Resources for all concerned with culture of authoritarianism in society, banalisation of communalism, (also chauvinism, parochialism and identity politics) rise of the far right in India (and with occasional information on other countries of South Asia and beyond)
Many angles: Editorial on Khalistani situation in Punjab and oversees
Amritpal saga bares diplomatic and domestic challenges for New Delhi
Amritpal Singh
File picture
The Editorial Board
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Published 23.03.23, 04:16 AM
The Punjab and Haryana High
Court has legitimately expressed its dismay at Amritpal Singh, a
divisive element and a symbol of Khalistani separatism, evading the
police dragnet. Some of his accomplices have been apprehended and his
supporters arrested. The ongoing police operation against the leader had
been necessitated after the storming of a police station in Ajnala by
his radical followers. The intelligence failure notwithstanding, the
operation against the fugitive may well succeed. But it would be
erroneous to argue that the developments are suggestive of merely a law
and order problem. This is because the saga bares diplomatic and
domestic challenges for New Delhi.
The most glaring attendant aspect of the drama has unfolded overseas.
There have been unacceptable instances of vandalism by sympathisers of
the Khalistani cause abroad. In London, in an outrageous act, the Indian
national flag was brought down at the Indian High Commission; there
were disturbances at the Indian consulate in San Francisco in the United
States of America; pro-Khalistani elements heckled an Indian journalist
in Canada. That fringe elements exist within the Sikh diaspora is not a
revelation. But the wise men in New Delhi, in the throes of muscular
nationalism, must not make the mistake of tarring the entire community
with the same brush. That would help the fringe elements take centre
stage. Neither should New Delhi allow these unfortunate incidents to
cloud India’s diplomatic ties with its Western allies. Instead, the
thrust should be on neutering these mischief-mongers with the help of
the existing — robust — diplomatic framework. The caveat is necessary
because of the current dispensation’s eagerness to view India’s
international relationships through the prism of its domestic political
agenda. In fact, the Centre has its task cut out in Punjab. The state
may have left behind those turbulent days of militancy but subterranean
radicalism continues to simmer. The spectre of Khalistan feeds off
ground realities and Punjab’s ground situation is not that comforting.
Low returns from agriculture, shrinking land holdings, a burgeoning
trade in drugs combined with its location as a strategic border state
make it vulnerable to unrest and, in turn, separatism. The immediate
challenge for the governments at the Centre and the state — the
Bharatiya Janata Party and the Aam Aadmi Party are not exactly friends
— is to plan a blueprint for Punjab’s revival on multiple fronts.
Otherwise, India’s western neighbour would be too happy to stir the
muddied pool.
[ . . . ] If devout Sikhs believe that Guru Nanak went to Guru Dongmar, as I do, nothing will ever change that. But my question is, why on earth do we Sikhs need a ‘Gurdwara’ to exist at Guru Dongmar? [ . . . ]
I also have some words for my Sikkimese brethren. Chill out. Nix the ‘I am Gurudongmar’ memes for they are antithetical to the generosity of spirit that truly defines you. There is nothing here to fight about. I actually agree with you that Guru Dongmar should be left as beautiful and pristine as it always has been. By the way, you should be as offended by the idea of building a spanking new monastery there as you might be at the prospect of a shiny marble-clad Gurdwara being built. And as a fairy tale concocted in modern times. [ . . . ]
Shillong: Why a tiff between Sikhs and Khasis escalated into violence, fuelled by Whatsapp rumours
Members of the Dalit Sikh community claim that the attacks are
aimed at getting them to leave their homes in the heart of the city and
move to the outskirts.
A Sikh man holds a photograph of his parents. His family has
lived in Shillong since his great-grandfather moved here in 1947.
|
Makepeace Sitlhou
Since Thursday evening, the residents of
Shillong’s Punjabi Line have barely eaten or slept. The 500 or so
inhabitants of this slum have mainly been confined to the area since it
was besieged by scores of members of the dominant Khasi community, who
are demanding that the long-time Punjabi settlers be moved to an area on
the outskirts of the city.
The trouble was sparked on Thursday
morning by an altercation between a Sikh woman who lives in the colony
and a Khasi bus driver over the parking spot for a Meghalaya State
Transport Corporation bus. Matters escalated later that day, leading to
curfew being imposed in the city early on Friday morning. On Sunday, the
restrictions were relaxed for seven hours .
On
the ground, there are two versions about the incident that set off the
violence. Some members of the Sikh community in Punjabi Line said that
after a Sikh woman was harassed by Khasi men, she and four other women
living in the settlement beat them up. The Khasis say that after the
argument about parking, they were assaulted by men from the Punjabi Line
colony.
The Meghalaya police have arrested one man from Punjabi Line in connection with the assault.
Despite
the competing claims, the feuding parties reached a formal compromise
at the local Cantonment Board police station on Thursday afternoon. The
agreement, written by the bus driver in Khasi, stated that he had no
hard feelings towards the Sikh woman and man accused in Thursday’s
altercation. “I feel no anger or bitterness,” the statement reads. “And
they have given us money [Rs 4,000] for medicines for the conductor and
the two passengers.”
But on Thursday night, fake news soon spread
on Whatsapp that a group of Punjabi people from the colony had
decapitated two Khasi boys. A mob soon gathered near the colony, intent
on violence. The mob clashed with personnel of the Central Reserve
Police Force and state police, resulting in injuries on both sides.
Superintendent of Police (City) Stephan Rynjah was injured after he was hit by a rod. The police had to fire tear gas shells to disperse the crowd.
Curfew
was imposed in several parts of Shillong early on Friday morning. In
other places, restrictions on the assembly of more than four people were
also put in place. Internet and text messaging services were also shut
down across the city to prevent rumours from spreading. The Army was put
on standby. On Friday night, the Army carried out a flag march
in areas where curfew had been imposed. The Army also fed and housed
more than 300 civilians from the “disturbed areas” in the cantonment,
according to a release from the Press Information Bureau.
Asha
Kaur stands outside her house in Shillong's Punjabi Line. Kaur, her
husband and children have taken refuge in the local gurdwara since
violence broke out on Friday.
‘They want to build a mall on our land’
At
11 am on Saturday, a disquieting calm hung in the air in Punjabi Line,
which is located near Bara Bazaar in the heart of Shillong. There were
few people to be seen in the cordoned-off colony.
On a street
strewn with vegetable waste leading to the colony, a group of men stood
guard against possible attackers. Others were building barriers of brick
and wood to restrict entry to the colony’s gurdwara. Contrary to news
reports, the gurdwara was not attacked on Friday. However, as the mob
hurled petrol bombs and stones at houses in one section of Punjabi Line,
a fire started in a nearby salon, residents say.
Since the
violence broke out, almost half of the colony’s residents have moved out
of their homes taking refuge in the gurdwara.
Garo tribal Dalri
Sangma, who married a Punjabi from the colony just two months ago, was
among those who had taken refuge in the shrine, along with her
distraught mother-in-law, and sister-in-law and her children. “I have
been in Shillong since my childhood but I never thought these people
would be so dangerous,” said Sangma. “My sister-in-law’s husband from
Guwahati cannot come and take her, nor can my own parents visit because
of the curfew.” Sangma’s father works in the Shillong police department.
While
the men stood guard outside, the women worked in the gurdwara’s langar,
the community kitchen, on which the colony’s residents have depended
for their meals these past few days. “When the fire started, it could
have easily spread to houses where women and kids were sleeping,” said
Asha Kaur, a homemaker who born in Shillong and lived here all her life.
“We removed our gas cylinders and put out the fire ourselves. After we
had handled everything, then the fire brigade came.”
Shillong has a reputation for being safe for women. But
Kaur said this only applied to tribal women. “They [the Khasi men] came
and harassed our women,” she alleged. “Are we supposed to just do
nothing? Are our women not entitled to the same courtesies as Khasi
women?”
Gurjit Singh, secretary of the village panchayat council,
acknowledged that men from Punjabi Line were involved in assaulting the
Khasi men, but said that the matter had initally been resolved with the
signing of the compromise in the police station. The fact that the
violence took place despite the agreement indicated that it was aimed at
driving members of the Punjabi community out of their homes, he
alleged.
Asha Kaur claimed that the authorities want the residents
of the colony to relocate to Nongmenson, on the outskirts of the city.
However, the community is not keen on moving since their jobs and their
children’s schools are in the city.
On
Friday night, a mob threw petrol bombs and stones over the walls of the
Sweepers Colony, which set this hair-cutting salon on fire.
Brought in by the British
Dalits
from Punjab first moved into Shillong over 160 years ago, when the
British brought them to Meghalaya to work in the hill station town as
sweepers and “manual scavengers” cleaning excreta from toilets. “Our
people have been living here before 1853 when the Syiem of Mylliem
[village] donated this land to us saying we could live here as long as
we want,” said Gurjit Singh. The Syiem is the traditional chieftain who
acts as a public authority on local judicial and administrative matters
within the jurisdiction of the Khasi Hill Autonomous District Council.
As
proof, Singh said that he has a letter issued by the Syiem of Mylliem
in 2008 to the chairman of the Meghalaya State Electricity Board in
which the village chief acknowledges that his predecessors had alloted
the Dalit community a plot of land after the Raja of Mylliem entered
into an agreement with the British government on December 10, 1863, to
establish Civic and Military Sanitaria in the area.
After
Independence, members of the community continued to be employed as
sweepers and toilet cleaners by the Shillong Municipal Board, state
government offices, hospitals, Cantonment Board and the police. “No one
objected to us living here during the time when we were engaged in
manual scavenging work after nightfall,” said Singh. “That time they
needed us since no one else would do it.”
He added that there
have been attempts to evict the community from Punjabi Line since the
practice of cleaning toilets manually was stopped here in the 1980s.
Dalri
Sangma, a Garo woman, married a Punjabi man from Shillong’s Punjabi
Line colony two months ago, and is expecting their first child. She has
taken refuge in the gurdwara, along with her in-laws.
‘Illegal settlement’
Many
Khasi residents of Shillong view Punjabi Line as an illegal settlement –
and believe that some of its residents are involved in criminal
activities.
As panchayat council secretary Gurjit Singh noted,
there have been previous attempts to evict the Dalit Sikh community from
Punjabi Line, which is also known as Sweepers’ Colony. In the 1970s,
the district commissioner had issued members of the settlement an
eviction order. But this was stayed in 1986 by the Meghalaya High Court.
Over the years, groups like the Khasi Students’ Union and the
Federation of Khasi Garo Jaintia People have often called for the
Punjabi settlers to be evicted from this part of town.
In past
years, the community has approached the National Commission of Scheduled
Castes and the National Commission for Minorities against attempts to
evict them. It also filed a public interest appeal in the High Court,
citing the Constutional right of Indian citizens to move freely through
the country and live wherever they choose to.
Singh alleged that
the residents of the colony have faced discrimination for years. He said
that the colony did not receive basic amenities from any of the local
MLA’s schemes until residents appealed to the state governor in 2009.
Moreover, the colony’s residents are unable to get electricity
connections without a no-objection certificate from the municipal board,
even though the original owner of the land – the village of Mylliem –
has no problem with this.
“The [municipal] board says it is a
disputed area,” said Singh. He claimed that it was absurd that the
colony’s residents were being asked to get a document from the municipal
board when the area falls under a village panchayat. This, said Singh,
is harassment.
Residents of Punjabi Line have attempted to barricade the entrance of the local gurdwara.
‘No help from MLA’
The
Punjabi Line colony is part of the North Shillong Assembly constituency
whose MLA is Adelbert Nongrum of the Khun Hynniewtrep National
Awakening Movement or KHNAM. Kaur says that the Sikh community does not
expect any help from him. “Since he was elected [in February], this
situation has started,” said Kaur. “A few years back, he had said that
if he came to power, he would have this line [Punjabi Line] removed. We
called him for help when this [the trouble] started, and he told us that
he was in Delhi. We later get to know through Facebook that he is
giving speeches here.” Scroll.in made several attempts to reach Nongrum for a comment but he was not available.
According
to Gurjit Singh, in 2009, land documents were issued to the Guru Nanak
School, the gurdwara and temples in the colony. However, 218 colony
residents were not issued land titles even though the district
commissioner at the time had assured the National Commission for
Scheduled Castes that the allotments would be made.
Homemaker Asha
Kaur said that she had heard that the state government planned to build
a mall at the site of the colony to serve the city’s increasing tourist
arrivals. “We have been here since our childhood and are raising
children of our own now,” said Kaur. “But they want to drive us out at
all costs. Yesterday, I heard them sloganeering outside, ‘Either you die
or you give us this place.’”
‘Simmering anger’
Representatives
of the Khasi community, however, say that the protests against the
residents of Punjabi Line are the result of the eruption of pent-up
anger among the local tribal residents, and not because of the parking
altercation, as the media has been reporting.
Donald V Thabah, a
Khasi Students’ Union spokesperson, claimed that residents of the colony
– who his organisation claims are squatters – have assaulted Khasi
youth several times in the past. “These people who have taken to the
streets have been holding their anger for too long, especially those who
conduct business in the Mawlonghat market area,” he said. “People in
Sweepers’ Lane assault and attack villagers coming from the Khasi and
Jaintia hills.”
However, he was unable to explain the possible
reasons for these attacks, since he does not know “the background of
these people and the kind of records they have”.
Thabah also
alleged that some groups were trying to gain political leverage from the
violence, but declined to identify those groups.
Although the
Khasi Students’ Union denied having any hand in orchestrating the
protest, Thabah admitted that some of its members participated in it.
The
Khasi Students’ Union contends that the colony is situated in a
commercial area owned by the Mawlonghat market. “It [the colony] is
expanding at a pace that soon the whole market will become a residential
area,” said a member of the union.
The students’
body maintains that the current protests are unlike the agitation in
Shillong in 2013, during which residents resorted to violence to demand
the introduction in Meghalaya of an inner line permit system to restrict
the entry of outsiders in the state. Those protests were backed by 14
civil society groups with the Khasi Students’ Union – which has a
reputation of being hostile to non-tribal outsiders – at the forefront.
However,
during a joint press briefing on Saturday along with its old allies –
the Federation of Khasi-Jaintia and Garo People and the Hynniewtrep
National Youth Front – the Khasi Students’ Union
demanded stringent punishment for the people accused of assaulting the
Khasi men, government compensation for the victims and the eviction of
residents from Punjabi Line.
Women make chapatis at the community kitchen in the gurdwara.Khasi
Students’ Union president Lambok Starwell Marngar alleged that the
police was responsible for the current situation. “The victim did not
want to compromise but the police convinced them to compromise,” he
claimed.
Donald Thabah of the Khasi Students Union claimed that
Khasi protestors had faced the maximum wrath of the police, with over 80
people being treated in hospital for injuries sustained from tear gas
shells. When told that the mob had used petrol bombs, he said that the
mob had started to disperse on Thursday, after the magistrate asked them
to maintain the peace and return home. But anger was reignited when the
Sikh residents of the locality then started laughing and jeering at
them, he said.
Thabah told Scroll.in that there were
reports that Home Minister James Sangma had agreed to the demands of the
agitators. But Chief Minister Conrad Sangma told Scroll.in:
“We have asked for a status report on the situation and will take a
decision based on it. However, the issue will be taken seriously by the
government.” All photographs by Makepeace Sitlhou.
Pro-gay Canadian leader runs into an ethical wall in Punjab
Vivek Gupta and Aseem Bassi, Hindustan Times, Amritsar/Patiala | Updated: Jan 30, 2016 20:32 IST
Ontario premier Kathleen Wynne’s scheduled visit to Amritsar as part of her 10-day business trip to India has landed in controversy even before her arrival. The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) has decided not to honour the Canadian leader with a siropa (robe of honour) during her visit to the Golden Temple on Sunday. Reason: Wynne, a lesbian, is a supporter of same-sex marriages, a practice opposed by the Akal Takht, the highest temporal seat of the Sikhs.
The SGPC’s stand also mirrors the recent anguish of Canadian Sikhs against Wynne’s pro-gay policies. Even since joining the premier’s office in 2013, her relations with minority ethnic communities, especially Sikhs and Muslims, in Ontario have been strained. Her visit to the Golden Temple is being viewed as an attempt to gain acceptability among the Sikh community back home.
Last year, a large section of Sikhs staged a protest against her move to introduce sex education curriculum which, according to them, was not age-appropriate and promoted same-sex relationships among school students. Muslims and other communities of South-east Asian countries also criticised her for endorsing homosexuality as an acceptable way of life.
Wynne has reached Amritsar. (Gurpreet Singh/HT )
Despite numerous car-flag parades, protests at the provincial council’s doorstep and petitions handed over to her government, the curriculum was finally implemented in September. Her government also passed a law to exclude the names of mother and father from all government forms to accommodate same-sex couples.
In 2014, she did not allow turban-wearing Sikhs to ride a motorcycle without wearing a helmet, a decision the Canadian Sikhs called “deeply” disappointing.
Talking to HT, SGPC president Avtar Singh Makkar said, “Offering her (Wynne) a ‘siropa’ would be against Sikh ethics.”
Akal Takht jathedar Giani Gurbachan Singh said, “The SGPC’s decision is correct. Coming to the shrine and paying obeisance is everyone’s right, but while honouring dignitaries, Sikh ethics need to be taken into account.”
The Sikhs and other minority communities in Canada are opposed to same-sex marriages. Akal Takht jathedar Giani Joginder Singh Vedanti had issued an edict in 2005 against such marriages and condemned the Canadian government’s move to legalise same-sex marriages, adding that this concept had no place in the Sikh religion.
Giani Gurbachan Singh had directed gurdwaras worldwide not to solemnise same-sex marriages.
Sources said Wynne would fly to Amritsar from Delhi on Saturday evening. She will visit the Golden Temple on Sunday morning.
It Is Becoming Clear That The SGPC No Longer Speaks For The Sikh Community
By Amandeep Sandhu | 5 January 2016
On 1 January 2016, in an unprecedented move, the SGPC sacked four of the Panj Piyare: Satnam Singh, Tirlok Singh, Mangal Singh, and Satnam Singh Khanda. The fifth Panj Piyara, Major Singh, had retired the day before. However, by doing so, the prime religious institution of the Sikhs has turned its back on the community.
The Sikh jaikara, or slogan, “Jo bole so nihal, sat sri akal” is used in various situations. It means, “Whoever utters the following shall be fulfilled: truth is timeless.” Two parties are involved in the jaikara—the person uttering the first half, and the group responding with the second. The larger the gathering, the louder is the jaikara. When greeting others, Sikhs often evoke only the second part, one after another. Sikhs give jaikaras to show reverence and respect in religious settings; agreement and support in political settings; mobilize troops or express fury when attacking an enemy; and sometimes, as evidenced on 28 December 2015 at the Gurdwara Jyoti Swarup at Fatehgarh Sahib in Punjab, as a subversive tool to express displeasure, and silence an adversary.
It was the last day of the three-day Jor Mela, an annual function to mark the martyrdom of the two younger sons of the tenth Sikh guru, Gobind Singh, who were bricked alive by the Nawab of Sirhind, 310 years ago. The occasion was the speech by Avtar Singh Makkar, the jathedar, or the custodian, of the elected apex body of the Sikhs, the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC). The congregation kept shouting the jaikaras and did not allow Makkar to complete his speech. It was a spontaneous defiance by the community of its highest institutional structure. In deference to the congregation’s anger, Giani Gurbachan Singh, the jathedar of the Akal Takht, one of the five seats of power in Sikhism, decided to not address the congregation.
Unlike other religions, many of which are governed through one central institution, the Sikh religion is organised along a three-tier system, each of which acts as a check and balance on the others. The tiers include the five takhts (seats), the SGPC, and the Sarbat Khalsa, or the community plenary of the collective body of Sikhs. Since the community is large, the Panj Piyare—the “beloved five”—are chosen to acts as its representatives. The Panj Piyare are customarily nominated by the SGPC, and their mandate is to carry out missionary work.
The public defiance at the Jor Mela shows that Sikhism, the fifth largest religion in the world, is calling for reforms within its religious institutions. The subversive application of the jaikara by the masses in out-shouting Makkar comes from a long-felt need of the community to press for reforms within its supreme religious institutions. The act conveyed that the common people were not willing to be taken for granted any longer. It stung.
In October 2015, the takht jathedars reversed their decision to grant pardon to the Dera Sacha Sauda head Gurmit Ram Rahim, who had allegedly dressed up as Guru Gobind Singh in 2007 and was accused of blasphemy. The pardon, granted in September, was heavily criticised, and the jathedars decided to reverse it. The Panj Piyare, who, as representatives of the community, can have a say in such matters, summoned the jathedars. When the jathedars failed to appear, the Panj Piyare directed the SGPC to replace them. The deadline they gave for this replacement was 2 January 2016. On 1 January, in an unprecedented move, the SGPC sacked four of the Panj Piyare: Satnam Singh, Tirlok Singh, Mangal Singh, and Satnam Singh Khanda. The fifth Panj Piyara, Major Singh, had retired the day before. However, by doing so, the prime religious institution of the Sikhs has turned its back on the community.
The SGPC stated that the Panj Piyare are paid employees, and the supreme Sikh body can terminate their services for violation of their jurisdiction and for issuing decrees to the SGPC. While it is true that wherever a Sikh congregation meets they appoint the Panj Piyaras, removing these nominees of the community after appointing them is a volte-face by SGPC. It is a clear indication that, if questioned on its functioning, the Sikh body will suppress the community with a heavy hand.
This behaviour of the SGPC is vastly different from the very reason it came into existence. In the early twentieth century, through a non-violent movement, the Sikhs freed their places of worship from the control of the British-supported mahants, or managers. The SGPC’s formation had been crucial to this development, and it also resulted in the Gurdwara Act of 1925, which legally brought the control of the gurdwaras under the elected body. At the time, Mohandas Gandhi had sent a telegram to the then SGPC leader Baba Kharak Singh, that read, “First battle of freedom won. Congratulations.”
Over the last two decades, the Badal family, who have continually been accused of nepotism and corruption, have significantly strengthened their influence on the SGPC, much of whose membership is aligned with the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), the Badals’ party. In 1999, just before the tercentenary celebrations of the Sikh religion, Prakash Singh Badal, then and current chief minister of Punjab, removed the SGPC’s longest tenured chief Gurcharan Singh Tohra from his post. Tohra had held the post for 27 years. It is an open secret that the SGPC’s leaders are chosen by infamous “parchis” (chits) that arrive, sealed in envelopes, from Badal’s desk. The SAD owes its origins to the Singh Sabha movement of the late nineteenth century that began as a movement to revive the teachings of the Sikh gurus. It seeks to represent the Sikh community’s interests in the political arena, but has been largely unsuccessful in doing so. In their failure to contain the people’s anger over the recent issues of sacrilege of the holy texts, the subsequent arrests of innocents, and the firing in Behbal Kalan, both the SAD and the SGPC have lost their credibility with the people. This betrayal of the community by its institutional leadership is what led to public anger, which was exploited by the radical forces at the Sarbat Khalsa. The blame lies with the Badals for both absolutely controlling, and not being able to manage, the political and religious institutions of the Sikhs. In the villages of Punjab, in public gatherings, people have begun to compare the Badals to the British colonial powers.
In the face of such silencing, the only space where the people can demonstrate their anguish is the ballot box. However, political action in the state, too, is largely influenced by the Badals. In mid 2015, boards forbidding political leaders belonging to the three main parties—the SAD, the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party—from entering the villages had come up, but now parleys have begun for the Punjab elections, due to take place in February 2017. The SAD is playing the field with a double-faced strategy employing both father and son, Prakash Singh Badal and Sukhbir Badal. While the chief minister talks of amity and goodwill in the many Sadbhavna rallies the party has organised in the state, Sukhbir Badal plays the panthic card— The Congress, too, is unable to chart its independent campaign without toeing the line of religious symbolism dictated by the SAD. In his rallies, the Congress leader Amarinder Singh swears by the gutka, a small-sized religious book of the Sikhs, pressed to his forehead. The AAP is yet to formally join the fray. AAP leader and the Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal is slated to address the annual Maghi Mela, a religiously significant gathering of the Sikhs, at Muktsar on January 14.
For now, the sacking of the Panj Piyaras is a lost opportunity for serious reform within the religion, a path that the Sikhs could have shown to the world. In any case, the replacement of the jathedars sought by the Panj Piyaras needs to be backed by deeper reforms to usher in a clear distinction between religious and political affairs of the Sikh community. In this politics of religious symbolism, competitive jaikaras and gutkas, the political parties are flirting with the religious and communal nerve of Punjab, ignoring the small state’s real issues: agrarian and industrial crises. To tackle these, what Punjab really needs is a language beyond religious symbolism.
Recently Punjab and its looneys bounced back in national media.
Farmer suicides, later failure of cotton crop gathered news coverage.
Connection were made with global discussion on climate change.
The failure of cotton crop is yet another slap on the face of farmers
and agrarian labour, many of the suffering farmers are Sikhs, Dalits and
others. Still this was not very important for Sikh experts abroad to
comment on.
For them tragedies matter only when it comes to matter of faith. In
an article published on Round Table India, they chose to argue that “As
clearly, it is not possible for Sikhs to live within the Indian state
as legitimate citizens without compromising their dignity, their
religion, their life, or their struggle to survive.” The authors
pointed out historical references of victimization of Sikhs by Indian
state, which were indeed interesting and relevant. But what they failed
to question or reflect on was:
Like it is impossible for Sikhs to live in Indian state as they say-
it is impossible for Dalits of Punjab to stay within the framework of
officially endorsed Sikhism as it is dominated too much by Jatt Sikh
narrative. The writers haven’t told us anything about how caste system
within Sikhism forced many other communities like Ramdassiyas,
Ravidasiyas to have separate Gurudwaras or Ravidas Mandirs both in India and abroad. There is a history to it which is as important as subjugation of Sikhs.
Lack of inclusionary spirit in mainstream Sikhism which is forcing
many to move out of Sikhism and Dera Sachkhand Balan – propagators of
Saint Ravidas’ teachings have declared that they should not be
identified as Sikhs, many have moved towards Dera Sacha Sauda for
similar reasons. While we may judge Ram Rahim Singh the way we want, but
he did open the space for Dalits of Malwa towards the Dera. Radha Swami
Dera is attracting a lot of followers for the same reason. Many are
choosing Sufi Islam in Jalandhar and finding it better than mainstream
Sikhism, whether it is Murad Shah in Nakodar or other Dargahs.
Coming from Jalandhar, seen with my own eyes and heard from my own ears of what the saviours of Panth think of Dalits. Their slangs for Ravidassiyas are still fresh in memories.
It is important that we should not get into this victim narrative and
reflect on what went wrong. The atrocities done on Sikhs by Indian
state are unjust, so are atrocities committed by Jatt Sikhs on the
others. The arrest of Sarbat Khalsa leadership under sedition charges
calls for condemnation. As by jailing these loonies, who were neither in
three nor thirteen of Punjab politics, the corrupt Badal government has
brought them back to fame.
It is easy for these panthic (theologians) academicians abroad to tell us what it means to be Sikhs in Punjab after doing field visits here and there.
Sarbat Khalsa in Punjab has proved my hypothesis correct: The number
of Communist Parties in India is at par with number of Shiromani Akali
Dals in Punjab and Muslim leagues in Pakistan. All these Shiromani Akali
Dals even if they decide to come together to contest elections, they
will not be able to win a single seat like left and Islamic parties.
And this whole Panthik drama has been sponsored by Sikhs from western countries who want to flaunt themselves to be more Sikh than
even Baba Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh. In Punjabi, we have saying for
such people -ਨਵੇਂ ਨਵੇਂ ਮੁਸਲਮਾਨ ਹੋਏ ਹਨ- they have newly accepted the
faith and will wear it on sleeves. A murderer has been declared as Jathedaar of Akal Takht- the highest spiritual and political authority of Sikhism.The
government has been informed of dire consequences for its failure to
punish those who are responsible for discretion of Guru Granth Sahib.
All of it is funded by the dollars from western countries. If anyone is
happy, it is Simranjit Singh Mann who lost lustre in Punjab politics and was last found throwing mud in ecologically insensitive project- Satluj -Yamuna Canal. The continuation of hyper masculine
narrative is interesting – in Sarbat Khalsa not a single resolution was
passed condemning Caste System in Sikhism. Sarbat Khalsa is as much as
the product of history as it is the contemporary caste politics of
Punjab.
Questions of Bapu Surat Singh, speaking against 1984 genocide and
fake encounters, opposition to Badal clan’s hold on Sikh institutions
and Punjab’s economy is more relevant than ever, protesting against
tyranny is must. For that one doesn’t need to do this hyper masculine
carnival. [. . .]
A peep into human emotions, anger, hatred, revenge, helplessness and destruction that started on October 31, 1984, leading to Sikh riots. The scars of the tragedy refuse to go still.
(Headlines Today | November 1, 2014)
The Supreme Court ordering the status quo on the operation of the law passed by the Haryana assembly on the control of the 52 gurdwaras in the state is only a brief respite to a portentous problem that can have grave consequences. The Haryana government’s support to the breakaway movement of the gurdwaras in the state from the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) has been caught up in the politics of the times because the assembly elections are just a few months away. With Punjab being ruled by the Akalis, the Congress in Haryana thinks that in this manner it can wean away the small Sikh community in the state. In this it seeks to justify the correctness of its action in terms of the legislation that divided Punjab in 1966, mandating the division of properties between the two states. Predictably this has drawn fierce opposition from the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD). However, the BJP has been able to calm it down because the party sees the prospects of coming to power in Haryana and does not wish to alienate the Sikhs of the state.
The subject is political, going far back into history. The SGPC was formed in 1925 through legislation and has been exercising control over the gurdwaras of Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and, up to a point, Delhi. This movement was enmeshed with the Akali movement, which stressed the purification of the gurdwaras and led to the assertion of Sikh identity. Over time Delhi had its Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee, but this did not diminish the power of the SAD in the functioning of the SGPC. All the SGPC presidents starting from Gurcharan Singh Tohra have been confidants of SAD chief Parkash Singh Badal. Hence as long as the Akalis are in power in Punjab, the SGPC will try to cow down any move that tries to diminish its clout in the Sikh panth.
Herein lies a possibility of danger. The Constitution enjoins upon all parties that they keep religion and politics apart. In the days of the Khalistan movement, some of the misguided Sikh youth were goaded into the belief that their religion would be swamped if they were to remain part of India. Hence, given that secularism is not negotiable in our polity, all parties must respect this and stay away from any potential sources of trouble.
- See more at: http://www.hindustantimes.com/comment/this-is-playing-with-fire/article1-1250469.aspx
No mixing of religion with politics: poll panel
Gurpreet Singh Nibber, Hindustan Times Chandigarh, April 20, 2014
As the top office bearers of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) and Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC) have come out openly in support of the candidates of the Shiromani Akali Dal and Bharatiya Janata Party for the April 30 parliamentary polls, the Elections Commission of India has asked them not to mix religion with politics.
“The bottom line is that they (leaders of the gurdwara committees) can’t seek votes in the name of religion. We have made it very clear,” said Alok Shukla, deputy election commissioner and ECI in-charge for Punjab.
Shukla was talking to Hindustan Times on his visit to Chandigarh, where he met the officials of the chief electoral office in Punjab.
The presidents of DSGMC and SGPC Manjit Singh GK and Avtar Singh Makkar have been deputed in Amritsar and Ludhiana, respectively, for active campaigning, while DSGMC general secretary Manjinder Singh Sirsa is stationed at Bathinda.
GK is campaigning for BJP candidate Arun Jaitley, Makkar for SAD’s Manpreet Singh Ayali and Sirsa also for SAD’s Harsimrat Kaur Badal.
The ECI had already imposed ban on political functions during Hola Mohalla (March 16) and Baisakhi (April 13). “The ECI is particularly against mixing of religion and politics.
They have asked us to immediately take action against those who indulge in seeking vot e s in name of religion,” additional chief electoral of ficer (CEO) Raminder Singh said.
Poll campaign convener of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Punjab Sumail Singh Sidhu told HT that he would take up the matter with the ECI that the office-bearers and employees of the DSGMC and SGPC should not be allowed to take part in the poll campaign.
“Instead of campaigning for one party, the DSGMC and SGPC should set agenda for the parliamentary elections, speaking on behalf of the ordinary people,” suggested Sidhu.
“I think there is nothing wrong incase I campaign for SAD candidates, as I have been a member of SAD first then became SGPC member and the president,” justified Makkar, adding that he would go door to door seeking votes for the Akali Dal candidates.
“There is no denying the fact that we belong to the SAD but we are not seeking votes in the name of religion. The SAD in the past has won elections in name of development,” said Manjit Singh GK, adding that the SAD doesn’t divide people on religious bias, but convince all communities.
“The ECI has taken sternaction against Azam Khan and Amit Shah for raking up religious issues. We would not hesitate incase the SAD leaders falter. We are constantly watching them,” adds Shukla.
On if the SGPC and DSGMC are using gurdwara infrastructure during the electioneering, Shukla accepted that it was a grey area but on receiving a complaint an action would be initiated.
A breakthrough has been achieved in our Representation with the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC), regarding the shocking incidences of caste-based segregation in the historic
gurdwaras of Punjab.
The Commission has taken the matter into cognizance and decided to investigate further, in accordance with the powers conferred to it under the Article 338 of the Constitution of India. The Director General of Police, Punjab, has been asked to pursue the cases and submit a satisfactory reply within 30 days, failure of which may prompt the exercise of powers of the Civil Courts.
I would like to remind my dear readers of the strenuous efforts that have went behind the unraveling of these cases of extreme perversity and prejudice happening right under the nose of the mainstream Sikh establishment, pointing towards a systemic affliction.
Crisscrossing the dirt-tracks of Punjab’s rural heartland, we found that some of the most historic gurdwaras were so bereft of humanity and compassion that even God seemed to have abandoned them. A 350-year old Sikh seminary, under the auspices of Khalsa Army, dispensing Amrit
to Mazhabis (Dalits) in a segregated utensil; a highly celebrated Sikh cleric, who had the good fortune of leading the SGPC-sanctioned kar seva of Golden Temple’s holy tank and at Nankana Sahib, barring the low-castes from performing langar seva at one of his gurdwaras — such have been the wounds of humiliation that run right through the hearts of the downtrodden.
You can indulge in the complete, horrid saga by following this link:
http://abroo.in/?p=3127.
Lastly, Abroo may be down, but not out. We are incubating some really contrarian ideas that would see the light of the day very soon, and alter the socio-religious discourse of Punjab forever!
Amritsar, Oct 31 (ANI): After the construction of the controversial memorial dedicated to separatist Sikh leader Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and other ‘martyrs’ of Operation Blue Star at the Golden Temple Complex in Amritsar, demands are now being made for another memorial in memory of assassins of former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi .
Shiromani Gurdwara Parbhandhak Committee (SGPC) the premier body of the Sikhs with Dal Khalsa and SAD (Panch Pardani) on Thursday observed the martyrdom day of Beant Singh, who assassinated late Indira Gandhi the then Prime Minister of India 29 years ago on this day. The head of Akal Takht Gaini Gurbachan Singh honored Sarbjit Singh the son of Beant Singh, Satwant Singh the son of Kehar Singh and Waryam Singh the brother of Bhai Satwant Singh.
Kanwarpal Singh, the spokesperson of Dal Khalsa, said that they observed the martyrdom anniversary of Beant Singh who had punished a person who was responsible for attack on Golden Temple. “We along with Harnam Singh Khalsa, Akal Takht and SGPC honoured son of Beant Singh and gave him a silver plaque. We also gave a memorandum to Akal Takht to construct a memorial in memory of Beant Singh, Kehar Singh and Satwant Singh in Golden Temple complex,” he added.
While talking to ANI, Gaini Gurbachan Singh, Jathedar Akal Takht, the highest temporal seat of the Sikhs, said that the 29th anniversary of Beant Singh is being observed who killed Indira Gandhi who had engineered attack on Akal Takht and Golden Temple. Beant Singh, Kehar Singh and Satwant Singh couldn’t bear attack on Golden Temple and Akal Takht so they punished Indira Gandhi of her mistake. Sikhs have no personal animosity with anyone, her own mistakes came before her. He said that they are pride of Sikh Panth. SGPC had always been observing their anniversaries.
The radicals present there urged the SGPC to construct the memorial in memory of all the three in the Golden Temple Complex in any shape and at any place. As the sacrifice of Beant Singh, Satwant Singh and Kehar Singh was meant to uphold the rich traditions and glory of Darbar Sahib and Akal Takht, it was the desire of the Sikh Panth that SGPC should build a memorial in their memory at suitable place within the complex said the radical leaders.
Sarabjit Sigh Khalsa, son of Beant Singh said, “My father had achieved martyrdom while taking revenge for attack on Golden Temple and Akal Takht. There should be a memorial in his memory in the Golden Temple complex”. Echoing with Sarabjit Singh, the son of Kehar Singh, Satwant Singh said, “Whenever Golden Temple or Akal Takht was attacked in past, Sikhs have taken revenge; so my father also took revenge with the help of Beant Singh and Satwant Singh for attacking Sikhs most religious place. To honour their martyrdom there should be a memorial and annual Panthic gatherings should be held there.”
A resolution to this effect was adopted today on the occasion and the heads of Damdami Taksal, Dal Khalsa and Panch Pardani besides the kin of all the three martyrs signed the copy of the resolution, which was handed over to Jathedar of Akal Takht for implementation. Notably it took more than two decades to give nod the SGPC after it constructed the “Martyrs memorial of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale in the Golden Temple Complex.
Jathedar said, ” I have received a memorandum from Dal Khalsa, I will contemplate with other Sikh high priests but already a memorial of all the ‘martyrs’ exists in the Golden Temple complex.” By Ravinder Singh Robin (ANI)
A memorial to Bhindranwale exposes the politics of radical Sikh organisations and the strain it is putting on the BJP-Akali Dal alliance
Last year, there was widespread concern when the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC), at the instance of the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD)-led government in Punjab, gave in to the long-standing demand of radical Sikh organisations to build a memorial for martyrs of Operation Blue Star within the Golden Temple complex in Amritsar. Many felt the small, innocuous gurudwara would become the focal point of unrest in the State. Less than six months later, some of those apprehensions seem not far off the mark.
On April 27, the memorial was declared open at a quiet ceremony from which senior leaders of the SAD stayed away. Since then it has been the subject of a raging controversy because of a plaque, “unknown” to the SGPC and the Punjab government, dedicating it to Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. The names of other Punjab terrorists are also etched at several places of the memorial. The Damdami Taksal, the Sikh seminary that Bhindranwale once headed, had been entrusted with the task of constructing the memorial. Its chief, Harnam Singh Khalsa, supported by a group of vocal radical organisations, is insisting that no wrong has been committed as Bhindranwale was declared a Sikh martyr by the SGPC in 2003.
Justification
An embarrassed government led by Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal, whose party controls the SGPC, has already removed a clock with Bhindranwale’s picture on it. It has also formed a committee headed by Giani Gurbachan Singh, Jathedar of the Akal Takht (the supreme Sikh temporal institution) to see how the etchings can be removed, a task easier said than done.
The Damdami Taksal went on a march from its headquarters in Chowk Mehta to the Akal Takht and submitted a memorandum that it would “not tolerate” the removal of the plaque. Another radical organisation, the Dal Khalsa, has appealed to the Jathedar to warn outside forces like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from interfering in the internal matters of the Sikh panth, and also snub the Punjab government for influencing the decisions of the SGPC. It has pointed out that the SGPC, in a resolution on May 3, 2012, had agreed to name the memorial after Bhindranwale and other martyrs and that the Taksal had only done its job. They also point to two other gurdwaras inside the complex dedicated to Baba Deep Singh and Baba Gurbaksh Singh saying that like them, Bhindranwale “too gave his life for the Sikh religion” and should therefore be honoured similarly.
Curiously, Mr. Badal had on the floor of the Assembly last year made a commitment that the memorial would not have any name or dedication on it and would instead be a peaceful shrine and place of worship. Its alliance partner, the BJP, which has asked the Akalis to remove all references to Bhindranwale from the structure, is also asking how the etchings and plaque managed to escape the attention of the State’s intelligence agencies. As a senior BJP leader told The Hindu, “If the otherwise alert intelligence department of the Punjab police did not know of this, it is a reflection on the functioning of the government. And if the government did indeed know of the surreptitious installation of the plaque then the Chief Minister is guilty of breach of privilege of the Vidhan Sabha where he has given a commitment.”
The strain on the alliance has begun to show. Punjab BJP president Kamal Sharma has said the party is against the glorification of terrorists, and has given time to the SAD to remove the names of Bhindranwale and others from the memorial.
Last week, a meeting called by the Jathedar, which included five Sikh high priests, failed to resolve the issue. He warned that this was an internal matter of the Sikhs and no one (read the BJP) should interfere.
With no immediate solution in sight, all eyes are on Mr. Badal. Though he has publicly distanced himself from the controversy saying that he “was unaware” of what was happening, few are buying the argument. Says Sikh scholar Gurtej Singh, “The stature of the Akal Takht jathedar has diminished to such an extent that today he is the nominee of the Badals and does not voice Sikh interests. The Chief Minister and his party are using the institution to control the Sikh population for their political ends. If the Akalis wanted to remove the plaque they would have done it by now and the so-called opposition from radical organisations really does not matter.” Clearly, there is much more to this imbroglio than meets the eye.
[A memorial for victims anti sikh riots of 1984 is being built at a sikh religious temple in Delhi, Why not build a public memorial with tax payers money. After all these were Indian citizens who were killed. a state funded public memorial would be more appropriate. There should be similar memorials for Nellie, Gujarat and every where else that say religion on identity based violence. -HK]
1984 Anti-Sikh riots: DSGMC determined to go-ahead with memorial construction
Sunday, June,09 2013 - 14:59
By Abhijit Prashar-
NEW DELHI/CHANDIGARH: Delhi Sikh Gurudwara Management Committee (DSGMC) has expressed its determination to go-ahead with the construction of an Anti-Sikh riots memorial inside Gurudwara Rakabganj Sahib complex despite an objection raised by New Delhi Municipal Corporation (NDMC).
The memorial’s foundation stone is slated to be laid on June 12. The ceremony will be attended by Punjab chief minister Parkash Singh Badal, deputy chief minister Sukhbir Singh Badal, who is also the president of Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), BJP national president Rajnath Singh, leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha and senior BJP leader Sushma Swaraj and CPM leader Brinda Karat, besides a host of SAD and Shiromani Gurudwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) leaders from Punjab.
The objection raised by NDMC has evoked a sharp reaction from SGPC chief Avtar Singh Makkar, who has alleged that no one but the Congress party was behind the notice. He termed it as ‘yet another move by the Congress to throttle the voice of the Sikhs.’
Meanwhile, Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit has said that DSGMC was well within its right to construct the proposed memorial inside Gurudwara Rakabganj Sahib complex as long as it did not violate building by-laws. Delhi government is learnt to have asked the NDMC to keep the Union home ministry informed of all developments relating to the issue.
[Posting of the below material is not an endorsement for Death Penalty in this case. It is one thing to campaign for all prisoners faced with death penalty, but it become quite another when regional or ethnic considerations propel the opponents.]
The usual Punjabi joie de vivre associated with Baisakhi was missing a bit this year with the talk veering to terrorism and clemency in the case of Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar. He has been convicted of carrying out a bomb blast at the youth Congress Delhi office in September 1993, killing nine people and leaving another 25 injured.
With this, the thorny issue of the Khalistan insurgency which ultimately claimed Indira Gandhi’s life has once again come to the fore. At the Baisakhi celebrations in several places, stalls were seen selling Rs. 100 T-shirts with Bhullar’s face printed on them.
A regional newspaper circulated a petition to save the 48-year-old Bhullar, a Khalistan Liberation Force terrorist, from the gallows. Rallying his party’s supporters, a Shiromani Akali Dal leader brought up the anti-Sikh carnage of 1984 and demanded for judicial consistency.
The Akali Dal has now brought this microcosm of discontent to the Capital. After the Supreme Court rejected Bhullar’s plea for commutation of his death sentence to a life term, the Punjab CM Parkash Singh Badal has met the prime minister, demanding that Bhullar be given clemency.
Bhullar’s case has now begun to resemble that of Afzal Guru. Though a revival of militancy in Punjab is considered unlikely, fears of fringe extremism and a radicalised youth are adding fuel to reports that Bhullar may eventually be hanged secretly. In such a purportedly tense setting, the Akali Dal’s public campaign for a pardon — the party is considering filing a review petition in the Supreme Court — can only do harm to the letter of the law.
Interestingly, the Punjab ruling party is choosing not to concentrate on Bhullar’s mental stability or his custodial suicide attempts. It seems to be emphasising his ethnic identity more.
Similarly, M Karunanidhi used the case of Bhullar to push for a commutation of death sentences awarded to three convicts in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case. The DMK chief’s sympathies, like those of Mr Badal’s, appear to be governed by a desire for regional leverage, not rational justice. The law, by its definition and construct, remains above parochial sympathies. But by adding their two bit worth, political advocates for convicted persons are not doing justice to anyone, least of all the majesty of the law.
Sikh weddings crashed by protesters objecting to mixed faith marriages
By Dil Neiyyar and Perminder Khatkar
BBC Asian Network
Protesters stop a mixed faith marriage at a Sikh temple in Swindon In July a Sikh woman and her Christian husband were locked out of their own wedding in Swindon
Sikh weddings are regularly disrupted by protesters opposed to mixed-faith marriages in gurdwaras, a BBC Asian Network investigation has found.
Victims and their families have accused the protesters - who believe non-Sikhs should not be getting married in Sikh temples - of threatening behaviour.
In some cases, protesters have barricaded themselves inside gurdwaras to prevent ceremonies taking place.
Last year the windows of a family's house in Coventry were smashed.
The incident took place just hours before a mixed faith wedding in a nearby gurdwara.
The father of the bride told BBC Asian Network the house was targeted because his daughter was marrying a Hindu in a Sikh temple.
He said: "Some of these people didn't want the wedding to go ahead. This was the way for them to frighten me."
The couple ended up having a police escort for the wedding.
In July a Sikh woman and her Christian husband were locked out of their own wedding in Swindon.
More than 40 protesters had barricaded themselves inside the gates of the Sikh temple.
The bride's mother pleaded with the men to call off their action but the gates of the gurdwara remained shut.
One of the protesters, speaking anonymously to the BBC Asian Network, said: "The last thing I want is to go to a gurdwara and cause trouble. I can say hand on heart that we have never resorted to violence. We don't want to do this."
'Don't use our guru'
But he said he believed it was hypocritical for a bride or groom to go through a ceremony when they do not truly believe in the Sikh faith.
"No-one is telling you not to marry your son or daughter to whoever you like - but don't use our guru as an excuse to do it," he said.
There are around 300 gurdwaras in Britain and each is run by elected committees of worshippers.
The rules on the anand karaj, which is the formal name for the Sikh wedding, are set by the religion's governing body which is based at the Golden Temple in Amritsar, India.
In 2007 it advised gurdwaras the anand karaj should only be between two Sikhs and the protesters say some gurdwara committees are not respecting the faith by allowing non-Sikhs who do not believe in the religion to marry there.
Professor Gurharpal Singh, from the School of Oriental and African Studies, says the rise in mixed faith weddings has led to objections.
Prof Singh, an expert in the Sikh faith, said: "Previously mixed marriages were rare and they were - in a sense - tolerated. But now we are seeing a greater number of mixed marriages and correspondingly the reaction against those marriages from those who believe that the formal Sikh tradition says that only Sikhs should marry Sikhs."
The Sikh Council - an umbrella body for Sikh organisations in the UK - has condemned the violence and threats but agrees with the sentiment of the protesters.
The council's secretary general, Gurmel Singh, said: "I would say there is no place in a modern Britain for any community to resort to violent threatening behaviour."
Protest outside Swindon gurdwara A rise in mixed faith weddings has led to an increase in these protests
But Mr Singh said: "The person getting married has to accept the concept of one god and renounce any other beliefs they may hold which are contrary to that.
"They would also need to understand what the Sikh marriage entails. They would need to adopt (the surname) Singh or Kaur as they are what defines a Sikh. We don't have legal powers so it is not legally enforceable but it is a social contract a contract of commitment."
The protests have made many gurdwaras incredibly nervous about conducting mixed faith weddings and, while some said they were willing to hold ceremonies, they did not want to speak about the issue publicly.
Secret weddings
BBC Asian Network has learned of couples struggling to book weddings in some temples and of other couples getting married in secret, in front of a handful of guests.
One Sikh bride who got married to her Christian husband in secret in December sacrificed a traditional big Asian wedding for a tiny ceremony in front of a few relatives. She did not want to give her name for fear of reprisals.
"The night before the wedding we were wondering what to do if there was any trouble - it was really stressful and upsetting," she said.
Dr Piara Singh Bhogal has sat on the committee that runs the Ramgariha gurdwara in Birmingham and he said he shared the protesters' views on Sikh-only weddings but objects to the way protesters are ruining the most important day of a couple's life.
"This issue now is becoming quite serious because ceremonies have been disrupted. I am hearing about once a month, sometimes twice a month ceremonies are being disrupted. People are getting scared," he said.
You can hear the full documentary The Sikh Wedding Crashers on the BBC Asian Network on Monday 11 March at 17:00 GMT or listen back on BBC iPlayer.
Strict action demanded against the guilty men of 1984 riots
Staff Reporter
[Photo] The Hindu H.S. Phoolka (left) with S. Raghvan and Jarnel Singh (right) addressing a media conference 'Forgotten Citizens 1984', in New Delhi on Friday. Photo: Sushil Kumar Verma
With the 28 anniversary of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots nearing, a petition signed by several eminent citizens is being sent to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh demanding that all cases closed by the police be reinvestigated and all culprits brought to book. They are also demanding a strong law to deal with communal and sectarian violence.
The signatories to the petition include Justices V.R. Krishna Iyer and Hosbet Suresh, journalist Kuldip Nayar, lawyers Fali S. Nariman, Shanti Bhushan and Prashant Bhushan, and academics Madhu Kishwar and Nandini Sundar.
Justice Krishna Iyer in his letter to the Prime Minister says: “It is a commentary on the state of our country that 65 years after our country was brutally Partitioned accompanied by the biggest communal holocaust in the history of humankind, 28 years after the massacre of Sikhs in 1984, and eight years since your government first accepted that such a law must be enacted, nothing has been done in this direction. It calls into question the sincerity of your government regarding ending such massacres in the future.”
The signatories also demand that the principle of command responsibility be included in the new law so that those in position of power should be held accountable and guilty for violation of their duty and failure to safeguard the lives of citizens.
Addressing a Press conference here, senior advocate H. S. Phoolka said if the culprits of the 1984 violence had been punished then the 1993 Mumbai, 2002 Gujarat, 2007 Kandhamal and 2012 Kokrajhar communal violence and targeting of minorities would not have taken place.
He also complained that the higher judiciary did not use its powers to prosecute the 1984 riots accused and were under political pressure which ensured that all the related cases were taken away from judges who intended to initiate action.
Lok Raj Sangathan president S. Raghavan said the judgment in the Naroda Patiya case, in which former Gujarat Minister Maya Kodnani was convicted and sentenced for 28 years, has sent across a strong message. He called for the reopening of all cases based on witness testimonies before the various commissions appointed by the successive Governments since 1984.
Journalist Jarnail Singh, the author of I Accuse…The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984, who had thrown a shoe at former Home Minister P. Chidambaram in 2009, said there was much heartburn in the Sikh community at receiving justice in the anti-Sikh riot cases.
Two student leaders of the Socialist Yuvajan Sabha and an activist of the Bachpan Bachao Andolan also expressed support for the “Forgotten Citizens 1984 Justice Campaign for 1984”.
As part of the campaign, a travelling photo exhibition depicting the gruesome and barbaric nature of the crimes committed during the 1984 anti-Sikh violence is commencing from Jallianwala Bagh on Sunday and will reach Delhi on October 30 after passing through various cities in Punjab. The exhibition, the first ever on the riots, will be on display at Delhi University on October 30, will also be on display at Ashok Vihar, Jail Road, Patel Nagar, Kalkaji ‘B’ Block, Bangla Sahib Gurdwara, and culminate at Jantar Mantar on November 3.
A protest demonstration and a candlelight vigil will be held at Jantar Mantar on November 3, followed by a one-day seminar where an effective legislation against communal and sectarian violence will be discussed. On November 9, a public hearing will be held at the India International Centre to highlight the failure of the State to provide justice to victims of the riots.
Two riot-hit women close ranks to nail the ‘killers’
By Naziya Alvi in New Delhi
Nearly 30 years after the 1984 Sikh riots, two victims’ only wish is to see Cong leader Sajjan Kumar punished in their lifetime
NIRPREET Kaur, 42, first saw Sajjan Kumar when she was only 16 years old.
The Congress leader, she says, was instigating a mob at Palam Colony. Encouraged by him, the rioters burnt her father alive. His only fault was that he was a Sikh. The tragedy changed her life forever. Bent on exacting revenge, Nirpreet joined the Khalistan movement.
The year was 1984. The day, November 1, a day after the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was shot dead by her Sikh bodyguards. Over the next four days, rioters killed thousands of Sikhs in response to Gandhi’s assassination.
Twenty- seven years later, Nirpreet came face to face with Kumar once again in a city court in January this year. She was there to tell the court if Kumar incited mobs to kill Sikhs during the ’ 84 riots.
“At least I got the chance to identify him ( Kumar) in court. I have done my job. Now, it’s the state’s turn,” Nirpreet says.
For the first time in nearly three decades, Nirpreet, who had lost hope that the guilty would ever be punished, feels there is a glimmer of hope that Kumar would be punished after all.
Her fight to nail the accused, particularly Kumar, was not easy.
Nirpreet was subjected to threats, intimidation and slapped with false charges as serious as TADA, for which she reportedly spent several years in jail.
“ I was sent to jail for raising my voice. My first husband couldn’t take that and left me,” Nirpreet, who runs an NGO that rehabilitates riot victims, says. She lives with her two sons in Tilak Nagar.
The story and anger of Jagdish Kaur, another riot victim, is no different. She lost five family members, including her husband and son, in the massacre.
The 69- year- old, who relocated to Amritsar after the riots, is another gutsy woman to have come forward to depose in court against Kumar.
“ My son and I were told several times to take back the case and not depose against Kumar. We were threatened,” Jagdish says.
“ But we want justice. For someone who lost her family, there cannot be anything more important than justice.” She came to Delhi in June last year and stayed in the city for the next three months to record her evidence. “ Although I was made to feel more like an accused by the system than a victim, I am glad that I have done my job,” she says.
Recalling the horror that unfolded at her home in Raj Nagar Colony in Delhi Cantonment, Jagdish says: “ It was around 9 am. I was preparing breakfast. Shree, a friend of my elder brother Gurpreet, came to our house to tell us that a mob had set a Sikh military jeep on fire and was approaching our area.” Around 10 am, rioters entered the colony and set several houses and vehicles on fire.
Then, they entered the lane where Jagdish lived. The rioters, she says, were shouting slogans like “ Kill, kill, kill the Sikhs. No Sikh should be spared”. Soon, the mob barged into her house. They first beat up Gurpreet.
The assailants then hit her husband with a rod, killing him.
The rioters then dragged her son out of the house where they thrashed him until he died.
Jagdish promptly moved her three daughters — Harvinder, Harjeet and Gurjee, then aged 13, 11 and 9 years respectively, to the terrace. Minutes later, her three cousins who lived close by — Narendra Pal, Ragvinder and Kuldeep Singh — were burned alive by the mob.
Kaur’s only hope now is those responsible for the riots are punished.
“ I wish to see it in my life,” she says.
NIRPREET KAUR ( 42)
Joined the Khalistan movement after losing her family to the riots. Rioters burned her father alive after smearing him with a white inflammable powder outside their house in Palam Colony. The house, too, was set on fire
JAGDISH KAUR ( 69)
Lost her family in the massacre.
Kaur lost five family members, including her husband and son. She shifted to Amritsar after the violence. Daughter of freedom fighter Harnam Singh Trilok, Kaur lives with her son and his wife in Amritsar
THE GENOCIDE OF NOVEMBER 1984 WILL NEVER BE FORGOTTEN!
THE STRUGGLE TO PUNISH THE GUILTY SHALL CONTINUE!
JOIN IN CANDLE LIGHT VIGIL AT INDIA GATE ON NOV. 1
DATE: NOVEMBER 1, 2011
TIME: 5.30 PM
VENUE: INDIA GATE MARTYRS' COLUMN
27 years have passed since the cold blooded massacre of thousands of Sikhs on the streets of Delhi, Kanpur and other places, following the assassination of Indira Gandhi. For three days leading members of the ruling Congress party directed armed gangs to burn and kill people of the Sikh community, rape women and plunder their property.
For the last 27 years, people have been demanding justice, demanding that those guilty of the heinous crimes of November 1984 be punished. Despite irrefutable evidence of the meticulous planning involved, including provision of voters' lists with residences of Sikhs marked, weapons and arson material distributed to the murderous gangs from Congress party offices, none of the leaders of the Congress party who masterminded and executed the genocide have been punished. The courts have repeatedly dealt with the killings as "crimes of passion" and not as part of an organized, pre-planned act.
In conditions when the entire state machinery and official media were crying out for the blood of the Sikhs, during and after the massacre, we ordinary people across all communities came forward to defend the victims and the survivors in the relief camps. Through our acts of courage, we established the unity of the people against the communal Indian state and the Congress party which had organized and perpetrated the crime.
The events of November 1984 clearly show that it is the Indian state that is communal. Our people are not communal. The ruling party and the state was responsible for the crime, not ordinary people or their personal religious beliefs. Belying the claim of India being a "secular" Republic, they have showed how political parties can openly organize communal violence, with the full assistance of the police and other arms of the state machinery.
The past 27 years have confirmed that there is no justice under the existing political system. Far from being convicted and punished, the organisers of the violence have continued to contest elections and enjoy seats of power. Political power remains concentrated in the hands of a minority privileged circle, which enjoys unlimited power to do what it pleases. In fact, state terrorism, including state organized communal violence, has become the preferred weapon of our rulers, to divert, divide and drown in blood the popular opposition to their rule.
The experience of the genocide of 1984 and subsequent communal massacres has clearly established that we cannot expect the organizers of communal genocide to either ensure justice or prevent future genocides.
Under public pressure, the Congress party has been forced to draft a bill addressing the question of prevention of communal violence. The experience of our people shows that any such law will be effective only if state organized communal violence and all forms of state terrorism are dealt with as organized crimes by the state and the party in power, and not as a bunch of individual criminal acts. Such a law must ensure that the organisers of the massacres of 1984, 1992-93, 2002 and other communal massacres are punished. But none of the versions of the bill presented so far has addressed these issues.
The past 27 years have shown time and again, that we cannot expect the organizers and perpetrators of the crime to punish themselves for it. Only when people are empowered can we ensure that those in positions of command will be held accountable for their responsibility of preventing communal violence, that mechanisms will be put in place to ensure that those guilty of such heinous crimes are punished, regardless of their political position.
27 years after the genocide of November1984, let us all unite and demand justice and punishment of the guilty! Let us affirm the rights of all members of society, and an end to sectarian persecution and discrimination of all kinds! Let us pledge to take forward the struggle for empowerment of the people, to put an end to state terrorism, including state organized communal violence, once and for all!
Let us unite and fight to ensure punishment to the guilty of 1984.
To demonstrate our opposition to all acts of state organised communal genocide and state terror against any community or people, to pledge to continue the struggle to punish the guilty, you are invited to join the candle-light vigil being jointly oranised by Lok Raj Sangathan, Sikh Forum, PUDR and PUCL.
Anti-Sikh Massacres of 1984: Indian American group demands speedy justice for riot victims
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Tuesday, November 1st, 2011
The Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC - http://www.iamc.com), an advocacy group dedicated to safeguarding India's pluralist and tolerant ethos, has called on the Government of India to mark the 27th anniversary of the anti-Sikh pogrom in 1984, by taking concrete steps to secure justice for the victims, and rehabilitation for the survivors.
The horrific violence that engulfed Delhi and parts of northern India, claimed the lives of over 3000 people and displaced thousands of others, in a reprisal against the Sikh community for the assassination of Mrs. Indira Gandhi on October 31, 1984.
Numerous eyewitness accounts have brought to light the fact that the rioters had access Sikh shops and establishments were targeted and burnt during the 1984 violence (Courtesy AFP) Sikh shops and establishments were targeted and burnt during the 1984 violence (Courtesy AFP) to voter records that allowed them to mark Sikh homes. Mobs of rioters were taken by bus to areas inhabited by Sikhs, where they murdered, looted and raped, with the police often doing little more than being mute witnesses. The discovery of mass graves in Haryana in 2011 shows that a full accounting of the 1984 pogrom has not yet happened.
"The 1984 anti-Sikh massacres and the failure on the part of successive governments to apprehend the culprits even after 27 years, represents one of the lowest points in the history of our democracy," said Mr. Shaheen Khateeb, President, IAMC.
"It is absolutely unconscionable that despite 10 official commissions to investigate the events of those fateful days, the government has managed to secure convictions in only a tiny fraction of the cases," added Mr. Khateeb.
The failure of the Congress Party to hold accountable individuals like Jagdish Tytler, Kamal Nath and Sajjan Kumar whose political careers were untouched by their implications in the anti-Sikh riots, shows that the ruling party is still in a state of denial about its own responsibility for the mass killing of Sikhs.
IAMC has called upon the Government of India, even at this late juncture, to reverse the miscarriages of justice that have taken place over the last 27 years. By bringing to justice those responsible for the riots, regardless of their political and social standing, the nation can heal the wounds of countless victims, while ensuring that targeted killings of members of any community, have no place in the world's largest democracy.
Indian American Muslim Council (formerly Indian Muslim Council-USA) is the largest advocacy organization of Indian Muslims in the United States with 10 chapters across the nation. For more information please visit our new website at www.iamc.com.
We must not allow the pain and suffering of the Sikh victims to be transformed into a political instrument to mute calls for justice for the ‘other' victims of similarly orchestrated massacres.
More than a quarter century on, not much remains of ‘1984' — shorthand for one of the largest pogroms in India's postcolonial history when thousands of Sikhs were massacred in retribution for Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's assassination — in the public memory. The voices of victims and eyewitnesses one often heard in courtrooms have almost retired in exhaustion. The names of state-appointed serial commissions to establish the facts on ground have by now joined footnotes of history in a long line of ineffective judicial commissions of similar nature. And more remarkably, the miscarriage of justice through long-winded judicial processes where eyewitnesses routinely turn hostile due to threats, incentives, pressures exerted by fixers, or because of plain weariness has ceased evoking any mass outrage. [. . .]
‘Can Sikhs claim minority status in Punjab?' issue for Constitution Bench
J. Venkatesan
New Delhi: The Supreme Court on Thursday indicated that it would refer for adjudication by a Constitution Bench the issue whether Sikhs, who form a majority population in Punjab, can claim ‘minority' status in that State.
A Bench of Justices B. Sudershan Reddy and S.S. Nijjar gave this indication during the course of arguments on a batch of appeals from the State of Punjab and the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) against a judgment of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, which held that Sikhs were not “minorities” in Punjab and could not claim minority rights. In May 2009, the court stayed the operation of the judgment.
The Punjab and Haryana High Court on December 17, 2007 struck down a notification issued by the Punjab government on April 13, 2001 permitting the SGPC to give 50 per cent reservation to Sikh students in colleges run by it on grounds that Sikhs were a minority community.
“Parameters not applied”
The High Court was of the view that the impugned notifications had not applied the relevant parameters for declaring a group of individuals to be minority.
“The country could not be taken as a unit, as has been done. There is no material to substantiate that “Sikhs” are a non-dominant group in Punjab apprehending deprivation of their rights at the hands of “dominant” groups, who may come to power in the State in a democratic election. The notifications are clearly ultra vires the jurisdiction of the State government, violating right of equality and public interest.”
The State and the SGPC argued in the Supreme Court that the High Court erred by striking down the minority status of the Sikhs. They said that going by the definition of Sikhs as explained in the Sikh Gurdwaras (SG) Act, 1925, only about 53 lakh, roughly one-third of the electoral college of the SGPC, were Sikhs as against the 1.66 crore total voters in the State. They disputed the High Court's reasoning to conclude that Sikhs were a majority by virtue of a Census report that pegged their population in the State at 59.2 per cent.
The State said this figure, taken from the 2001 census, was based on a counting of all sects belonging to Udasis, Nirmala Sadhus, Sant Nirankari Mandal, Dera Sacha Sauda, Radha Soami Satsang.
“They are not Sikhs within the meaning of ‘Sikh' under the SG Act, 1925, since they believe in living gurus.”