|
Showing posts with label internet. Show all posts
Showing posts with label internet. Show all posts

February 09, 2024

Govt of India has blocked the website and X account of Hindutva Watch

 (Excerpt from article posted below...)

Takedown Of Hate Tracker Highlights Secrecy Around Modi Govt’s Internet Censorship Practices

[Feb 9, 2024]

Representative Image/ KLEVO, ISTOCK

The government of India has blocked the website and X account of Hindutva Watch, which documents hate crimes and hate speech against India’s religious minorities, latest evidence of secrecy surrounding India’s internet censorship framework. Legal experts said the current laws and rules lack transparency and appeals are ineffective, giving the government almost unchecked control over online content. The rise in censorship orders since 2014 and the increasing compliance of platforms like X add to concerns about freedom of expression.


Delhi: Around 27 January 2024, the website of Hindutva Watch, a US-based group documenting hate crime and hate speech against India’s religious minorities, became inaccessible in India. 

This action was preceded by a formal notice issued by the ministry of electronics and information technology (MEITY) to the group’s founder, Raqib Hameed Naik, on 19 January, warning him that the website may be blocked.

Earlier that month, the ministry ordered X (formerly Twitter) to block access to the hate tracker’s handle in India—a directive that X obeyed, blocking Hindutva Watch on 16 January.

Naik, 29, told Article 14 that he was not aware of the grounds or reasons for blocks in both cases.

The hate tracker’s X account and its website are not accessible in India, but they remain available to Internet users abroad.

...
Screesshot of the group’s X account

Under section 69A of the Information Technology Act 2000, the MEITY has authority to order social media companies to block content in the interest of the “sovereignty, integrity, defence of India, security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, or public order or for preventing incitement to the commission of any cognizable offence relating to the above”.

There was no response to an Article 14 email to MEITY secretary S Krishnan seeking comment on the blocking of Hindutva Watch’s website and X handle. We will update this story if he does respond.

Naik said he was “shocked but not surprised” by the takedown of  Hindutva Watch’s Internet presence in India.

[ . . . ]

 https://article-14.com/post/takedown-of-hate-tracker-highlights-secrecy-around-modi-govt-s-internet-censorship-practices-65c59c3549d5a

December 13, 2023

Twitter hate: 86 percent of anti-Muslim content comes from US, UK, India | TRT World (2022)

 Twitter hate: 86 percent of anti-Muslim content comes from US, UK, India
Users from the three countries generated 86 percent of malicious content between 2017-19; online hateful content led to physical attacks on Muslims and mosques.

https://www.trtworld.com/opinion/twitter-hate-86-percent-of-anti-muslim-content-comes-from-us-uk-india-12784562

February 09, 2023

Facebook Services Are Used to Spread Religious Hatred in India, Internal Documents Show (WSJ report from 2021)

Facebook Services Are Used to Spread Religious Hatred in India, Internal Documents Show (WSJ report)

Oct. 23, 2021

 https://www.wsj.com/articles/facebook-services-are-used-to-spread-religious-hatred-in-india-internal-documents-show-11635016354

Guns Offered for Sale in Facebook Groups Devoted to Religious Extremists in India - Wall Street Journal - Report by Newley Purnell

 

Feb. 8, 2023 [https://www.wsj.com/]

Facebook META -4.27%decrease; red down pointing triangle

users have offered for sale on the platform handguns, rifles, shotguns and bullets to members of a forum devoted to an extremist Hindu organization with a history of violence in India.

Eight posts, some of which had been up since April, caught the eye of Raqib Hameed Naik, the founder of a group that monitors attacks against religious minorities in India. He began reporting them to Meta Platforms Inc. META -4.27%decrease; red down pointing triangle

in late January as contravening the company’s publicly stated policy that prohibits private individuals from buying or selling firearms or ammunition on Facebook platforms.

Facebook declined to remove them, saying the posts didn’t violate the company’s rules, according to responses from the company that The Wall Street Journal reviewed.

After the Journal inquired about the posts, Facebook on Tuesday removed them, saying they ran afoul of the company’s policies.

“We prohibit individuals from buying or selling guns on our apps” and “remove violating content as soon as we see it,” a Meta spokeswoman said. She declined to comment on why the posts hadn’t been removed when first reported.

[ . . .]

FULL TEXT HERE

 

February 16, 2021

India: Hate factory - Inside Kapil Mishra’s ‘Hindu Ecosystem’ | Meghnad S & Shambhavi Thakur (newslaundry.com - 15 Feb, 2021)

Hate factory: Inside Kapil Mishra’s ‘Hindu Ecosystem’

We infiltrated the Telegram groups of the BJP leader’s online network to see what they do and how they operate.

If the ever-growing reality of Hindu Rashtra were one big Christmas, Kapil Mishra would be Santa Claus, and the members of his “Hindu Ecosystem” hardworking elves delivering the gift of religious hatred and bigotry, packaged in the seductive wrapping of Hindutva, to the masses, secretly but methodically.

On November 16 last year, Mishra, a former Aam Aadmi Party minister who is now with the BJP and has been accused of inciting the February 2020 Delhi carnage by the victims and activists, posted a tweet asking whoever was interested to fill in a form and join what he described as the “Hindu Ecosystem” team.

 https://www.newslaundry.com/2021/02/15/we-infiltrated-the-telegram-groups-of-the-bjp-leaders-online-network-to-see-what-they-do

August 13, 2019

How YouTube Radicalized Brazil | Max Fisher and Amanda Taub / The New York Times

The New York Times

How YouTube Radicalized Brazil



CreditCreditDado Galdieri for The New York Times


NITERÓI, Brazil — When Matheus Dominguez was 16, YouTube recommended a video that changed his life.
He was in a band in Niterói, a beach-ringed city in Brazil, and practiced guitar by watching tutorials online.
YouTube had recently installed a powerful new artificial intelligence system that learned from user behavior and paired videos with recommendations for others. One day, it directed him to an amateur guitar teacher named Nando Moura, who had gained a wide following by posting videos about heavy metal, video games and, most of all, politics.
In colorful and paranoid far-right rants, Mr. Moura accused feminists, teachers and mainstream politicians of waging vast conspiracies. Mr. Dominguez was hooked.
As his time on the site grew, YouTube recommended videos from other far-right figures. One was a lawmaker named Jair Bolsonaro, then a marginal figure in national politics — but a star in YouTube’s far-right community in Brazil, where the platform has become more widely watched than all but one TV channel.

Last year, he became President Bolsonaro.
“YouTube became the social media platform of the Brazilian right,” said Mr. Dominguez, now a lanky 17-year-old who says he, too, plans to seek political office.
[Watch Max Fisher and Amanda Taub report on YouTube’s influence in Brazil for The Times’s new TV show, “The Weekly,” on FX and Hulu.]

Members of the nation’s newly empowered far right — from grass-roots organizers to federal lawmakers — say their movement would not have risen so far, so fast, without YouTube’s recommendation engine.
New research has found they may be correct. YouTube’s search and recommendation system appears to have systematically diverted users to far-right and conspiracy channels in Brazil.
A New York Times investigation in Brazil found that, time and again, videos promoted by the site have upended central elements of daily life.

Teachers describe classrooms made unruly by students who quote from YouTube conspiracy videos or who, encouraged by right-wing YouTube stars, secretly record their instructors.
Some parents look to “Dr. YouTube” for health advice but get dangerous misinformation instead, hampering the nation’s efforts to fight diseases like Zika. Viral videos have incited death threats against public health advocates.
And in politics, a wave of right-wing YouTube stars ran for office alongside Mr. Bolsonaro, some winning by historic margins. Most still use the platform, governing the world’s fourth-largest democracy through internet-honed trolling and provocation.
YouTube’s recommendation system is engineered to maximize watchtime, among other factors, the company says, but not to favor any political ideology. The system suggests what to watch next, often playing the videos automatically, in a never-ending quest to keep us glued to our screens.
But the emotions that draw people in — like fear, doubt and anger — are often central features of conspiracy theories, and in particular, experts say, of right-wing extremism.
As the system suggests more provocative videos to keep users watching, it can direct them toward extreme content they might otherwise never find. And it is designed to lead users to new topics to pique new interest — a boon for channels like Mr. Moura’s that use pop culture as a gateway to far-right ideas.
The system now drives 70 percent of total time on the platform, the company says. As viewership skyrockets globally, YouTube is bringing in over $1 billion a month, some analysts believe.

Zeynep Tufekci, a social media scholar, has called it “one of the most powerful radicalizing instruments of the 21st century.”
Company representatives disputed the studies’ methodology and said that the platform’s systems do not privilege any one viewpoint or direct users toward extremism. However, company representatives conceded some of the findings and promised to make changes.
Farshad Shadloo, a spokesman, said that YouTube has “invested heavily in the policies, resources and products” to reduce the spread of harmful misinformation, adding, “we’ve seen that authoritative content is thriving in Brazil and is some of the most recommended content on the site.”
Danah Boyd, founder of the think tank Data & Society, attributed the disruption in Brazil to YouTube’s unrelenting push for viewer engagement, and the revenues it generates.
Though corruption scandals and a deep recession had already devastated Brazil’s political establishment and left many Brazilians ready for a break with the status quo, Ms. Boyd called YouTube’s impact a worrying indication of the platform’s growing impact on democracies worldwide.
“This is happening everywhere,” she said.




CreditAdriano Machado/Reuters

Maurício Martins, the local vice president of Mr. Bolsonaro’s party in Niterói, credited “most” of the party’s recruitment to YouTube — including his own.

He was killing time on the site one day, he recalled, when the platform showed him a video by a right-wing blogger. He watched out of curiosity. It showed him another, and then another.
“Before that, I didn’t have an ideological political background,” Mr. Martins said. YouTube’s auto-playing recommendations, he declared, were “my political education.”
“It was like that with everyone,” he said.
The platform’s political influence is increasingly felt in Brazilian schools.
“Sometimes I’m watching videos about a game, and all of a sudden it’s a Bolsonaro video,” said Inzaghi D., a 17-year-old high schooler in Niterói.
More and more, his fellow students are making extremist claims, often citing as evidence YouTube stars like Mr. Moura, the guitarist-turned-conspiracist.
“It’s the main source that kids have to get information,” he said.
Few illustrate YouTube’s influence better than Carlos Jordy.
Musclebound and heavily tattooed — his left hand bears a flaming skull with diamond eyes — he joined the City Council in 2017 with few prospects of rising through traditional politics. So Mr. Jordy took inspiration from bloggers like Mr. Moura and his political mentor, Mr. Bolsonaro, turning his focus to YouTube.

He posted videos accusing local teachers of conspiring to indoctrinate students into communism. The videos won him a “national audience,” he said, and propelled his stunning rise, only two years later, to the federal legislature.
“If social media didn’t exist, I wouldn’t be here,” he said. “Jair Bolsonaro wouldn’t be president.”



CreditDado Galdieri for The New York Times

A few hundred miles away from Niterói, a team of researchers led by Virgilio Almeida at the Federal University of Minas Gerais hunched over computers, trying understand how YouTube shapes its users’ reality.
The team analyzed transcripts from thousands of videos, as well as the comments beneath them. Right-wing channels in Brazil, they found, had seen their audiences expand far faster than others did, and seemed to be tilting the site’s overall political content.
In the months after YouTube changed its algorithm, positive mentions of Mr. Bolsonaro ballooned. So did mentions of conspiracy theories that he had floated. This began as polls still showed him to be deeply unpopular, suggesting that the platform was doing more than merely reflecting political trends.
A team at Harvard’s Berkman Klein Center set out to test whether the Brazilian far right’s meteoric rise on the platform had been boosted by YouTube’s recommendation engine.

Advertisement
Jonas Kaiser and Yasodara Córdova, with Adrian Rauchfleisch of National Taiwan University, programmed a Brazil-based server to enter a popular channel or search term, then open YouTube’s top recommendations, then follow the recommendations on each of those, and so on.
By repeating this thousands of times, the researchers tracked how the platform moved users from one video to the next. They found that after users watched a video about politics or even entertainment, YouTube’s recommendations often favored right-wing, conspiracy-filled channels like Mr. Moura’s.
Crucially, users who watched one far-right channel would often be shown many more.
The algorithm had united once-marginal channels — and then built an audience for them, the researchers concluded.
One of those channels belonged to Mr. Bolsonaro, who had long used the platform to post hoaxes and conspiracies. Though a YouTube early adopter, his online following had done little to expand his political base, which barely existed on a national level.
Then Brazil’s political system collapsed just as YouTube’s popularity there soared. Mr. Bolsonaro’s views had not changed. But YouTube’s far-right, where he was a major figure, saw its audience explode, helping to prime large numbers of Brazilians for his message at a time when the country was ripe for a political shift.

Advertisement
YouTube challenged the researchers’ methodology and said its internal data contradicted their findings. But the company declined the Times’ requests for that data, as well as requests for certain statistics that would reveal whether or not the researchers’ findings were accurate.


Image
CreditDado Galdieri for The New York Times
The conspiracies were not limited to politics. Many Brazilians searching YouTube for health care information found videos that terrified them: some said Zika was being spread by vaccines, or by the insecticides meant to curb the spread of the mosquito-borne disease that has ravaged northeastern Brazil.
The videos appeared to rise on the platform in much the same way as extremist political content: by making alarming claims and promising forbidden truths that kept users glued to their screens.
Doctors, social workers and former government officials said the videos had created the foundation of a public health crisis as frightened patients refused vaccines and even anti-Zika insecticides.
The consequences have been pronounced in poorer communities like Maceió, a city in Brazil’s northeast that was among the hardest hit by Zika.
“Fake news is a virtual war,” said Flávio Santana, a pediatric neurologist based in Maceió. “We have it coming from every direction.”
When Zika first spread in 2015, health workers distributed larvicides that killed the mosquitoes that spread the disease.

Advertisement
Not long after YouTube installed its new recommendation engine, Dr. Santana’s patients began telling him that they’d seen videos blaming Zika on vaccines — and, later, on larvicides. Many refused both.
Dr. Auriene Oliviera, an infectious disease specialist at the same hospital, said patients increasingly defied her advice, including on procedures crucial to their child’s survival.
“They say, ‘No, I’ve researched it on Google, I’ve seen it on YouTube,” she said.
Medical providers, she said, were competing “every single day” against “Dr. Google and Dr. YouTube” — and they were losing.
Mardjane Nunes, a Zika expert who recently left a senior role in the health ministry, said that health workers across Brazil have been reporting similar experiences. As more communities refuse the anti-Zika larvicide, she added, the disease is seeing a small resurgence.
“Social media is winning,” she said.
Brazil’s medical community had reason to feel outmatched. The Harvard researchers found that YouTube’s systems frequently directed users who searched for information on Zika, or even those who watched a reputable video on health issues, toward conspiracy channels.
A spokesman for YouTube confirmed the Times’ findings, calling them unintended, and said the company would change how its search tool surfaced videos related to Zika.



CreditJaron Berman for The New York Times
As the far right rose, many of its leading voices had learned to weaponize the conspiracy videos, offering their vast audiences a target: people to blame. Eventually, the YouTube conspiracists turned their spotlight on Debora Diniz, a women’s rights activist whose abortion advocacy had long made her a target of the far right.
Bernardo Küster, a YouTube star whose homemade rants had won him 750,000 subscribers and an endorsement from Mr. Bolsonaro, accused her of involvement in the supposed Zika plots.
The very people working to help families affected by Zika, their videos implied, were behind the disease. Backed by shadowy foreigners, their goal was to abolish Brazil’s abortion ban — or even make abortions mandatory.
As far-right and conspiracy channels began citing one another, YouTube’s recommendation system learned to string their videos together. However implausible any individual rumor might be on its own, joined together, they created the impression that dozens of disparate sources were revealing the same terrifying truth.
“It feels like the connection is made by the viewer, but the connection is made by the system,” Ms. Diniz said.
Threats of rape and torture filled Ms. Diniz’s phone and email. Some cited her daily routines. Many echoed claims from Mr. Küster’s videos, she said.
Mr. Küster gleefully mentioned, though never explicitly endorsed, the threats. That kept him just within YouTube’s rules.

Advertisement
When the university where Ms. Diniz taught received a warning that a gunman would shoot her and her students, and the police said they could no longer guarantee her safety, she left Brazil.
“The YouTube system of recommending the next video and the next video,” she said, had created “an ecosystem of hate.”
“‘I heard here that she’s an enemy of Brazil. I hear in the next one that feminists are changing family values. And the next one I hear that they receive money from abroad” she said. “That loop is what leads someone to say ‘I will do what has to be done.’”
“We need the companies to face their role,” Ms. Diniz said. “Ethically, they are responsible.”
As conspiracies spread on YouTube, video makers targeted aid groups whose work touches on controversial issues like abortion. Even some families that had long relied on such groups came to wonder if the videos might be true, and began to avoid them.
In Brazil, this is a growing online practice known as “linchamento” — lynching. Mr. Bolsonaro was an early pioneer, spreading videos in 2012 that falsely accused left-wing academics of plotting to force schools to distribute “gay kits” to convert children to homosexuality.
Mr. Jordy, his tattooed Niterói protégé, was untroubled to learn that his own YouTube campaign, accusing teachers of spreading communism, had turned their lives upside down.
One of those teachers, Valeria Borges, said she and her colleagues had been overwhelmed with messages of hate, creating a climate of fear.

Advertisement
Mr. Jordy, far from disputing this, said it had been his goal. “I wanted her to feel fear,” he said.
“It’s a culture war we’re fighting,” he explained. “This is what I came into office to do.”




CreditThe Weekly/The New York Times/FX/Hulu
Ground zero for politics by YouTube may be the São Paulo headquarters of Movimento Brasil Livre, which formed to agitate for the 2016 impeachment of the left-wing President Dilma Rousseff. Its members trend young, middle-class, right-wing and extremely online.
Renan Santos, the group’s national coordinator, gestured to a door marked “the YouTube Division” and said, “This is the heart of things.”
Inside, eight young men poked at editing software. One was stylizing an image of Benito Mussolini for a video arguing that fascism had been wrongly blamed on the right.
But even some people here fear the platform’s impact on democracy. Mr. Santos, for example, called social media a “weapon,” adding that some people around Mr. Bolsonaro “want to use this weapon to pressure institutions in a way that I don’t see as responsible.”
The group’s co-founder, a man-bunned former rock guitarist name Pedro D’Eyrot, said “we have something here that we call the dictatorship of the like.”

Advertisement
Reality, he said, is shaped by whatever message goes most viral.
Even as he spoke, a two-hour YouTube video was captivating the nation. Titled “1964” for the year of Brazil’s military coup, it argued that the takeover had been necessary to save Brazil from communism.
Mr. Dominguez, the teenager learning to play guitar, said the video persuaded him that his teachers had fabricated the horrors of military rule.
Ms. Borges, the history teacher vilified on YouTube, said it brought back memories of military curfews, disappeared activists and police beatings.
“I don’t think I’ve had my last beating,” she said.


The Interpreter is a column by Max Fisher and Amanda Taub exploring the ideas and context behind major world events. Follow them on Twitter @Max_Fisher and @amandataub.
Mariana Simões contributed reporting from Niterói and Maceió, Brazil. Kate Steiker-Ginzberg contributed reporting from Niterói, Maceió and São Paulo, Brazil. Renata Matarazzo contributed research.
A version of this article appears in print on , Section A, Page 1 of the New York edition with the headline: With YouTube as Guide, Brazil Moves Far Right.

January 30, 2019

India: Hate Hatao [Remove Hate] app launched on the Google Play store

Hate Hatao tracks, documents, and takes action against acts of hate of all kinds, and now, anyone with a smartphone can get involved in the process of ensuring justice is delivered. Download the app now

https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.hatehatao.hatehatao

August 29, 2018

Digital hatred, real violence: Majoritarian radicalisation and social media in India | Maya Mirchandani

Social media’s impact on mainstream media, and the way people communicate with one another and disseminate information, has become a subject of serious study for journalists, academics and policymakers alike. While it has been a significant equaliser as a vehicle by which the fundamental right to freedom of expression is guaranteed everyone irrespective of class, creed or geography, these very same platforms are also becoming spaces where—in the garb of free speech—misinformation and hate are able to flourish. In India, these spaces provide both tacit and overt sanction for rising incidents of majoritarian violence as identity-based, populist politics dominate the country’s landscape. This paper analyses the intersections between free speech and hate speech and the impact of majoritarian hate speech in the Indian context. [. . .]

https://www.orfonline.org/research/43665-digital-hatred-real-violence-majoritarian-radicalisation-and-social-media-in-india/

July 07, 2018

India: If Hate Has Been Normalised, Can WhatsApp-Triggered Lynchings Be Far Behind? Maitrayee Chaudhuri

The Wire

If Hate Has Been Normalised, Can WhatsApp-Triggered Lynchings Be Far Behind?

In such lynchings, the tragedy of the victim retreats into the background and it becomes more about keeping fake news in check.
Murderous attacks on helpless victims have now become routine in India, with numerous and varied grounds for killing the victims. In recent times, two men were murdered in Assam after being suspected as child kidnappers. However, in the last three years, the grounds for murdering innocent people have mainly been cow slaughter and cattle smuggling. The religious and ethnic identities of victims too have varied. Attacks on suspected childlifters have been usually by local villagers against ‘strangers-outsiders’. Ideologically driven cow vigilantes have targeted Muslims, terming them outsiders and dangerous ‘others’.
The antipathy towards ‘outsiders’ and ‘others’ is not the only pattern. In all these instances, rumours fuelled by Facebook and WhatsApp have been the immediate triggers. But what is far more ominous and important to recognise is that these triggers rest on an ecosystem of fear and hate, which has been nurtured with care and clear intent. There has been a careful dissemination of such messages (text message forwards) in the works. Hate has been the central motif. Much of this hate is not new. It is not new knowledge that mobs have a propensity to violently attack the defenceless in situations where the administration has either been slack or complicit.
Old grievances, prejudices and fear of ‘other’ people have been invigorated in a time where media ensures instant access and amplification. It is this hydra-headed messaging that demands attention. Mobs have bayed for blood and left only after the victim was beaten to death with a ferocity that hate alone can propel. Bystanders watched on, unmoved. Or perhaps they videotaped the spectacle of unbelievable cruelty and humiliation so those absent could vicariously participate in this moment of ‘triumph’. For, the broader message that has taken over our country is that ‘hate’ is for the brave; ‘love’ the hallmark of the chicken-hearted. We live in muscular and mean times.
The BJP, which learned early on that the media is a communication tool for PR, uses it deftly and ruthlessly. As the reigning ideology states, it is all about perceptions. People find distinguishing fake news from facts redundant in such climes. Has not the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology sent a letter to the WhatsApp senior management, urging action against misinformation circulating on its platform in India? Has not WhatsApp said it is working towards new safety measures? Did not the government warn Facebook over data leak?
And what connection do these killings have with the myriad hate-filled posts on social media? How does it matter that the prime minister follows trolls who spread hate? How worried should we be given the number of rape threats made to women who speak out? We need to think about precisely this larger atmosphere of hate that has taken over us. For these are times where an ordinary upper middle class man may casually forward hate-filled messages as he settles down for dinner with his family and bemoan the unfortunate rise of lynching at the same time.
Getting away with it
Political leaders understand these matters better. Recently, a BJP MP from Jharkhand announced that he would bear the legal expenses of four men in Jharkhand accused of killing two others on suspicion of cattle theft in the state’s Godda district. The party spokespersons called it a “personal decision”. (Just as they did with the comment by Ram Sene chief, comparing Gauri Lankesh’s murder to a dog’s death). A group of lawyers, not too long ago, attempted to prevent the police in Kathua from presenting before the local court a chargesheet in the gang-rape and murder of an eight-year-old Bakarwal girl. In each such instances, there is a customised messaging at work. The larger message is that it is okay to hate because it is a badge of honour and pride.
Recently, a BJP MP from Jharkhand announced that he would bear the legal expenses of four men in Jharkhand accused of killing two others on suspicion of cattle theft. Credit: PTI
Recently, a BJP MP from Jharkhand announced that he would bear the legal expenses of four men in Jharkhand accused of killing two others on suspicion of cattle theft. Credit: PTI
But as advertisers would know, sensibilities of groups differ. Messages have to cater to these groups. On one primetime television show, the ruling party spokesperson may hysterically shriek “throw shoes” at a political opponent. On other channels the same spokesperson may loftily talk of the rule of law and unequivocally condemn all such heinous crimes for they do not discriminate on the grounds of caste, creed and religion like ‘others’ do. (It is perhaps in that ‘noble’ spirit that the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh has asked for students in madrasas not to wear kurta pyjamas). After the magnanimous condemnation, they warn of the dangers of jumping to conclusions.
There are two interpretations that one can have of this well-crafted messaging. The storyline gets murky. The tragedy of the victim retreats from vision. It becomes one more instance of a ‘fair game’ of hurling cheerful accusations and counter accusations. Simply put, this dispels any lurking idea that there is a pattern – The killings are random. There is no perpetrator. Rumours just happen. Maybe the onus rests on WhatsApp. Why blame any one media channel? Are they not all biased? Did killings not happen before?
Let us be reasonable. In this apparent reasonableness lies the moot point that when everybody is to blame, nobody is to blame.
The media, once upon a time, was meant to initiate informed discussions that were understood as a key to a vibrant public sphere. What happens to the public sphere when the media becomes a giant messaging app? And messaging in these digital times have to address fragmented audiences. They are therefore customised to suit personal likings. The world comes to us designed specially just for us. Data mining ensures that the state, the market and political actors know what kind of coffee I like, the films I watch, how much I love my mother and whom I am predisposed to hate.
The messages I receive on WhatsApp have no resemblance to the messages that people received in villages in Manipur or Maharashtra. There can be no conversation across these groups. We are divided and closed in as ‘communities’ – real or virtual. Even murder does not register unless the victim is one of ‘us’. Our ‘imagined community’ has shrunk. How do we converse in these instant and smart times? Living in a world where communication is abundant, we encounter the potent paradoxes of instant access and unequal knowledge; a global Internet whose use is often confined within groups; a blurring of distinctions between views and news.
The recent spate of WhatsApp-triggered lynching has to address all these issues seriously. There is a pattern to the killings. And there is a deliberate attempt to fudge this fact and shrug the responsibility off by the government that has steered the country to a point where hate messaging has pried open every faultline in our society. The two young men killed in Assam according to the video clips that went viral on social media were heard pleading with the crowd to spare them, saying they were Assamese. This helpless plea is perhaps the key to understanding our collective tragedy.
Maitrayee Chaudhuri teaches sociology at the Jawaharlal Nehru University. Her recent book is Refashioning India: Gender, Media and a Transformed Public Discourse.

June 13, 2018

India: UP BJP to set up 'cyber sena' of 200,000 social media experts

 UP BJP to set up 'cyber sena' of 200,000 social media experts to tap voters

Social media will be used for implementing various programmes pertaining to organisation, social integration and dissemination of information related to various schemes of the Centre and state govt
Press Trust of India  |  Lucknow

https://www.business-standard.com/article/politics/up-bjp-to-set-up-cyber-sena-of-200-000-social-media-experts-to-tap-voters-118061200671_1.html

April 26, 2018

Kerala youths were drawn into violent protests over the Kathua case by anonymous WhatsApp calls

Kerala’s WhatsApp hartal
Kerala youths were drawn into violent protests over the Kathua case by anonymous WhatsApp calls made by shadowy forces with ulterior motives
N. P. CHEKKUTTY reports
 
The Kerala police are now investigating an unusual incident of a public hartal [shutdown strike] called by unnamed forces, that triggered huge violence in many parts of the state a few days ago over the rape and murder of the eight year girl from the Bakharwal community in Jammu. The hartal took place on April 16, Monday, immediately after the auspicious occasion of Vishu, the Hindu new year’s day, April 14.
Hartals are quite common here [in Kerala].  The latest count suggests that more than 200 hartals have taken place in recent years. They are generally organised by political parties, communal organisations, professional and trade bodies, and other groups. On such occasions, people normally keep indoors to avoid moving around. Outbreaks of violence are stray and generally kept under control by the authorities.
But the April 16 hartal was unusual: it was planned and executed by a few individuals using WhatsApp and it caused a serious eruption of violence and damage to public and private property. It also provoked a clamp down of prohibitory orders for a few days by the police in a number of towns and cities in the northern parts of Kerala, such as the municipal towns of Tanur, Tirur and Parappanangadi in Malappuram district and the city of Calicut in Kozhikode district.
Violence was reported from almost all the northern districts and, according to local media reports, more than 2,000 cases have been registered by the police and around 1,000 youngsters rounded up and put in jails in districts like Malappuram, Kozhikode and Kannur. 
The incidents are unusual in many ways and call for a serious study of the impact of social media platforms in a communally volatile region like Malabar where a major flare-up of violence  erupted. The police have now established a pattern to the incidents of violence and it appears they were engineered with a view to triggering a communal conflagration in a state known for good relations among Hindus and minority Muslims and Christians.

"It was not surprising that the mischief-mongers could play havoc in the brief intermission of 48 hours when the daily newspapers were away from the scene"

 
The second aspect that emerges from the way things played out is the significance of traditional mainstream newspapers in upholding and maintaining the values of social unity, based on the principles of secularism and communal peace.  It was not surprising that the mischief-mongers could play havoc in the brief intermission of 48 hours when the daily newspapers were away from the scene.
A third aspect is the failure of the visual media, despite the presence of more than half a dozen news outlets (focused largely on sensation and trivia) in identifying the rumblings in the aftermath of the sensitive developments over the Kathua crime at the national level earlier in the week and countering the communal propaganda on social media in order to protect people from scandal mongers and their divisive tactics.
April 14th being Vishu holiday, no morning newspaper printed in Kerala had come out the next day and hence there were no reports on the plans already afoot for the next day’s hartal. The police intelligence department and the round-the-clock news channels in the region also failed to take note of it on Sunday.
In fact on Monday, the day started rather normal despite rumours of violence in some places, but soon unruly crowds took over the streets, stoning shops and buses and in a short while it was a complete shut-down in many northern towns. It was only then the police swung into action, chasing away the trouble-makers and persuading shoppers and bus operators to remain in business, that calm returned.
The WhatsApp messages came from a few groups such as Justice for Sisters and Voice of Youth, purportedly demanding justice for the Kathua vicitm. Originally, the social media group set up on April 14 was named after the Bakharwal Muslim girl, but was changed later when the Delhi High Court’s notice to some news organisations against naming the victim became known.
The messages called for a hartal in protest and once the public response became prolific, separate groups were set up for various districts, managed by a team of super admins who issued instructions as voice messages. The police have found a series of voice messages that called for a second round of violence all over the state, issued after the hartal on April 16 evoked a response mainly in the northern Malabar districts.
The voice messages called for direct attacks against the police and seem to have been intent upon a serious breakdown of law and order as well as damage to amiable social relations among the various communities.
It is still not clear what really prompted the five young men now under arrest to set up the social media groups and call for a hartal and violence. Was it just a prank or a deliberate attempt on the part of some evil forces to divide people and foment violence?
An answer might be available only after the inquiries are over. It is officially acknowledged that of the five youths under arrest, the leader, Amarnath Baiju, 21, of Kollam district, has been associated with the RSS until a few months ago, while the others, all from Thiruvananthapuram district, were also linked to various Sangh Parivar outfits. But so far there is no evidence that this was part of a larger conspiracy, as is being alleged by certain sections in the media.
Hence, the real question is how far social media platforms are in a position to dictate public affairs in a state like Kerala, known for its high levels of political activity, deep penetration of mainstream media including the highly influential morning newspapers, and a vigilant civil society alert to the need to raise its voice against the forces of bigotry and violence.

"The leader, Amarnath Baiju, 21, of Kollam district, has been associated with the RSS until a few months ago, while the others, all from Thiruvananthapuram district, were also linked to various Sangh Parivar outfits"

 
Looking at the political affiliations of the hundreds of people arrested, it is clear they belonged to various political parties. Most of them are Muslim youths, affiliated to, among others, the Muslim League, the CPM, the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), the Congress party, etc. Some are with no known political affiliations.
It is likely that they came out into the streets genuinely infuriated by the terrible violence perpetrated on the little girl. Going by the pattern of violence that copied the style of street protests in West Asia, such as tyre bonfires, they seem to have been influenced by the political protests based on identity/ethnic politics.
Asked about the irony of Muslim youths being drawn into the streets by anonymous calls made by shadowy forces with ulterior motives, a Muslim community leader said the media images of the Kathua violence evidently had a deep and emotional impact on the youngsters who had taken it not only as a rape of a child, but as a deliberate assault on a community.
This incident shows the extreme levels of social disturbances the social media can play in societies with complex communal patterns. Recently, a New York Times report (Where Countries Are Tinderboxes and Facebook a Match, NYT, April 21, 2018) on the havoc played by Facebook in South Asian countries had referred to instances of communal riots and attacks on minorities in countries like Sri Lanka and Indonesia.
The report pointed out that in countries where institutions are weak or undeveloped and where there is a history of communal tensions, such societies are especially vulnerable. The authors pointed out that social media posts that tap into primal emotions like anger or fear seem to produce the highest engagement with social networks where such content proliferates.
Kerala, however, cannot be dubbed a place with weak institutions or a fragile history of communal peace. It has a strong history of social cohesion, a vibrant civil society, a vigilant media and a strong political establishment. And yet a few youngsters with a smart phone were able to play havoc with its social fabric.
This calls for serious introspection by society and for appropriate action to strengthen a responsible approach to the dissemination of ideas and information on the part of the mass media.
 
 
N P Chekkutty is  a senior journalist and political commentator based in Calicut.

July 10, 2017

India: BJP leader Nupur Sharma booked for sharing fake image of West Bengal violence

scroll.in 11 July 2017

Scroll Staff

communal violence
BJP leader Nupur Sharma booked for sharing fake image of West Bengal violence

The party’s Delhi unit spokesperson had tried to pass off a photo from the 2002 Gujarat riots as one depicting the unrest in North 24 Parganas district.

The Delhi Police on Monday filed a non-bailable case against the Bharatiya Janata Party’s spokesperson in the Capital for trying to pass off a photo from the 2002 Gujarat riots as one depicting the ongoing unrest in West Bengal. A complaint was filed against her at the Gariahat Police Station, according to ABP Ananda News.

Nupur Sharma had shared the image on Twitter on Sunday and called on her followers to join her at New Delhi’s Jantar Mantar to protest against the “lawlessness and falling value of human life” in the Mamata Banerjee-led state. She had even used the hashtag #SaveHindus, giving the post a communal tone.

Twitter users, however, were quick to point out that the image was from 2002 and not from the violence-hit regions of Basirhat and Baduria in the North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal.

On Saturday, the Kolkata Police had arrested a 38-year-old man for sharing an image from a Bhojpuri film on social media, which he had claimed depicted what was truly happening in North 24 Parganas. Social media users and fact-checking websites such as Alt News had pointed out that the still was taken from a Bhojpuri movie Aurat Khilona Nahi, which released in 2014.

Violence had ensued in Basirhat on June 3 after a 17-year-old shared an allegedly derogatory post on Facebook about Prophet Mohammed.

SEE ORIGINAL ARTICLE FOR VISUALS

India - violence in 24 Parganas: online profiles of people engaged in communal propaganda, fake posts (report in TOI)

The Times of India

Arrested trio have many online profiles
Dwaipayan Ghosh | TNN | Jul 10, 2017, 06.21 AM IST

KOLKATA: An initial investigation into the inflammatory and allegedly fake posts on the social media, which started off widespread clashes in parts in North 24 Paraganas, indicated that the three suspects rounded up so far worked on similar lines.

All the three--picked up from Nakasipara in Nadia, Sonarpur and Bhangar in South 24 Parganas--had multiple social media profiles and followed a certain pattern. One of the arrested accused claimed to be "working under pressure", the police said. An officer, however, said it was too early to confirm whether the three were working on their own or were part of a larger group looking to fan hatred. But he pointed out the posts could be linked to a group of individuals, living in Bengal and abroad; two of them--one with physical disabilities from Bengal were suspected to be the brain behind.

But such trails often led to IP addresses registered abroad, which proved to be a handicap. DGP Surajit Kar Purkayashtha told TOI on Sunday, "We have been receiving multiple inputs.Strong action will be taken against the accused. The Bengal Police and Kolkata Police are working together to arrest the culprits. I would again appeal to people to exercise restraint while using the social media."

Police said they were raiding two places on the outskirts of the city in search of two, one of whom shared a photo from Bangladesh, claiming it to be an "incident from Baduria".

Sources said a fake image, posted by Bhavatosh Chatterjee, who was arrested by the Kolkata Police's cyber crime cell from Sonarpur on Satur day , was shared by a Haryana BJP leader recently . The visual, a tweaked clip from a Bhojpuri Aurat Khilona Nahi', was film, `being passed off as the photo of torment on women at Baduria. "The accused, Chatterjee, had a mobile and a laptop that have been seized. We have sent them for forensic tests to ascertain whether he is an habitual offender or not," said JCP (crime) Vishal Garg. Chatterjee has so far reportedly evaded questions on his links with rightwing groups. "He told us he was under pressure. He refused to elaborate. He has been changing his statements," a cop said.

The intelligence branch has set up a social media cell to keep a tab on online posts. A source said the IB was enhancing the regulatory information-sharing mechanism with Facebook and Twitter.

March 28, 2017

Spreading Communal Propaganda - Lessons from Rwanda genocide tell us to worry about hatred on WhatsApp

Indian Express

The Message Is The Medium
Lessons from Rwanda genocide tell us to worry about hatred on WhatsApp.

Written by Sushant Singh | Published:March 28, 2017

The fake messages, hate videos and mean jibes that we get on WhatsApp and other digital forums cannot be simply dismissed as irrelevant.
“The graves are not yet full.” This was the slogan broadcast on the privately-owned Radio-Television Libre des Mille Collines (RTLMC) during the worst modern-era genocide: In 1994, about 800,000 Tutsis were killed in 12 weeks by the Hutus in Rwanda. The genesis of the genocide lay in Rwandan colonial history but the trigger and direction was provided by the media, particularly the radio. It became a powerful weapon to incite and direct the Rwandan genocide.
Twenty three years have passed hence, and India is miles away from Rwanda, but the lessons offered then hold great relevance today. The fake messages, hate videos and mean jibes that we get on WhatsApp and other digital forums cannot be simply dismissed as irrelevant. Put together, this narrative of animosity portends dangerous times as part of a larger project of “Hatriotism”.
From early 1990, anti-Tutsi articles and graphic cartoons had begun appearing in the Kangura newspaper. In June 1993, the RTLMC began broadcasting in Rwanda. The radio station was rowdy and used language of the street — like any other popular radio station, there were disc jockeys, pop music and phone-ins. It was designed to appeal to the unemployed, the delinquents and the gangs of thugs in the militia. As Linda Melvern, a British journalist, noted, “In a largely illiterate population, the radio station soon had a very large audience who found it immensely entertaining.”
The transcripts of RTLMC’s broadcasts are available in Duke University’s International Monitor Institute. A lot of attention has since been focused on the radio station’s efforts to direct the extermination — broadcasts told people to “go to work” and everyone knew that meant get your machete and kill Tutsis. But what has escaped greater scrutiny is the manner — by demonising the Tutsis and encouraging hate and violence — in which the radio station prepared the ground among the people of Rwanda for genocide.
The transcripts reveal RTLMC’s efforts to claim authority over the telling of Rwandan history whereby the hardline Hutu extremists exercised a monopoly over the truth. These encounters with the truth provided the basis on which genocide became justified. “Slavery” is a term repeated through the transcripts, with guests on the radio station recalling the state of Hutu slavery during colonisation. Drawing on such a vocabulary, the radio broadcasts characterised the Rwandan genocide as a slave rebellion. The RTLMC was, Hutus came to believe, helping them unpeel the layers and discover their true history, as opposed to the one told by the colonisers and the local elite.
If radio was a powerful medium then, where you only needed a transistor and a few batteries, we have the smart phone and WhatsApp today. The plethora of hate messages we get on WhatsApp mirror the phenomenon of the RLTMC, a concerted attempt to fabricate a newer version of history. Slotted amidst entertaining GIFs, videos, memes and jokes, these crude stories of hate, vitriol and victimisation provide the justification for political action. Some of us find these tales — that Nehru died of AIDS or there is a satellite tracking chip in the new Rs 2000 note — absurd but that is essentially how they work. It is akin to the Nigerian 419 scam with deliberately implausible emails which maximise the scammer’s efforts by entrapping only the most gullible, a kind of self-selection. When fake WhatsApp tales make it to top television news stories, we know that the most gullible include those who should know better.
Technology is value-neutral and what makes WhatsApp popular also makes it more dangerous than the radio or platforms like Twitter and Facebook. Unlike them, it is a targeted mass-broadcast. The platform has made it extremely easy and swift to disseminate hate-messages, by allowing people to record and spread audio and video messages among a select group. At the push of the button, these passion-inciting messages are passed on to the selected people, with the highly inflammable raw emotions in them intact.
In the past few years, several instances have come to light where communal clashes are being planned or instigated through false videos circulating on WhatsApp. The police acknowledged that WhatsApp groups were used to incite the Muzaffarnagar riots in UP in the run-up to the 2014 elections. The gau rakshaks, the Jat agitators, and protestors in Kashmir also take advantage of WhatsApp groups to organise themselves. The government has responded by banning internet in such instances, making India the global leader in imposing internet blackouts. That is a tactical solution which prevents immediate violence. But the graver challenge of creating a fertile environment of hate, round-the-clock, by distorted story-telling continues unabated.
It is not just the poor and semi-educated who are taken in by the alternative narrative of political propaganda on WhatsApp. The educated elite are equally guilty. It is a reminder of what Fergal Keane, the renowned BBC journalist noted about the killers who participated in the Rwanda genocide: “A few gave the appearance of being truly psychopathic individuals. The mass of others were ragged and illiterate peasants easily roused to hatred of the Tutsis. Perhaps the most sinister people I met were the educated political elite, men and women of charm and sophistication who spoke flawless French and who could engage in long philosophical debates about the nature of war and democracy. But they shared one thing in common with the soldiers and the peasants: They were drowning in the blood of their fellow countrymen.”
Rwanda gives us a warning. Only if we would care to heed.

March 23, 2017

Within 48 hours of Supreme Court Chief Justice suggesting an out court route for Ayodhya dispute case the UP Govt has gone ahead and set up an official on line opinion poll on Ayodhya

The new chief minister of Uttar Pradesh who campaigned for the 2017 UP assembly elections had repeatedly signalled should he be elected he would move to make the Ram Temple at the highly contentious site of the demolished Babri moque, knowing fully well that the matter is still subjudice.

the newspapers reports of 21 march 2017 told us that the chief justice of supreme court of India proposed and out of court settlement


a large number of newspapers editorials and commentators want the court not to shirk its responsibility settle this highly contentious matter that has lingered for years.
But the UP govt is in a great rush they have moved fast (or is it the BJP IT cell at work?)
check out the UP govt site: http://ayodhya-issue.gov-up.in/

UP govt seems to moving pretty fast on the Ayodhya issue - just 2 days ago the Chief Justice Supreme court of India suggest and out of court settlement


March 22, 2017

India: Police complaint against West Bengal poet for ‘hurting religious sentiments of Hindus’

Hindustan Times
 
Police complaint against West Bengal poet for ‘hurting religious sentiments of Hindus’ kolkata Updated: Mar 21, 2017 10:51 IST
Ravik Bhattacharya
Srijato Bandopadhyay
Poet Srijato Bandopadhyay said he will not give much importance to the complaint filed against.(Photo: Facebook)
A police complaint has been lodged against a Bengali poet in north Bengal’s Siliguri town for allegedly hurting the religious sentiments of Hindus.
Srijato Bandopadhyay posted the controversial 12-line poem on Facebook at 8:25pm on March 19, the day Aditya Nath was sworn in as the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh.
Arnab Sarkar, a resident of Bagha Jatin colony in Pradhan Nagar area, filed the complaint on Monday and wrote that the poem wounded “the feelings of each Hindu through the use of distasteful words”.
“The police was very reluctant to accept the complaint,” Sarkar told HT, demanding Bandyopadhyay’s arrest.
Till Tuesday morning, the poem was shared 591 times and got 1.3k comments and 3.9 ‘likes’ on the social media site. Though some expressed support, many lambasted Bandyopadhyay --- often in unprintable language --- on his wall.
“”I will not give much importance to the issue. The majority of people in this country believe in freedom of speech. A degree of freedom of speech still exists in this country. Our country has not become Pakistan or Bangladesh, and one has the right to speak here. Since the past two days I have been trolled in Facebook after I posted the poem.
“Some of the comments against me are dangerous threats. These people, so called flag bearers of Hindutva, never read poems and I do not expect them to understand,” the 42-year-old poet told HT.
Complainant Sarkar, a second-year student of accountancy, said: “I have reservations about the last line of the poem where he makes derogatory remarks about trishul, a quintessential symbol of Hindu religion.”
“Though one may contend that the new UP chief minister is the poet’s target, my objection is with the last line and has got no political connotation,” added Sarkar, the 20-year-old who joined the Hindu Samhati six months ago.
Sarkar also said he will explore other options if the police remains inactive. “We can go to court and also organise a movement if the police doesn’t act.”
Tapan Ghosh, president of Hindutva group Hindu Samhati, said, “The poem is written on the basis of false information...against Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath. It is part of a misinformation campaign against him. Using this as a background, the poet has hurt Hindu sentiments and religion. We will not remain silent on this issue. We will go to court if police fails to take action.”

India: Bangalore Woman Faces Police Case For Facebook Posts On Yogi Adityanath following complaint by BJP Yuva Morchas

ndtv.com

Bengaluru Woman Faces Police Case For Facebook Posts On Yogi Adityanath