarat. In a society that specialises in making sense of figures, he makes perfect sense. He is pragmatic and forward-looking, just what the Gujarati middle-class likes to see itself as being. This pragmatism is a strange thing. It is forwardlooking, but it also prohibits the backward glance, making memory a burden we would rather shed, be it Gandhi, be it violence, be it our own culpability. The absence of such memory impedes self-reflection. With our pragmatism comes the blunting of self-awareness; remorse and repentance are not possible in a primarily forward-looking culture.
Modi’s conduct is fiercely moralistic, but we do not know the contours of his moral universe because he prefers statistics to discourse. We do not know his moral vision for Gujarat, the vision that allows his minions to interpret virtue by attacking nudity in modern art or by “rescuing” girls from undesirable love affairs.
India, be ready. The enigmatic charisma that is Narendra Modi is coming to conquer your heart.
March 06, 2007
The Faith over the pitch. Tabhligi Jamaat and The Cricket Pakistan team
Outlook Magazine Mar 12, 2007
cricket: pakistan
A Catch In The Deep
THE FAITH OVER THE PITCH. THE PAKISTAN TEAM IS RIVEN OVER THE PLAYERS' SOULS.
by Amir Mir
Long before the Islamists discovered their frightening zeal, Pakistani cricketers were considered a paragon of modern Muslims: they played flamboyantly, partied hard and didn't flaunt their religion publicly. They were the playboys of their times˜suave, educated and dashing; they had their one-night stands, clubbed and tippled; as great exponents of reverse swing as they were ardent admirers of fine legs. They had the lifestyle only stars have˜in any country, of any sport, of any religious persuasion.
Those days of cricketing insouciance are now memory, as are so many other aspects of secular life in Pakistan. Every prize presentation ceremony has captain Inzamam-ul-Haq begin his soundbite with "Bismillah (In the name of Allah)"; players huddle to pray on the ground during pre-match preparations; 'Islamic beards' are sported as an advertisement of their faith; batsmen have been known to cramp up because they fast and play during Ramzan.
The responsibility for this fervent religiosity are a clutch of players˜Inzy, Mushtaq Ahmed (bowling coach), Mohammed Yousuf, Saqlain Mushtaq, Shahid Afridi, Shoaib Malik and Yasser Hameed˜who have become members of the Tableeghi Jamaat, or the 'party of preachers'. The TJ, an exact Arabic translation of which is the Proselytising Group, occupies itself participating in functions organised to propagate Islam and stressing on the virtues of an 'authentic Islamic lifestyle'. TJ has invaded the dressing room˜they can be seen praying with players and reciting the Quran for the team's success. As TJ membership makes it incumbent upon a person to preach, Inzy reportedly went to Gujranwala, Punjab, on a three-day preaching tour, before flying off to South Africa for the recently concluded series.
Inzy's proclivity to mix religion with cricket has sparked accusations that he favours TJ players over those who are either non-religious or prefer to confine religion to their private lives. The non-Tableeghi group is led by vice-captain Younis Khan and includes Shoaib Akhtar, Mohammed Asif, Danish Kaneria, Imran Nazir, Abdul Razzaq etc. This divide often shadows differences between players. Though Inzy is said to detest Shoaib for his indiscipline, some in the team feel the real reason is the fast bowler's liberal views, the occasional pegs and his breathlessly busy night life.
A disgruntled team member who requested anonymity detailed to Outlook aspects of Inzy's religious passion. On tours abroad, one of the rooms is declared a 'prayer' room, where TJ players offer prayers and discuss religious issues. Accompanying the team is a former TV personality and TJ member, Naeem Butt, who stays in the team hotel. Butt arranges interactions between the cricketers and officer-bearers of the TJ chapter of the host country.
This palpable Islamisation prompted even President Pervez Musharraf to tell Pakistan Cricket Board chairman Dr Naseem Ashraf that players should go easy on religion and strike a balance between it and cricket. Ashraf subsequently warned the Tableeghi cricketers at a recent press conference, asking them to "stop exhibiting their religious beliefs in public". To Outlook, Ashraf confessed, "I have discussed the matter in detail with Inzamam, making it clear to him that religion is purely a private affair and there should not be any pressure on those who don't pray regularly. He assured me there is no pressure at all on any of the players to do anything they don't want to do."
So how has the flamboyant cricket team of the past become a Tableeghi Jamaat redoubt? The Islamisation of the team, in a way, has been in tandem with the transformation of society here. The process began under president Zia-ul Haq, under whose rule the TJ was even provided access to soldiers in the barracks.Simultaneously, the democratisation of cricket brought in players from semi-urban centres where religion can be a more prominent part of life. As ex-Test opener Mohsin Khan points out, "The current team's make-up is different from the earlier Pakistani sides, which drew from the educated and social elite in Lahore and Karachi. Currently, half the squad hails from outside of Pakistan's two major cities."
In the early days, Pakistani players may have been believers but didn't flaunt it. It was the otherwise hip Imran Khan who made it cool for cricketers to talk religion. His 'awakening' following retirement and his public, even strident, endorsement of Islam provided Islamists the cue to recruit cricketers to their cause. Among them was Maulana Tariq Jameel who, like Inzy, is a Multani, and a close associate of Maulana Abdul Wahab, the ameer of Pakistan's TJ chapter. He began to concertedly target the team once he had converted Saeed Anwar to the TJ cause. The stylish opener, a computer engineer by training, became a born-again Muslim in 2001, after the tragic death of his infant daughter Bismah. The traumatic experience prompted Anwar to find solace in religion˜he joined the TJ. His primary task: working on present and former cricketers to join the TJ and spread the message of Islam.
About his TJ experience, Anwar told Outlook, "There's only one aim in my life...follow Allah Almighty's path and prepare for the Day of Judgement. I am a different Saeed Anwar today, the material world to me is meaningless now. I have turned to Allah for solace and am committed to spread the religion worldwide."
So now religion has become a badge the cricketers are willing to wear publicly, particularly Inzy, whose diffident personality acquired an assertive edge under Maulana Jameel's influence. Perhaps religion provided Inzy an anchor in the glamourous and corporate world that cricket has become˜and which he as a Multani must have found alienating. With the captain under its sway, the TJ now had an open field, winning over players in numbers that divided the team into TJ and non-TJ groups.
Inzy himself denies any rift in the team. He told Outlook, "The team is selected purely on the basis of merit. There is no pressure on any player to join the five-times-a-day collective namaaz. Those who say otherwise have never offered prayers, nor have any links to Islam... which does not force anyone on the issue of religion." He furnishes proof of his contention. "Look at the players yourself. Only four players who toured South Africa˜Mohammed Yousuf, Shahid Afridi, Shoaib Malik and myself˜have beards. Our religious activities have never stopped a match." Inzy says the preaching sessions with Islamic scholars help instil unity in the team, and that his own piety enables him to overcome distractions on tours abroad.
Inzy has long sported a beard. But others wear it, critics allege, only as a show of allegiance to the captain, to boost their chances of getting into the squad. Saqlain and Mushtaq are counted among the prime examples. There's also the unique case of Mohammed Yousuf, who converted from Christianity and seemingly never shaved thereafter. Despite repeated denials, there aren't many takers for Yousuf's view˜that he didn't convert to boost his chances of becoming captain in the future.
Yousuf says: "My conversion is because of a change of heart...it's not a calculated move. Danish Kaneria is Hindu and there is no problem. Before my conversion, I had played for Pakistan for 10 long years and there had been no problem. I didn't do this to be captain. Islam is the true religion because it says that life after death is the real life; the better you prepare for it, the better your present life will be".
His transformation was not only confined to his faith, but extended to a change in name, appearance, behaviour˜and even performance on the field. The string of tall scores he made became a prompt line for those who say Allah favours those who turn to Him. Residing in a posh Lahore locality, and having recently bought a Mercedes, Yousuf told Outlook that he credits the "benediction from above" for the change in fortunes. He plans to repay his debts to Allah. How? "After I retire, I plan to serve God by devoting myself to preaching Islam to all those out there who have not been exposed to the real face of the religion."
Meanwhile, Mohsin Khan pooh-poohs the notion of religiosity helping players perform better. He points to the irony˜Saeed Anwar, Mushtaq Ahmed and Saqlain Mushtaq lost their form once they took to sporting beards. "Shahid Afridi too is following in their footsteps," he points out. But English-speaking opening batsman Salman Butt pleads for the positive impact Islam has had on the team. As for performance, Butt explains, "A lot of people work hard, but only those get to their destination who are lucky and have the help of God. We believe if we pray five times a day and go in the way of God, we will get help. That is our firm belief. It puts all of us in very good spirits, and has made us disciplined˜a definite change for the team."
Even coach Bob Woolmer recently admitted that religiosity has helped foster unity among players. He however added, "But there is the odd problem. You have to train the players with less intensity during the Ramzan, or do it at a time of the day when they have more strength. In some respects, this can be frustrating as a coach." The non-TJ group have a litany of other complaints though: the stifling atmosphere, charges of bias, mutual suspicion etc.
Former cricketer-turned-TJ man Agha Zahid says his organisation recruits sporting stars because "if they change their lifestyles, then others who idolise them would follow their example". For a society riven by religious passions that often, consciously or otherwise, shrinks the secular space, cricketer-preachers could unwittingly undermine Musharraf's enlightened moderation.
This shrinking of the secular space is perhaps already happening in the cricket team. As editor Najam Sethi says, "The issue is not about being religious. That is an individual choice. It is about flaunting it in a manner that seems to threaten some and pressure others to follow suit. The Pakistani team must be talked to about the image the world has of men with unkempt beards. The team must build a good image for itself, if for nothing else than for the sake of gaining a neutral crowd watching the game." For Allah's cricketers, these are minor matters.
cricket: pakistan
A Catch In The Deep
THE FAITH OVER THE PITCH. THE PAKISTAN TEAM IS RIVEN OVER THE PLAYERS' SOULS.
by Amir Mir
Long before the Islamists discovered their frightening zeal, Pakistani cricketers were considered a paragon of modern Muslims: they played flamboyantly, partied hard and didn't flaunt their religion publicly. They were the playboys of their times˜suave, educated and dashing; they had their one-night stands, clubbed and tippled; as great exponents of reverse swing as they were ardent admirers of fine legs. They had the lifestyle only stars have˜in any country, of any sport, of any religious persuasion.
Those days of cricketing insouciance are now memory, as are so many other aspects of secular life in Pakistan. Every prize presentation ceremony has captain Inzamam-ul-Haq begin his soundbite with "Bismillah (In the name of Allah)"; players huddle to pray on the ground during pre-match preparations; 'Islamic beards' are sported as an advertisement of their faith; batsmen have been known to cramp up because they fast and play during Ramzan.
The responsibility for this fervent religiosity are a clutch of players˜Inzy, Mushtaq Ahmed (bowling coach), Mohammed Yousuf, Saqlain Mushtaq, Shahid Afridi, Shoaib Malik and Yasser Hameed˜who have become members of the Tableeghi Jamaat, or the 'party of preachers'. The TJ, an exact Arabic translation of which is the Proselytising Group, occupies itself participating in functions organised to propagate Islam and stressing on the virtues of an 'authentic Islamic lifestyle'. TJ has invaded the dressing room˜they can be seen praying with players and reciting the Quran for the team's success. As TJ membership makes it incumbent upon a person to preach, Inzy reportedly went to Gujranwala, Punjab, on a three-day preaching tour, before flying off to South Africa for the recently concluded series.
Inzy's proclivity to mix religion with cricket has sparked accusations that he favours TJ players over those who are either non-religious or prefer to confine religion to their private lives. The non-Tableeghi group is led by vice-captain Younis Khan and includes Shoaib Akhtar, Mohammed Asif, Danish Kaneria, Imran Nazir, Abdul Razzaq etc. This divide often shadows differences between players. Though Inzy is said to detest Shoaib for his indiscipline, some in the team feel the real reason is the fast bowler's liberal views, the occasional pegs and his breathlessly busy night life.
A disgruntled team member who requested anonymity detailed to Outlook aspects of Inzy's religious passion. On tours abroad, one of the rooms is declared a 'prayer' room, where TJ players offer prayers and discuss religious issues. Accompanying the team is a former TV personality and TJ member, Naeem Butt, who stays in the team hotel. Butt arranges interactions between the cricketers and officer-bearers of the TJ chapter of the host country.
This palpable Islamisation prompted even President Pervez Musharraf to tell Pakistan Cricket Board chairman Dr Naseem Ashraf that players should go easy on religion and strike a balance between it and cricket. Ashraf subsequently warned the Tableeghi cricketers at a recent press conference, asking them to "stop exhibiting their religious beliefs in public". To Outlook, Ashraf confessed, "I have discussed the matter in detail with Inzamam, making it clear to him that religion is purely a private affair and there should not be any pressure on those who don't pray regularly. He assured me there is no pressure at all on any of the players to do anything they don't want to do."
So how has the flamboyant cricket team of the past become a Tableeghi Jamaat redoubt? The Islamisation of the team, in a way, has been in tandem with the transformation of society here. The process began under president Zia-ul Haq, under whose rule the TJ was even provided access to soldiers in the barracks.Simultaneously, the democratisation of cricket brought in players from semi-urban centres where religion can be a more prominent part of life. As ex-Test opener Mohsin Khan points out, "The current team's make-up is different from the earlier Pakistani sides, which drew from the educated and social elite in Lahore and Karachi. Currently, half the squad hails from outside of Pakistan's two major cities."
In the early days, Pakistani players may have been believers but didn't flaunt it. It was the otherwise hip Imran Khan who made it cool for cricketers to talk religion. His 'awakening' following retirement and his public, even strident, endorsement of Islam provided Islamists the cue to recruit cricketers to their cause. Among them was Maulana Tariq Jameel who, like Inzy, is a Multani, and a close associate of Maulana Abdul Wahab, the ameer of Pakistan's TJ chapter. He began to concertedly target the team once he had converted Saeed Anwar to the TJ cause. The stylish opener, a computer engineer by training, became a born-again Muslim in 2001, after the tragic death of his infant daughter Bismah. The traumatic experience prompted Anwar to find solace in religion˜he joined the TJ. His primary task: working on present and former cricketers to join the TJ and spread the message of Islam.
About his TJ experience, Anwar told Outlook, "There's only one aim in my life...follow Allah Almighty's path and prepare for the Day of Judgement. I am a different Saeed Anwar today, the material world to me is meaningless now. I have turned to Allah for solace and am committed to spread the religion worldwide."
So now religion has become a badge the cricketers are willing to wear publicly, particularly Inzy, whose diffident personality acquired an assertive edge under Maulana Jameel's influence. Perhaps religion provided Inzy an anchor in the glamourous and corporate world that cricket has become˜and which he as a Multani must have found alienating. With the captain under its sway, the TJ now had an open field, winning over players in numbers that divided the team into TJ and non-TJ groups.
Inzy himself denies any rift in the team. He told Outlook, "The team is selected purely on the basis of merit. There is no pressure on any player to join the five-times-a-day collective namaaz. Those who say otherwise have never offered prayers, nor have any links to Islam... which does not force anyone on the issue of religion." He furnishes proof of his contention. "Look at the players yourself. Only four players who toured South Africa˜Mohammed Yousuf, Shahid Afridi, Shoaib Malik and myself˜have beards. Our religious activities have never stopped a match." Inzy says the preaching sessions with Islamic scholars help instil unity in the team, and that his own piety enables him to overcome distractions on tours abroad.
Inzy has long sported a beard. But others wear it, critics allege, only as a show of allegiance to the captain, to boost their chances of getting into the squad. Saqlain and Mushtaq are counted among the prime examples. There's also the unique case of Mohammed Yousuf, who converted from Christianity and seemingly never shaved thereafter. Despite repeated denials, there aren't many takers for Yousuf's view˜that he didn't convert to boost his chances of becoming captain in the future.
Yousuf says: "My conversion is because of a change of heart...it's not a calculated move. Danish Kaneria is Hindu and there is no problem. Before my conversion, I had played for Pakistan for 10 long years and there had been no problem. I didn't do this to be captain. Islam is the true religion because it says that life after death is the real life; the better you prepare for it, the better your present life will be".
His transformation was not only confined to his faith, but extended to a change in name, appearance, behaviour˜and even performance on the field. The string of tall scores he made became a prompt line for those who say Allah favours those who turn to Him. Residing in a posh Lahore locality, and having recently bought a Mercedes, Yousuf told Outlook that he credits the "benediction from above" for the change in fortunes. He plans to repay his debts to Allah. How? "After I retire, I plan to serve God by devoting myself to preaching Islam to all those out there who have not been exposed to the real face of the religion."
Meanwhile, Mohsin Khan pooh-poohs the notion of religiosity helping players perform better. He points to the irony˜Saeed Anwar, Mushtaq Ahmed and Saqlain Mushtaq lost their form once they took to sporting beards. "Shahid Afridi too is following in their footsteps," he points out. But English-speaking opening batsman Salman Butt pleads for the positive impact Islam has had on the team. As for performance, Butt explains, "A lot of people work hard, but only those get to their destination who are lucky and have the help of God. We believe if we pray five times a day and go in the way of God, we will get help. That is our firm belief. It puts all of us in very good spirits, and has made us disciplined˜a definite change for the team."
Even coach Bob Woolmer recently admitted that religiosity has helped foster unity among players. He however added, "But there is the odd problem. You have to train the players with less intensity during the Ramzan, or do it at a time of the day when they have more strength. In some respects, this can be frustrating as a coach." The non-TJ group have a litany of other complaints though: the stifling atmosphere, charges of bias, mutual suspicion etc.
Former cricketer-turned-TJ man Agha Zahid says his organisation recruits sporting stars because "if they change their lifestyles, then others who idolise them would follow their example". For a society riven by religious passions that often, consciously or otherwise, shrinks the secular space, cricketer-preachers could unwittingly undermine Musharraf's enlightened moderation.
This shrinking of the secular space is perhaps already happening in the cricket team. As editor Najam Sethi says, "The issue is not about being religious. That is an individual choice. It is about flaunting it in a manner that seems to threaten some and pressure others to follow suit. The Pakistani team must be talked to about the image the world has of men with unkempt beards. The team must build a good image for itself, if for nothing else than for the sake of gaining a neutral crowd watching the game." For Allah's cricketers, these are minor matters.
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