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Showing posts with label Rashtriya Sevika Samiti. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Rashtriya Sevika Samiti. Show all posts

March 06, 2023

India: RSS women's wing asks doctors to teach babies 'culture & values' in womb - PTI

 RSS women's wing asks doctors to teach babies 'culture & values' in womb

PTI | (Hindustan times)
 
[ . . . ] Samvardhinee Nyas, an affiliate of the RSS [a wing of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, the women's arm of the RSS], has started a campaign titled 'Garbha Sanskar' for pregnant women to teach babies culture and values in the womb, its national organising secretary Madhuri Marathe said on Monday. [ . . . ]     
 
 
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snapshot of the report in the Times of India
 


June 27, 2017

India: Why did a young woman join a Rashtra Sevika Samiti camp? | Radhika Iyengar

The Indian Express

Why did a young woman join a Rashtra Sevika Samiti camp?

Gender And The Nation: What right wing nationalism teaches young girls about love marriage, western dresses and Hindu culture.

Written by Radhika Iyengar | New Delhi | Updated: June 27, 2017 2:18 pm
RSS, Rashtra Sevika Samiti, gender, women, young women in RSS, gender and nation Rashtra Sevika Samiti. Source: Express Archives

IN MARCH 2017, sitting in a modest apartment in New Delhi’s Naraina Vihar, Seema Yonzon opened her laptop and typed ‘Rashtra Sevika Samiti’ in the search bar. She says that when the website opened, she clicked on a form that invited young women to join the organisation. Sitting under a whirling fan, she hastily filled in the details, providing her name, age, contact number and gender, as well as her religion and why she wished to join the Samiti. “My nani was sitting in the drawing room with me, knitting a sweater. She had no idea what I was doing,” Seema confesses. Seema had just arrived in Delhi on a three-day trip for a college project from Chennai, and was living with her cousins. The precocious 26-year-old’s ideological perspective stood in stark contrast to the staunch Congress-supporting family she belonged to. She had made up her mind to reach out to the RSS.
Two days later, Seema received an email, which thanked her for showing interest in the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, addressing her as ‘Behen’ (sister). It included the contact details of Sandeep Verma. Days later, back in Chennai where she was pursuing post-graduation, she called him. “He told me that, ‘We hold a camp once every year, so you must go there and observe. Over there, they will focus on personality development, tell you how to work for the nation and also teach you about our nation’s history. Just go there once – you will grow and emerge confident,’” she said. Convinced, within the next few days, Seema organised the money and tickets for her travel. By the end of May, she had boarded the train and was on her way to Delhi. The camp would be Seema’s first encounter with the Samiti but one that would leave an indelible mark.
The Rashtra Sevika Samiti (National Women Volunteers Committee) is a women-only Hindu nationalist group affiliated to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Established in 1936 by Laxmibai Kelkar, the wing carries the same ideology as the men’s Swayamsevak Sangh, which believes in re-establishing the ‘Hindu rashtra’ by nurturing and maintaining the purity of the Hindu culture. On its official website, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh underscores its mission: “The Hindu culture is the life-breath (sic) of Hindusthan. It is therefore clear that if Hindusthan is to be protected, we should first nourish the Hindu culture.’’
The women’s wing works in tandem with the Sangh. When Kelkar first approached the founding Sarsanghachalak (chief) of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Dr. Keshav B. Hedgewar, he immediately refused to allow women in his organisation. However, later he assisted Kelkar in establishing a parallel women-dominated body.
Although the Samiti functions as a separate entity – since its conception, the women’s wing has never merged with the exclusively male organisation – the Samiti’s ideological identity mirrors and upholds the same values as the Sangh. While the men are told to be the ultimate protectors of the nation, the Samiti informs its women that it is up to them to bring up such men who are physically and intellectually equipped to carry forth the important task of nation-building.
In comparison to its male counterpart, the Rashtra Sevika Samiti has relatively maintained a low-profile. Its Delhi arm was established in 1960. Although the Samiti religiously holds shakhas across the city, the presence of shakhas is more prominent in middle-class areas, like Naraina Vihar, Paschim Vihar, Lajpat Nagar, R.K. Puram, Preet Vihar, Karol Bagh, Punjabi Bagh and Kamla Nagar. A shakha is a gathering that is attended by the Samiti members either on a daily, a weekly or a monthly basis. It is where the members learn about the Hindu culture, customs and history. These shakhas are anchored in promoting the Hindu identity and integrity.
The 15-day long camp, held annually in June, which Seema attended, trained adolescent girls in self-defence and nation-worshiping. It was two days after the completion of the camp, that I met Seema in Connaught Place in New Delhi. She greeted me with her palms pressed together; her head slightly bowed. “Shubh Prabhat!” she said cheerfully. Dressed in a full-sleeves, full-length, navy-blue kurti with white embroidered flowers, Seema’s hair was neatly pulled back and tied in a plait.
It was the middle of June, Seema and I sat in the neatly-trimmed central lawns of Connaught Place. It was 44.5 degree Celsius outside, but she convinced me to sit with her in an open space, rather than a cafe or a restaurant. “I do not like sitting in air-conditioned spaces,” she said. “We need to protect our environment.”
Standing five-feet four inches tall, Seema has been brought up in Delhi. Comfortable in speaking colloquial Hinglish, a combination of Hindi and English, she struggled to speak to me in proper Hindi. Every time she did use an English word in a Hindi sentence, however, she appeared hassled and would stop herself immediately, and say, “Kshama chahungi! (I beg your pardon).”
One of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s and the Rashtra Sevika Samiti’s key agendas has been to stifle the proliferation of the English language within the country, while simultaneously stressing on the importance of embracing Hindi and regional languages. In March 2017, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh held a two-day seminar for Delhi University teachers. The seminar’s concept note stated, ‘While on one side Turkish and Mughal invaders destroyed our temples, the English have established an education system which has made people lose their trust in the Indian education system.’
Seema said leaning forward and looking directly at me in the eye, “We need to proliferate our sanskriti. I was not like this before. I did not know how to speak shuddh Hindi, but the camp has taught me how to converse in it better… At the camp, elder sisters – that is, ‘sevikas’ used to tell me, ‘Whatever you want to say, say it in Hindi’. And I felt that, yes, even I should know how to speak Hindi properly. It’s my language after all, so why should I feel shy or conscious of it? We keep adopting others’ languages; it’s time for a change.”
In the camp, the attendees were also taught how to artfully wield lathis, swords and knives to protect themselves in a society where violence against women is rife. But while the girls are physically ’empowered’ and ‘liberated’, psychologically, this empowerment is inextricably linked to the identity of womanhood. “A man’s job is to make money – masculinity is his quality,” I was told by the Samiti’s 70-year-old north region karyakarvahika (worker), Chandrakanta, in an ironical monotone, “Whereas a woman’s quality is motherhood.” It is a woman’s responsibility, the girls are told, to keep her family intact, support her husband and become a good mother.
Rashtra Sevika Samiti, RSS, Laxibai Kelkar, genderand, gender, women Chandrakanta (second from the left) attends the event that marks the end of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti’s training camp AFTER SETTLING underneath a leafy tree, Seema began narrating the qualities of the organisation that she has recently learned. She says, “The Rashtra Sevika Samiti’s goal is to unite everyone and work towards re-establishing what we have lost. That is our sanskriti, our way of dressing, our way of living and speaking. Right now we are at a point where we have adopted the western culture and have forgotten ours. Why should we wear clothes which are not ours?”
Seema also connects women’ dresses to the violence against them. “Somewhere, I believe, it’s because of their western thinking… If a woman is wearing jeans-pant (sic), then chances of it [rape] are more. We have to therefore cover ourselves more – like a bhartiya nari (Indian woman). For instance, I’ve not worn a salwar today, so do forgive me,” she said, pausing abruptly in the middle of the conversation to point at the black pants she was wearing underneath her kurti. “This is a fashion now days, but it’s also my fault that I am not wearing a dupatta with this either. I’m not feeling ‘guilty’ about it, but this is fusion – and fusion is not part of our culture. I should be wearing the salwar-kameez in its entirety – I should adopt a proper bhartiya nari’s dressing sense. I used to wear western clothes before attending the camp, but at that time, I didn’t have the wisdom. Now I’ve changed. You know, won’t find our kind of bhartiya sanskriti anywhere in the world!”
Seema is a Christian. As a child, she remembers going to church every Sunday. Her parents sent her regularly to attend sermons. “I used to feel uncomfortable going there,” she said in a querulous squeak. “I never enjoyed it, but my parents would send me whether I liked it or not.”
Unable to speak freely with her parents throughout her life, Seema grew up with a sense of isolation within her family and felt a strong disconnect with her religion. About two years ago, she became curious about Hinduism, primarily because a large number of her friends were Hindus. In 2016, she stopped going to church completely. In Seema’s mind, the opportunity to attend the Sevika Samiti camp appeared as a source of the stability, where she could perhaps achieve a larger sense of belonging. “What I see in Hindus is that they function as a unit,” she said animatedly bringing her fingers together to form a fist. “Whenever an individual needs something, whenever a Sevika needs help, these people are there. They are one unit. It is this unity that I like. I feel this is more established in Hindutva. I like their sanskriti and everything. It’s very inspiring.”
Rashtra Sevika Samiti, RSS, girls in RSS, RSS girls, women in RSS, RSS women, gender and nation, RSS gender Girls wielding swords at Rashtra Sevika Samiti camp in New Delhi. Source: Express photo/Radhika Iyengar ON JUNE 11, 2017, about a hundred young girls, dressed in pink-bordered, white salwar kameez, swung their lathis and swords theatrically in the air to the beat of the drum. Seema was part of this camp. Performing at the G.L.T Saraswati Bal Mandir school in New Delhi ,which is affiliated with RSS’ educational wing, Vidya Bharati, the evening marked the end of the training camp which had gone on for over a fortnight. The girls had stayed away from home and had adopted a strict, disciplinarian lifestyle – waking up every morning at four. By the time the clock struck five, the girls would assemble in the school’s courtyard, ready for the scheduled exercises. Before they would begin, they would sing a prayer to a hoisted, two-arrowed saffron flag, which they consider to be their ‘guru’.
Post the self-defense exercises, the girls would attend ‘baudhik’ (intellectual) sessions, where they were taught shlokas, told about the country’s ‘mahapurush’, ‘rishis’ and freedom fighters. During these classes, an older ‘sevika’ stood before a blackboard and wrote down the three qualities the girls must strive to possess: to have the virtue of leadership (netritva) like Rani Laxmibai; to be responsible in one’s mission (kartritva) like the Holkar queen, Ahilya Bai Holkar; and to aspire to be a mother (matritva) like Jijabai, mother of Maratha king, Chhatrapati Shivaji.
The Samiti considers Jijabai to be the true embodiment of motherhood, since she inculcated the true ‘Hindu values’ in Shivaji, preparing him to fearlessly battle against the Mughal emperors and establish the Hindu empire. While the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s men identify Shivaji as the founder of the nation, the Samiti tells the women that it was Jijabai who was responsible for giving birth to Shivaji, and therefore, ultimately, responsible for giving birth to the ‘Hindu nation’. Implicitly then, women are informed that their ‘stree shakti’ (woman power) is inextricably linked to their capability to bring up strong, nation-worshiping children. Protecting the nation is of prime importance. While men work at the forefront of safeguarding the nation, women should be their support system, assisting them from behind.
The Samiti praises femininity, but defines it in its relationship to serving men and their children. “A mother is the ultimate creator. If she wants, she can bring up her child to be a saint or a destroyer,” Chandrakanta, who was the chief guest at the camp’s event, told me. Her petite frame was wrapped in a pink-bordered white saree. She said, “In today’s times, women have to be physically and emotionally strong, because a woman is the spine of a family. Corruption will end only when a woman will inspire her husband to not indulge in it. We are the ones responsible for getting rid of all evils from society.”
In her book, Gender in the Hindu Nation: RSS women as Ideologues, Paola Bacchetta (Associate Professor, Gender and Women’s Studies at University of California), notes why the word “swayam” (self) is not mentioned in the name Rashtra Sevika Samiti, while it exists in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. While a “man’s self is individual”, writes Bacchetta, the identity of a woman concerns “not only the individual self, but also family, society, nation, religion and culture.”
Tracing the tan-coloured strap of her watch with her frail finger, Chandrakanta said that when it came to pursuing a career, the Rashtra Sevika Samiti wanted to tell its girls that it is not wrong to be independent. “However, God has sent us here for a reason. We must never forget the natural [biological] gift God has given us. The gift of motherhood is something a father can never do. We are not men, we can never be men. Therefore, don’t try to be men. Our role is of wives, of sisters. So a girl should go forth in their career, while performing her family duties,” she said.
Laxmibai Kelkar, endearingly called ‘mavshi ji’, also cautioned the ‘sevikas’ to not abandon the idea of marriage, since ‘social norms’ should not be broken. A comic book titled, ‘Vandaniya Mavshi Kelkar’ on Kelkar’s life, available on Rashtra Sevika Samiti’s website conveys this:
RSS, Rashtra Sevika Samiti, gender, women, young women in RSS, gender and nation A page from ‘Vandaniya Mavshi Kelkar’ comic, which depicts Kelkar convincing the Samiti members to marry: “If people see that we are breaking social norms, they will not respond to the Samiti”. In the adjoining box, Kelkar is shown saying, “We have to develop an organisation of strong Hindu women having reputation and moral character. Here we have the tradition of Hindu culture. Hinduism is the nationality. Saffron is the national flag and single leadership backed by collective decisions is the system.” IN HER paper, Exploring Gender, Hindutva and Seva (published in Economic and Political Weekly, 2009), Swati Dyahadroy wrote about the “three kinds of representations of women” who join right-wing organisations such as the RSS. “One form of representation is of women who are simply alienated from their own interests and whose actions are seen as coherent with the interests of their male counterparts. Another represents them as joining right wing groups primarily out of a desire for community with other women and not because of any ideological or principled commitment to the organisation. Yet another represents them as motivated by choice, conviction and opportunism.”
Seema perhaps falls in the second category. She feels that the camp had helped her tremendously, instilling in her a sense of confidence she, otherwise, lacked. “Earlier, I did not have the confidence as I do now,” she told me excitedly, tucking a strand of hair behind her ear. “I have learned how to protect myself. At the camp we learned taekwondo, yoga chaap—” Suddenly, she stopped midway and got up. “In fact, I would like to show it to you,” she said, dusting herself.
Squinting slightly as the sunlight hit her eyes, Seema stood in front of me casually with her legs slightly apart. “Now, if you are standing like this, anyone can come from behind, shove you and you will fall. However—” she lowered herself slightly, bending her knees while tightening her calf muscles, “—if someone tries to make me fall while I am in this position, with my knees slightly bent, it will be difficult for him. This position is called being in ‘sidhh’. While standing in ‘siddh’, you will be stable. Whenever we practice any exercise, we always maintain this position because it keeps our balance.” At the camp, the girls were trained to “remain in sidhh” for an hour every morning and another hour in the evening to strengthen their leg muscles. “Today, even when I was traveling in the metro to come meet you, I was in ‘sidhh’,” Seema continued. “I don’t care whether someone was looking at me or laughing. This is purely for my practice.”

A page from ‘Vandaniya Mavshi Kelkar’ comic that shows how women were trained. Initially, they were taught by the men from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. It reads: “Laxmibai and her college women learnt Lathi, Lejim and other self defence techniques from the Sangha volunteers. Women started gathering in large numbers.” THE CAMPS are the most comprehensive way of initiating young women into the Hindutva ideology. While Seema is a new recruit, Neelima Kapoor attended her first shakha in Jammu in 1982. Her mother had escorted her to the shakha when she was sixteen years old. It was a time when the murmurings of an insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir had begun. From organising ‘black days’–mourning the death of Hindus in the aftermath of Hindu-Muslim riots–to fiercely staging protests; to supporting the men in the Swayamsevak Sangh by cooking meals, Kapoor emerged as a star sevika.
Now married and in her early fifties, Kapoor continues to hold shakhas in the backyard of her house in New Delhi. Every Sunday, a group of 15 girls [aged 10 to 16 years] belonging to a nearby underprivileged neighbourhood gather in Kapoor’s backyard,  and before a hoisted saffron flag, chant in unison, “Desh raksha parampunyam, desh raksha parampitam, desh raksha paramyagya…Bharat mata ki jai!” (Guarding the nation is the greatest good deed, guarding the nation is a godly act, guarding the nation is the main aim of life…Long live India!”). In the shakhas, the girls are taught ‘desh-bhakti’ songs, narrated stories laced with morals, told how to respect elders and how to dress appropriately.
It is the middle of the afternoon and we are sitting in Kapoor’s drawing room. She sits before me in a checkered black-and-white salwaar-kameez, sipping her ginger-tea soundlessly, before beginning to talk about the Samiti and its pracharikas.
Pracharikas are ‘sevikas’ who pledge their lives to the Samiti, work as full-timers and practice celibacy. Their goal is to serve the Samiti, and through it, the nation. Kapoor wants her shakha girls to become pracharikas, of course, but not all of them. “Listen,” Kapoor tells me while looking at me directly in the eye, “if all of the [Samiti’s] girls become pracharikas, then how will the country populate? I need to think about the country as well. If every girl becomes a ‘desh bhakt’, then [Hindu] families will dwindle – we will completely reduce in numbers. Those Mohammedans keep producing 9-10 children. All I want to say is that if we [Hindus] have two kids – one should work for the nation, the other should marry – because families must grow alongside the nation. Then only we will grow in number.”
“Children are god’s gift,” Kapoor continues smiling wryly; her diamond nose-stud catches the sunlight from the window. “So we should not tell our people to stop having children. We shouldn’t say, ‘Stop producing’, or ‘One child is enough.’”
Kapoor echoes a belief that has been vociferously reiterated by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. In a report by The Hindu on August 22, 2016, a RSS worker informed married Hindu couples that in order “to keep our culture and civilisation alive, we must seriously and responsibly think about our fertility rates.”
Rashtra Sevika Samiti girls on campus in New Delhi. Source: Express photo/Radhika Iyengar AFTER TALKING to Seema for over two hours in the lawn, she had become quiet for a few seconds. She looked around, before suddenly turning her head around and smiling sheepishly. “I feel a bit awkward, looking at the couples sitting around. This kind of love is not in our sanskriti.”
The capital is populated with public lawns (including the Lodhi gardens and India Gate lawns), where young, mostly unmarried couples rendezvous to spend them with each other. In the past it has been reported that individuals from right-wing Hindutva organisations have allegedly wreaked havoc by approaching couples sitting in public spaces and humiliating them.
“This kind of love, at this age,” Seema continued pointing towards a couple, “should either be towards one’s husband or towards our country. This is my belief. Love shared between husband and wife is okay, but not before marriage. There is no point learning so much about each other before marriage.”
The 26-year-old doesn’t believe in love marriages, even though her parents, who belonged to different religions, fell in love and married each other against their families’ wishes. “In arranged marriages, a couple takes time to understand each other,” Seema explained. “They try to learn about each other, and slowly-slowly, they might develop a friendship too, who knows? In love marriages, the couples already know everything about each other, so after they get married, there is nothing new to learn – curiosity dies down and they get bored. Nowadays, most love marriages break and people divorce. And divorce is not a part of our sanskriti, that has come from outside.”
In November 2016, on the day that marked Rashtra Sevika Samiti’s 80th anniversary, its general secretary, Seetha Annadanam made an unsettling statement, “There is nothing called marital rape. Marriage is a sacred bond. Co-existence should lead to bliss. If we are able to understand the concept of this bliss, then everything runs smooth.”
“But what if the circumstances are unbearable for the wife? What if she is a victim of domestic violence?” I asked Seema. For a moment she appeared stumped. A few moments later, she burst out laughing embarrassingly. “Then I wouldn’t know what to say. All I know is that divorce is not a solution. Even if the circumstances are bad, a wife must sit down and explain to her husband. She is a wife and she must be devoted to her husband. She must try and reason with her him; it’s her right. I’m not going to ask her to opt for divorce.”
“Did you always think like this?” I asked.
Seema smiled, “I’ve started thinking like this after attending the camp.”
Note: Some names have been changed to protect identity
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June 12, 2017

India: Rashtriya Sevika Samiti (RSS women's wing) training camp for girls teaches use of swords and knives and pushes 'family values' & 'motherhood'

RSS women’s wing focuses on gender-specific roles to uphold family values

While training the young girls to combat, the Rashtriya Sevika Samiti also teaches them the importance of 'upholding the family values'.

Written by Radhika Iyengar | Updated: June 12, 2017 6:05 pm
RSS, RSS girls, RSS women, gender, politics women, indian politics, far-right women, far right girls
Rashtriya Sevika Samiti girls exhibit their lathi-wielding skills. Source: Express Photo/Radhika Iyengar
 
Over fifty school-going adolescent girls, armed with laathis, swords and knives, with a saffron ribbon tied around their wrists, brandished their weapon-wielding skills in the open courtyard of GLT Saraswati Bal Mandir school in New Delhi on Sunday. Dressed in crisp pink-bordered, white salwaar-kameez and white canvas shoes, they appeared confident and ready for combat.
This was the culmination of a 15-day training camp, which began on May 27, organized by the Rashtriya Sevika Samiti, the right-wing RSS women’s wing, which trained the girls to fight while also instilling moral values in them. During the performance, the girls exhibited yoga aasanas and later huddled to form pyramids, where they cried in unison, “Bharat maata ki jai!” (Long live India!)
“This is the goal of the sanstha,” said Rashtriya Sevika Samiti’s Uttar Shetra Karyavahika, Chandrakantha, who was the chief guest at the event. “We teach the girls to be fully empowered and equipped – that is, physically, mentally and spiritually strong, so that a girl is capable of protecting herself and is able to guard her country, its traditions, its sanskriti and its languages. The Samiti instills pride for the nation in her.”
While training the young girls to combat, the Samiti also teaches them the importance of upholding the family values. Wearing a pink-bordered white saree, with her hair pulled back neatly in a bun, the 70-year-old, Chandrakantha said that at the end of the day, a woman was responsible for keeping the family together as a tight unit. “Jo bachiyan hain, unko yasasvi kis prakar banana hai, parivar ko kaise rakhna hai – jo kammi dikhti hai parivaron ke andar, jo parivar tooth rahein hain humare — usko jordhne ki kala yeh rashtriya sevika samiti sikhti hai.” (Rashtriya Sevika Samiti trains the girls the skillful art of uniting and keeping the family together. How to be victorious, how to maintain peace in families which are weak or broken – this is what is taught).
Rashtriya Sevika Samiti girls exhibit their sword-wielding skills. Source: Express Photo/Radhika Iyengar The Samiti informs the girls that becoming good mothers is important, since it is the woman who is responsible for sculpting the nature of her child. “Maata nirmata bhaviti hai, ma chahe toh nar se Narayan bana sakti hai, ma chahe toh vidhwansak bana sakti hai.” (A mother is the ultimate creator. If she wants, she can bring up her child to be a saint or a destroyer).
Speaking to the indianexpress.com, she added that there should be specific gender-defined roles which should be practiced in society. “Purush ka hai bahar ka kaam karna, dhann ka kaam karna – paurush uska gunn hai. Stritiya, matritav ka gunn hai. Uss gunn ko aurat ko kabhi nahin bhoolna chahiye.” (A man’s job is to make money – masculinity is his quality, whereas a woman’s quality is motherhood. She should never forget that).
RSS, Rashtriya Sevika Samiti Rashtriya Sevika Samiti camp chief guest, Chandrakantha (second from left). Source: Express photo/Radhika Iyengar The true embodiment of motherhood, she said, was Maratha king Shivaji’s mother, Jijabai Shahaji Bhosale. “Unhone Shivaji ka nirmaan uss samay kiya jab, apne aap ko koi Hindu kahi hi nahin sakta tha. Uss samay Jija maa ne Shivaji ko taiyaar kiya, jisne apni buddhi aur chaturai se, Hindu samrajaya ki sthapana ki.” (She brought up Shivaji at a time when no one could call himself a Hindu. At that time, she trained Shivaji in such a way fight, that he used his intelligence to to establish the Hindu empire).
As the sun set, a tired lot of girls settled down in the courtyard to listen to Chandrakantha, who narrated to them the history of the Samiti and the leadership qualities of Laxmibai Kelkar, who founded the organization in 1936. When the evening came to an end, the girls stood up to sing Vande Mataram, their palms pressed together and heads bowed in deference. Soon after, the unified group broke and scrambled across the courtyard to meet their friends and families who had attended the event. Many dispersed later to get platefuls of prasaad (halwa and mathi) and sherbet.

November 19, 2016

On Rashtriya Sevika Samiti’s unevolved statements on marriage and marital rape (Manu S Pillai)

livemint.com - Nov 18 2016


Trump, RSS and blissful coexistence

Can any good come out of the Rashtriya Sevika Samiti’s unevolved statements on marriage and marital rape, asks Manu S Pillai



Rashtra Sevika Samiti, the women’s wing of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Photo: Shankar Mourya/Hindustan Times

The victory last week of Donald Trump in America petrified masses of people who happen to not be men or white or Christian or straight in that country. But it also petrified this columnist, who suddenly felt immense amounts of pressure to reflect on the decline of The World As We Know It and the rise of a wild strongman to the throne in Washington. Then, however, comments emerged from a strongwoman (of the subcontinental variety) on another matter altogether, and suddenly my column was saved. With much relief, I cast aside Trump and the prospect of contributing a furious denunciation and chewed with gratitude on column fodder supplied, instead, by a distant associate of his in the universe of the political right.

“There is nothing called marital rape,” was the opening insight supplied by the general secretary of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti (a women’s body, which, like its guiding organization, becomes “RSS” in acronym). No marks for originality to the general secretary, though—after all, she and I live in a country where successive governments have defended this line of policy with nervous pronouncements about “Indian culture” and “the institution of marriage”, both of which are apparently so fragile that an acknowledgment of violence would invite catastrophe. There is nothing called marital rape in our law books, and to that extent the general secretary is not wrong. But law books can, she should know, reside in the Stone Age—I happen to be named after a character who supposedly authored, in 2,684 verses, one such prototype called the Manusmriti. Fortunately, it was so bad that most people had the good sense to ignore it.

“Marriage is a sacred bond,” came next in the RSS secretary’s comments, which my venerable ancestors in Kerala would have dismissed—no offence—as balderdash. They were matrilineal Nairs, among whom it was the bond between brother and sister that was sacred; husbands and wives were dispensable. My great-great-grandmother’s first husband was not up to the mark and was dismissed, despite his many tears, from her presence in 1883. She then married my great-great-grandfather, who in turn had dissolved one previous marriage. They then went on to produce a man who successively espoused three women in the 1910s, before confirming the fourth. All of these people were pious, orthodox, “good” Hindus, but in their cultural context, marriage was most definitely not “sacred”. It was an arrangement, which could last a lifetime in cases, but was by no means binding on either party.

All that was needed for the wedding ceremony was an oil-lamp and the exchange of a piece of white cloth. If the lady accepted, the sambandham (relationship) had commenced. Indeed, so effortless was the process that when a governor of Madras in the 19th century, after a conversation on textiles with a Nair lady, offered to “send her a cloth” as “a specimen of the handiwork executed there”, the woman coyly replied that while she was “much obliged”, she was “quite satisfied with her present husband”. And all that was needed for divorce was for the cloth in question to be torn (or if one wanted to be direct, for the husband’s things to be left by the door—Malayalees were thrifty with time).

It was morality imported by Bible-wielding missionaries that converted marriage into a “sacred” affair, encouraging Nair women to forfeit sexual independence in return for patriarchal conformity as “good” wives. “Women, instead of fighting for rights, should focus on their duties, on how they can hold the society together, impart patriotism to their children and family members,” the RSS general secretary had declared in August. Apart from an unnecessary “the”, this line would comfortably gel into the propaganda unleashed in Kerala in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to persuade women to accept marriage as “sacred”, by men who reacted to Western criticism of their customs by ingesting that criticism.

I must confess I am not optimistic that this lesson in history will persuade the general secretary to change her mind because according to her, “social evils in our society are due to (foreign) invasion of 1,000 years. It will take time for society to come out of it.” In other words, if strange customs existed to demonstrate that a number of Indians did not treat marriage as sacred, they must have been perverted by influences from elsewhere (and I am tempted here to tell her the tale of the Kerala princesses who surprised an Italian in the early 17th century by showing up topless at court—he wondered why these women had such an abbreviated sense of dress, and they were puzzled, in return, by the layers of fabric with which he was encumbered—but I shall leave this story for another occasion).

Now, we turn to the final segment of the general secretary’s remarks: “Coexistence should lead to bliss. If we are able to understand the concept of this bliss, then everything runs smooth.” With this I have no disagreement, absolutely, for who does not want things to run smooth. In fact, it is my sincere hope that the good lady will forward this sentiment to president-elect Trump, who most certainly would benefit from lessons in the bliss of coexistence now that he can stick his thumb on nuclear buttons. Some good, then, may come out of the sum of her otherwise unevolved statements on marriage and marital rape.

Manu S. Pillai is the author of The Ivory Throne: Chronicles Of The House Of Travancore. Medium Rare is a weekly column on society, politics and history.

October 14, 2014

'Love jihad': War on romance in India (Neha Dixit)

aljazeera.com

'Love jihad': War on romance in India
Hindu right-wing groups run campaign against what they say is Muslim conspiracy to convert Hindu girls into Islam.

Neha Dixit Last updated: 14 Oct 2014 16:08

Right-wing groups recently protested against what they said was a Muslim conspiracy to convert Hindu girls [EPA]

Sarawa, India - A young Indian woman who had claimed in August that she was abducted, gang-raped, and forcefully converted to Islam for marriage has retracted her statement, saying she was under pressure from her family, according to the police.

On Monday, the 20-year-old girl appeared before senior police officials in the northern Indian city of Meerut and said she was forcefully confined by her parents who objected to her relationship with a Muslim youth named Kaleem Sheikh.

The girl identified as "S" - she cannot be named as per Indian law - said she feared for her life and sought police custody, in a blow to a "love jihad" campaign run by Hindu right-wing groups.

The police, on Tuesday, lodged a case of assault and the threat to murder against the girl's parents.

A total of eight people, including Kaleem, were arrested after the girl's family filed a police case in August, as right-wing groups protested against what they said was a case of "love jihad" - a Muslim conspiracy to convert Hindu girls.

See, my life is over. Wherever I live, I will always be taunted about this whole incident. They say that my body and womb is impure

Sarawa woman at the centre of controversy

Leaders from India's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its affiliate groups such as Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad or World Hindu Council) ran a campaign against what they said was a ploy used by Muslims to seduce Hindu girls, make them believe that they were in love, get married and convert them to Islam. Hindu right-wing groups have also claimed that Muslim boys are financially rewarded for the conversions.

Shanthakaka, the head of Rashtra Sevika Samiti, the women's wing of the RSS, in an earlier interview said, "Muslim boys are encouraged to elope with our girls. The money they are paid to elope and marry a Hindu girl depends on the caste of the girl. The remuneration for Rajput girls is Rs 1 lakh ($1,635) and for Brahmin girls is Rs 2 lakhs ($3,270)."

The incident produced headlines calling it a "love jihad" campaign, further widening the Hindu-Muslim divide in the northern region of Uttar Pradesh state that witnessed deadly riots last year. More than 60 people were killed and thousands were displaced in the wake of violence in Muzaffarnagar district.

Al Jazeera met S on August 30 at her home where she confirmed her relationship with Kaleem, explained how he was wrongly framed and how she was facing immense harassment from her family.

We did not publish this conversation earlier fearing for the girl's safety, which has been taken care of by the court now.

Teacher at Madrassa

S, a petite and confident girl, has a degree in humanities and she has supported her family financially since the age of 15 by tutoring students.

Last year, in the final year of her studies, she decided to take up a job as a teacher in Sultania madrassa, one of four Muslims religious schools in Sarawa, a village of 7,000 people almost equally divided between Hindus and Muslims. It is common in North Indian madrassas to have Hindu teachers or students. S earned a salary of Rs 1,200 ($20) for eight months before quitting in April to take her final exams.

Religion does not matter. He had no problem with me continuing with Hinduism and visiting temples after marriage.

Sarawa woman at the centre of controversy

S' father worked as a roadside bag seller in New Delhi's busy Lajpat Nagar market as there was little economic opportunity in the sugarcane belt nearly 80km from India's capital.

Kaleem, 23, belonged to Uldhan village located 10km from Sarawa. S said she met Kaleem through a mutual friend.

"When I first met him, he told me that he liked me and wanted to be friends with me. It did bother me that he was a Muslim but he was so caring and appreciative of me that I started meeting him more," S told Al Jazeera.

In a few months, Kaleem and S fell in love. "He asked me: 'Don't you think we should move ahead in life. Maybe get married?' I agreed."

But inter-religious marriages are still a taboo in the region.

"By now, it did not matter to me. He had even told me that I can continue to practise Hinduism and visit temples even after we get married," S told Al Jazeera.

Abortion

In July, she noticed she had unusual bleeding during her menstrual cycle. But when she consulted a doctor, she was told that she was pregnant.

"The doctor told me that I had an ectopic pregnancy and it had to be removed immediately. We could only afford a government hospital. Kaleem and I registered as husband and wife and the surgery was conducted."

Kaleem, according to S, spent his own money on the surgery.

S' pregnancy and subsequent abortion were not a unusual incident. The statistics collected by IIPS, a public health organisation, show that 21 percent of males and four percent of females in rural areas admitted to having had pre-marital sex.

She came home after the surgery on July 27, but her mother soon found sutures on her body and all hell broke loose.

When S could not bear the taunts at home, the only immediate solution was marriage to Kaleem. Before it could materialise, however, the family found out about her plans. It was not tough to garner support in the already charged Sarawa community.

Her father, with help from right-wing outfits such as Hindu Jagran Manch and Bajrang Dal went to the police. Among those falsely charged was the newly elected pradhan, Nawab, who has been in jail since then.

Earlier this year, Nawab changed the small gate of a local mosque to a bigger one which led to communal tensions in the village.

Since the case became public, several Hindu religious outfits have set up "fronts" like the RSS' Hindu Behen Beti Bachao Sangarsh Samiti and the RSS' student wing ABVP's Meerut Bachao Manch to stop inter-religious, by-choice marriages which they have termed "love jihad".

Inter-religious marriages

Lalit Maheshwari, the head of the VHP's Muzaffarnagar unit, earlier told Al Jazeera: "Once BJP comes to power, they will push towards a law to stop inter-caste and inter-religious marriages."

Kaleem, who has been in jail for the past two months, has not received enough support from his own community.
Activate: Revolutionary daughters

When Al Jazeera tried to meet Kaleem, his lawyer, at the behest of his family, refused to facilitate it. A member of his family said: "We have nothing to do with him," not because of the fictitious allegations of "love jihad", but because of the Muslims' prohibition on pre-marital sex and by-choice marriages.

In fact, a month after this case, Muzaffarnagar was rocked by a case of what some Muslim religious leaders have called "reverse love jihad" or the Hindu Dharma yuddha, when they alleged that a Hindu man had forced a Muslim girl to convert and elope with him.

S told Al Jazeera that she wanted "justice".

"See, my life is over. Wherever I live, I will always be taunted about this whole incident. They say that my body and womb is impure now I want to have a face-to-face conversation with Kaleem to know what he wants. See, when you are in love with someone, you are equally responsible. If we are wrong, we both should be punished. Why should I let him suffer all his life for nothing?"

Fearful of "honour killing", she said: "Had I not gone to the police, they would have killed me."

She was insistent on her decision to marry Kaleem.

"Yes, I will. Religion does not matter. He had no problem with me continuing with Hinduism and visiting temples after marriage. Whose religion is bad? No one's. It is us who have divided people as Hindus and Muslims but actually we all are one."

Follow Neha Dixit on Twitter: @nehadixit123

July 29, 2014

Book Review: Kale on Menon Women of the Hindu Right



Everyday Nationalism: Women of the Hindu Right in India
Kalyani Devaki Menon

232 pages | 2010
University of Pennsylvania Press
http://www.upenn.edu/pennpress/book/14671.html

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See Book Review from H Net

Kalyani Devaki Menon. Everyday Nationalism: Women of the Hindu Right in India. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010. 224 pp. $49.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8122-4196-9.

Reviewed by Sunila Kale (University of Washington International Studies Department)
Published on H-Asia (May, 2011)
Commissioned by Sumit Guha

Kale on Menon Women of the Hindu Right

In Everyday Nationalism: Women of the Hindu Right in India, Kalyani Devaki Menon provides us with a rich ethnographic account of the mechanisms, tactics, and ideologies by which Hindu nationalist organizations build their support among Indian women in the communities in and around India’s national capital, Delhi. The subject matter continues to be timely, for despite the sidelining of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party from the center stage of national politics in India, Hindu nationalism in its cultural, social, as well as political variants continues to thrive in India.[1] The focus in this book on women is equally welcome as part of a larger body of scholarship that seeks to disaggregate the Hindu nationalist movement to understand how its various constituents operate alongside and sometimes against each other.

Menon conducted a year-long ethnography among individuals working in the Delhi chapters of several Hindu nationalist organizations: the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, the women’s organization directly linked to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh; the Durga Vahini and Matri Shakti, women’s organizations related to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad; the Mahila Morcha, the women’s affiliate of the Bharatiya Janata Party; and Sewa Bharati, a social service organization that in Delhi concentrates mostly on providing educational and vocational training to Delhi’s poor urban communities. Her sustained interactions with forty-five women and ten men in the movement take her from ordinary chapter meetings to specialized retreats and nationalist rallies full of incendiary speeches. Her ethnography among her mostly middle-class and upper-caste participants attends to “the everyday constructions of ideology and politics through which activists garner support at the grassroots level.” To this end, she looks at how individual members and organizations use “history, religion, politics, and social work to articulate the everyday fears, desires, needs, and interests of diverse groups with the movements goals” (p. 5).

While Menon is interested in the pluralism of the Hindu nationalist movement itself, a quality that rests at the heart of the movement’s “expansionary strategies” (p. 5), her potentially more significant contribution is the examination of moments when individuals become what she calls “dissonant subjects,” transgressing the norms of the movement. In these moments, Menon sees an opportunity to examine “everyday acts that complicate our analysis of Hindu nationalist subjects” (p. 3), in particular the ability of movement leaders and movement structures to variously overlook, discipline, or incorporate dissonance. Menon engages these theoretical issues of Hindu nationalism’s pluralism and the role of dissonant subjects in her introductory chapter. The subsequent chapters are organized around the movement’s uses of historical narratives, the language of fear, a twinning of religious and political duty, volunteerism, and the use of games and fun. These are all examples of the common practices by which movement leaders inspire new recruits and instill a normative agenda, and Menon provides a valuable ethnographic snapshot of these everyday acts.

Menon notes that at times the normative emphasis among these women’s organizations is distinct from hegemonic Hindu nationalist discourses. Menon argues that it is through an accommodation of ideological or normative pluralism that the movement has been able to grow substantially among Indian women, as well as among other groups who might otherwise be alienated by rigidly enforced hegemonic and patriarchal norms. This is perhaps most clearly demonstrated in Menon’s analysis in chapter 1, where she takes up the subject of “everyday histories.” For example, in most dominant Hindu nationalist narratives, the seventeenth-century Maratha king Shivaji is valorized as the epitome of a righteous Hindu ruler and the progenitor of the modern Hindu nation. However, Menon finds that among the women of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, the figure of Jijabai, Shivaji’s mother, is the generative force for a newly awakened Hindu politics in the early seventeenth century, an “architect of the Hindu Nation” (p. 47). The stories that circulate around Jijabai underscore the central role of motherhood for Menon’s interlocutors, one that allows individual women to make a deep impact on public, political events through the private choices they make for themselves, and most importantly, for their children.

In chapters 2 and 3, Menon interrogates the uses of fear and insecurity in the garnering of new recruits and the justification of certain kinds of social work. For example, in one conversation with a member of Sewa Bharati, we hear the position that the Hindu nationalist movement’s education outreach among Delhi’s lower-income communities is essential to countering the threats that conversion poses from minority religions, particularly Christianity. In the subsequent chapter, Menon examines the productive uses made of fears of Pakistan during the Kargil war. In her analysis of the speeches of female ascetics like Sadhvi Rithambara, Menon argues that it is “their dual status as renouncers and as women that makes these sadhvis such effective voices for the values, morals, and politics of the movement” (p. 82).

While chapter 3 draws from her fieldwork experiences at rallies and other significant occasions, Menon’s book is strongest and most illuminating when it takes us into the everyday world of work and play. In chapter 4, Menon presents material from her fieldwork among women in social service organizations. In the first part of the chapter Menon accompanies two VHP social workers in their volunteer time in the obstetric and gynecology unit of one of Delhi’s government hospitals. The two women play critical mediating roles for the largely poor, illiterate, and inexperienced patient population seeking prenatal attention. They routinely serve as stenographers, helping patients to input information for hospital registration, and in some cases they function as triage nurses, determining which patients require attention and which will most likely be sent home by the hospital staff. Here we get a more grounded sense of the vital social work that is done by individuals and organizations of the Hindu Right and how this work connects to the expansion of the movement among new communities.

Chapter 5 shifts the focus to a singular event, a weekend retreat, or shivir, organized by the Rashtra Sevika Samiti with the imperative to recruit new members. Organized games and play, physical exercises and drills, lectures, prayer, and patriotic songs structure the day’s activities, all with the aim to position new recruits “toward the cultural politics of the movement” (p. 131). Games and play are particularly apt strategies to “disseminate these ideas because they are able to convey Hindu nationalist constructions of history, politics, and morality without raising the hackles of those who might otherwise disagree with them” (p. 155).

Menon gives us a very good sense of the ideology and practices of the organizations and individuals with whom she interacts. There are a few places, however, where the reader might have wished for additional or perhaps different kinds of information to make sense of the larger argument. Among the occasions in which members of the Hindu nationalist movement become dissonant subjects we have the opening vignette, in which Ela, a volunteer in Sewa Bharati, expresses the opinion that “it is meaningless” to build a temple to Ram “on the blood of so many Indians” (p. 1). This views sits at odds with Ela’s own family history in the RSS, her own long-standing association with Sewa Bharati, and the focal nature of the efforts to build a temple at the former site of the Babri Masjid for the Hindu nationalist movement over the last several decades. Similarly, we hear that another Hindu nationalist, Vimla, doubts the authenticity of female renunciates, who merely “have to look spiritual” (p. 102) to be granted a life of wealth and luxury. Again, given sadhvis’ privileged position of deference and authority in the movement, and their importance to some of the arguments of Menon’s book, Vimla’s views seem jarring.

Menon’s focus on dissonance in the introductory chapter of the book alerts the reader to pay closer attention to the narratives of such moments, and her theoretical survey of this concept is valuable and provocative. However, as the book unfolds, its rich ethnographic documentation geared toward “dissonance” is not supplemented by a continued engagement with this vital idea. While episodes of dissonance like the ones described above are inherently interesting, there seems to be less rigorous pursuit of the questions surrounding these moments: How do individuals themselves understand their transgression of the movement’s norms? Are there potentially more radical consequences to this dissonance? Could such moments of dissonance constitute the germ for a potential subversion of hegemonic positions? Menon’s book comes at a time when the broad swath of the Hindu Right is in a moment of reinvention, and this work is therefore timely and important in this context. It is an important contribution to the discussion of Hindu nationalism, and its emphasis on the everyday practices of nationalist organizations helps to clarify the movement’s expansion outside of its early upper-caste and middle-class support base into lower-caste and lower-class communities and especially through gender as both a dissonant and a resonant category of experience for members of the Hindu Right. Menon has given us a rich view of women in the Hindu Right of northern India, and whatever questions she leaves unanswered are perhaps stimulants for new research agendas.

Note

[1]. In the 2009 Indian parliamentary elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party won 116 seats, enough to secure its position as the second largest political party after the centrist Indian National Congress, which won 206 seats. The BJP has a substantial political following in a number of state governments as well. Among the most populous states where it functions either as the sole party in power or as a coalition partner are Gujarat, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, and Jharkhand.

June 15, 2013

"Ghar Wapsi" [Homecoming] and the Not-so-veiled Threat of the Sangh Parivar (John Dayal)

[. . .]
I have had occasion to document Ghar Wapsi events in various villages of Orissa, and not just in Kandhamal, where the process has involved shaving off the head of men and women, their purification through a mixture of cowdung and cow urine, the chanting of mantras around the fire and, wherever possible, the burning of “alien” books such as the Bible. Colleagues, who have documented the Ghar Wapsi organised by former BJP Minister and strongman Dilip Singh Judeo, speak of how his armed cadres—armed with bows and arrows as much as with modern guns—would surround the place and keep watch while he “initiated” the Christians into the Hindu fold.

My own observations after field studies are of Ghar Wapsi as a movement that uses armed force and violence, certainly the threat of violence, towards a conversion of neo-Christians to Hinduism.

It cannot be called a homecoming because the tribals do not accept Hinduism as a default language, and over the past years, there has been a vigorous movement among those of them who are not Christians to assert their roots in the Sarna and other indigenous religions. The 2011 census was slightly better than the 2001 census in allowing some space for indigenous religions to have their voice heard as opposed to the past when they were all routinely lumped under the Hindu label. This lacuna still remains in law and the BJP ruled States list all so-called “Indic” religions as Hindus. The matter needs to be taken to one of the superior courts in the interests of constitutional provisions for freedom of faith and belief guaranteed to every Indian citizen.

The Ghar Wapsi activities also encourage lumpen elements and smaller organised village level groups to gather strength and demand homogenisation in the villages. This is not a simple matter and has in it the seeds of future violence in rural groups deeply divided on the basis of a new, militant version of Hinduism.

http://www.sacw.net/article4747.html

January 19, 2013

Brainwashed to defend patriarchy: Wisdom on women from a Rashtriya Sevika Sangh camp

From: Outlook Magazine, | Jan 28, 2013





AP
Women are from Mars too Sevikas adore the Rani of Jhansi
Sangh parivar: women

Holier Than Cow

Wisdom on women from a Rashtriya Sevika Sangh camp











Last fortnight saw two debuts: One, the nation for the first time thronged the streets on the issue of gender. Two, RSS Supremo Mohan Bhagwat’s moment of epiphany was well timed, like never before, for the nation to reflect upon his misogyny and sexism. Bhagwat, within a span of three days, came up with two significant statements: a rapist prefers ‘Indian’ women over ‘Bharatiya’ women and a woman must satisfy her husband for food, shelter and protection. The Rashtra Sevika Samiti, the RSS’s women wing, with 55,000 shakhas all over the country, not just ascribe to the above tenets but also holds camps and indoctrinates thousands of girls-toddlers, adolescents and old- to propagate the idea of a ‘culturally sanitised’ Hindu rashtra and the patriarchal roles it offers women to conform.

The rubber slippers were neatly lined outside the assembly hall. Thirty eight pairs, I counted. The multi-coloured chalks decorated the blackboard, next to the shut door, that announced, ‘12th December, Swadeshi Diwas, Akhil Bhartiya Pracharika Abhyas Varg, Sambhajinagar.’ This, one of the many, three day training camp for the Pracharikas of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti commenced just a day before Gujarat went to polls. A sudden cacophony of hurried footsteps broke the silence, that was powerfully guarded by the hillocks of Jatwada village twenty five km from Aurangabad district for Arya Chanakya Vidyadham, the venue for the this training camp.

Three black dots appeared in the corridor where I was waiting. They were three women.. Sunita, the first dot was the organiser of the camp in her early forties, ran to the hall to instruct the pracharikas to maintain silence. Shanthakaka, the Pramukh Sanchalika of the Samiti, and Sharad Renu, the Bauddhik pramukh tried to match the fast steps of Suresh ‘Bhaiyyaji’ Joshi, the general secretary of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Bhaiyyaji was here to train the pracharikas over the next three days. Shanthakaka’s authority reflected in her salt and pepper hair and double chin, Sharda’s stoic face changed with a flush of reverence and submission. Bhaiyyaji entered the hall, grabbed the microphone and said, “ Gaiy jab ghas khaati hai to apne bacche ke liye baandh kar nahin laati magar ek mahila kuch bhi khaati hai to apne parivar ke liye baandh kar lati hai. Is antar ko pehchaano. Yahi ek mahila ki shakti hai ( A cow does not pack grass after she finishes grazing but a woman packs some part of it for her family to bring it back home. Identify this difference. This is the strength of a woman.)” While motherhood is taught as the absolute objective for a woman , it is this subordination of Shanthakaka and her battalion of Samiti whole timers to be indoctrinated by a man with alacrity, is what establishes the existence of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, India’s largest right wing women’s organisation.

Shantakaka and Pramilatai (left and centre) at a meeting of the Rashtriya Sevika Samiti held recently in Nagpur.
Even though the RSS was founded in 1925, when women were already active in all shades of anticolonial movements-nonviolent as well as revo­lutionary extremism-it did not even develop a women's front for the next eleven years. Lakshmibai Kelkar, known as ‘mausiji’, the mother of a Maharashtrian RSS veteran, had approached Dr. Keshav Bali­ram Hegdewar, the founder and leader of the RSS, many times in the early thirties for the admission of women, but he was not responsive. At last in 1936 he agreed to her proposal and advised her to set up a separate women's wing. The Samiti was formed with intention to create awareness among women about their cultural and social responsibilities. Replicating the RSS schedule, the women are trained in the Hindutva idealogy and paramilitary through shakhas, vargs, yoga and discussions.

“Mausiji lived next to my mausi’s house, where I grew up, in Nagpur. Mausiji was touring the region with her son to spread the network of Samiti Shakhas. Her idea of worshipping Devi Ashtabhuja drew me to the Samiti. Devi Ashtabhuja is a symbol of realisation of Hindu women’s image. That of a woman’s chastity, purity, boldness and sacrifice. Above all, a woman has the divine power of womanhood who can nurture a character based society, ”says 83 year old Pramila Medhe fondly known as Pramila Tai. She is the oldest member of the Samiti and has served with all the four Pramukh Sanchalikas and has been a Samiti Pracharika (whole-timer) for the last sixty years. Epitomising the tenets laid down for a samiti pracharika, Pramila Tai is a celibate like the pracharaks of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.

The position of Pramila Tai, as a pracharika in the Samiti is a prestigious one. With a high level training in paramilitary and the Hindutva ideology, they are expected to take on the responsibility to move into new and sometimes remote areas to spread the message. Chastity heightens their iconic status for it is deeply associated in Hinduism with notions of spirituality, purity. These qualities also make these women reliable spokes­persons for the future Hindu rashtra sons for the future Hindu rashtra (nation). Renunciation-both sexual and material--exercises enor­mous moral force within the parameters of Hinduism. Immaculately dressed in a pink cotton nine yard Maharashtrian saree and a spotless, crisp white blouse, she gestures me to eat the freshly plucked custard apples as she goes on to explain the basic values and the purpose behind forming the Samiti and the role of a pracharika. “Pracharikas pledge their lives to the making of the hindu rashtra instead of running towards material and domestic bliss. Once we commit ourselves to the cause, it is the Samiti’s responsibility to take care of our well being. In that process we need to learn to live humbly and simultaneously train ourselves to be strong enough to travel to villages, often alone and use public transport like bus, trains etc.” Once the pracharikas are trained, they establish new shakhas in their areas and train other sevikas in physi­cal or intellectual skills and organize campaigns.

It is important to note that the name Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh means ‘Nationalist Volunteers’. In contrast, the term Rashtra Sevika denotes women who serve the nation. This difference in the meaning does hint at the conventional humble service that is expected of a sacrificial woman. The sense of autonomy and self-choice that are associated with the word "volunteer" are notably missing.

The pracharikas are categorically told that the difference between the Rashtra Sevika Samiti and other women’s organisation is that unlike others they do not fight for women’s rights, instead they fight to create a Hindu rashtra. With the ‘bhagwa’ (saffron) flag for guru, the Samiti believes that the Indian women already enjoy equal rights in an egalitarian Hindu rashtra. “It is the western women who had fight for their rights in the 1920s unlike us,” says Tai emphatically. When I ask her how possible is it in a patriarchal society like India where women are expected to conform to the subordination, she is outraged and echoes the same ‘social contract’ Mohan Bhagwat talked about last week, “We are not feminists, we are familists. We believe in ‘dampatya’ (conjugality) where a man and a woman together need to bring up a family.” . The Samiti does not confront them with the larger problems of their socially exploited sisters, so that the Hindutva women are never forced to choose between gender and their own class/caste privileges. It keeps them tied to family interests and ideology while spicing their lives with the excitement of a limited but important public identity.

RSS chief Bhagwat’s views on domestication of women are echoed in the meek role its women’s wing has adopted. (Photograph by Narendra Bisht)
The gong rings and pracharikas break for lunch. I am invited to join them as they sit in queues, legs folded, waiting for their turn to be served food by the volunteers. That is when I got a chance to interact with Sunita, the organiser of the camp. Sunita, originally from Aurangabad was sent to the Northeast to organise shakhas and mobilise women to join the Samiti. Her posting was a follow up to the Nellie massacre in Assam in 1983 where the Bangladeshi muslims and Assamese Muslims of Bengali origin were targetted as ‘outsiders’ by the locals. Official records suggest that over 1800 people died and several injured. The report submitted by the Tiwari Commission in 1984 was never made public by the government. “I have been working there for the last 25 years under difficult circumstances battling the Muslim and Christian invasions.” Conflict areas like the Northeast, often ignored by the Indian state, sometimes for their remoteness and mostly because of cultural alienation are the breeding grounds for indoctrination. Kokrajhar, an Assam district, recently in news for communal riots has been at receiving end of the tensions between the locals and the Muslims, who have to keep proving their East Bengal origins. With increased competition for livelihood, land and political power has led to frequent violence in this district due to its geographical proximity to Bangladesh.

In 2008, in an exact replica of the recent violence in Kokrajhar in July this year, Bodos-minority community violence killed 100 people and displaced nearly 200,000.Twenty eight year old Karabi’s house was also burnt and she lived in the refugee camps for the next three months. “The food was limited, there was no place to even sleep. My family was dispersed and my mother died during the riots. The camp was infiltrated by the Bangladeshi immigrants. It is then when I met Sunita didi. She took me to the Samiti shivir where I learnt how to fight for my rights and to take away what is mine.” Karbi, originally from the Bodo tribe is now a carrier of the Hindu religion in Assam. Roma Chakraborty, a Grahini sevika (part-timer) who joined the Samiti in 2009 after retiring from her job at a local power grid, is helping Karbi organise bal shivirs in Silchar district in Assam. They are required to travel to all the tribal villages in the state and distribute Hindu literature, lockets, pamphlets. According to them, travelling to muslim villages in particularly difficult. “By the end of January 2013, we wish to see photographs of Bharat mata in each household in this area.” says Roma. The increasing conversions to Christianity in Arunachal Pradesh is another threat that needs to be tackled. “The christians have money and thats how they are luring the tribals and converting their faith.” To fight this, 13 pracharikas from Assam have travelled to train themselves at the camp. Roma also hints at a joint action that is being planned by the samiti along with the RSS to stop the Bangladeshis to cross the border and stay in the refugee camps at Kokrajhar.

The bal shivirs, Karbi and Roma are set to organise, are popular tools to inculcate ideas and cognitive Hindutva strategies in the kids. These kids, often in the age group of 5 to 8, attend camps of different durations ranging from one day to three day organised by the Samiti. “Isn’t it better if they learn ‘Bharat desh, mera desh, meri mata aur pranesh, meri jaan, mere praan, Bharat mata ko qurbaan’ instead of ‘Baba black sheep, have you any wool’, says Radha Mehta, Delhi Prant Karyavahika. The malleable minds of these kids are worked upon through games, patriotic songs, arts and crafts workshops to teach the importance and the need of a Hindu rashtra. “We make them draw Lord Ram, Rani Laxmibai and Lotus flower and make them curious enough to ask about these figures,” she adds. Door to door campaigns and counselling of the families helps them convince the parents to send their kids for the camps. Lure of free food and clothing are often reasons enough that these kids become regulars at these camps, the importance of which is best realised in conflict zones like the Northeast, poverty stricken areas like Vidarbha or the ghettos in metros like New Delhi that accommodate the migrants from the villages.

Another training camp targeted at the adolescents is called the kishori varg. In Delhi alone, last year over 250 girls attended the 15 day camp. Door to door campaigns, targeting young girls who hit puberty and thereafter are engaged in ideological discourses about Hindutva and paramilitary exercises like sword fighting and martial arts. The social base of the women of the Hindu Right, however, is easily identified as overwhelmingly upper caste, middle class, and urban. When I ask Radha, sitting in the drawing room of her West Delhi home, with the embellishments accordingly matched to her maroon velvet sofa and cushions, about the socio-economic status of these girls who attend the camps, she is evasive, “ We get volunteers from all classes. There are several migrant families near our office in Paharganj. And then there are girls from areas like Chandni Chowk from ‘well to do’ families.” At this point, it is interesting to note that in the last elections in the Chandni Chowk constituency in New Delhi in 2009, it was recorded that the Muslim electorate went down from 40 percent to 13.38 percent with a 62 percent Hindu population, mostly dominated by OBCs and SCs. Inducing the alacrity in the parents to send the daughters to the kishori vargs is lined with initial complications. “People are often apprehensive about sending their daughters to the camp because they think like the pracharikas, their daughters too will opt out of a family life,” says Roma.

Game theory Indian sports are encouraged at women’s camps
Dressed in a salwar kameez, with the dupatta slung across one shoulder and tied on waist diagonally, she was serving food and refilling the pracharikas’s plates at the Aurangabad camp in the most efficient manner. Supriya Hattekar, 22, has been associated with the Samiti since she was 12. When I sit her down and ask her where is she from, she emphatically says, “Sambhajinagar.” In January, 2011, the ruling Shiv Sena in Aurangabad passed a resolution to rename the city to ‘Sambhajinagar’. Several centuries ago, the city was named Aurangabad after the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb whose mortal remains are buried in the city. The city has almost 60 percent Muslim population. Supriya is a student of Master of Computer Application and aspires to become a software engineer. “Besides unemployment, there are two major problems that need to be addressed”, she says. “One is that young girls must be stopped from putting their pictures on social networking websites like Facebook. They risk their honour and then their pictures are morphed into nude ones and circulated. They invite blackmailing by this. Secondly, when girls are eve teased, they are scared to talk about it for the fear of defamation. There is a need for a body which these girls can approach to avoid this.” It reverberates the misogynist comments like that of BJP leader Sushma Swaraj who described a rape survivor as a ‘zinda laash’ (corpse). To add to that it also reminds of the fatwa issued by Madarsa Manzar-e-Islam of Dargah Aala Hazrat, an organisation of Sunni Muslim clerics, last month who termed as 'haraam' the uploading of photos on the internet for matrimonial purpose and on social networking sites. Curiously but expectedly, the patriarchal idea of female honour, a commodity that needs to be protected, and the religious practice of putting the onus on women for being wronged are deeply manifested in Supriya’s notion of female values.

It is also significant that female-pattern violence is more often characterized by self-defense as opposed to male pattern violence. The body-centered practices for women have old and varied meanings and values within different currents of Hindu patriarchy. Supriya also volunteers to teach sword fighting and martial arts at the kishori vargs. These trainings can be witnessed at the training camps: elaborate, passionate drills with cries of ‘Jai Shiv Shankar’ and ‘Jai Maa Durga ki’ follow after each attack on the opponent. When I ask Pramila Tai, the purpose of training the girls in sword fighting in this day and age, she says, “I know it is obsolete. But it gives the girls a confidence that if an invader attempts to violate them, they can turn around and hit him hard with any object that comes handy.”

Muslim lust for the Hindu woman has been one of the staples of RSS propaganda and selective memories of rape during the Partition riots are well known.The ‘invader’ here is a direct reference to non-Hindus i.e. Muslims and Christians. From Savarkar's formative writings on Muslim rule in India, the stereotype of an eternally lustful Muslim male with evil designs on Hindu women has been reiterated. While the women are made to establish themselves as political subjects through an agenda of hatred and brutality against a besieged minority, it is love jehad that is seen as a crucial combat that they need to collectively and strongly engage in. Says Shanthakaka, “Muslim boys are encouraged to elope with our girls. The money they are paid to elope and marry a Hindu girl depends on the caste of the girl. The remuneration for Rajput girls is Rs one lakh and for Brahmin girls is Rs two lakhs.” Girls from lower castes are not seen as a good ‘catch’ neither does it bother the Samiti enough.

The kishori vargs are most potent tools to entangle seething teenage emotions with patriarchy. They propogate the idea of gendered spaces, curbing young questioning minds to aspire for domesticity and motherhood instead of independent, ambitious, liberated lives. Says Rekha, “ When the girls join the camp, they question us when we ask them not to wear western outfits like jeans or backless tops. They are told that it not our tradition to show the shape of our body parts. It takes time to make them understand the logic.” Comparatively, this may seem a lesser battle to fight. The Samitis regard higher education and professional careers for women as desirable, even though strictly conditional upon pa­rental consent. Not surprisingly, most pracharikas are graduates and postgraduates. However,the Samiti manual clearly mentions that ‘after marriage, a girl will have many responsibilities in her new home. It is not advisable for her to bring disquiet by refusing to compromise. If ordained by her fate, her husband will permit her to study.’ This stems from the clear understanding that domesticity is the sole purpose of a woman’s existence and that equilibrium has to maintained at all personal costs. Similarly, love marriage can only be allowed through parental consent.

Kemi Wahengbam, 26, has been a whole timer for the last two years. Originally from Manipur, her association with the Samiti dates back to when she was a teenager. Initially hostile and then hesitant to talk to me, she said, “ Our work is like sugar in water. You cannot understand it unless you taste it.” Kemi later reveals, “I grew up amidst the army rule, bombs, killings. Association with the Samiti was a welcome change. Religion not just gave my life a direction but also a chance to see the rest of the country.” Kemi has been posted in Gujarat for the last two years and under her tutelage at least 50 new girls have joined the Gujarat shakha. When I ask Kemi about the Gujarat riots and the killings of 2,000 Muslims she resorts to the age old definition of a riot, which is irrational, spontaneous violence, not once acknowledging the possibility of it being organised. She says, “It was a reaction. Hindus are very tolerant by nature. Hindu kings have even funded the construction of mosques and churches in this country. So clearly, during Gujarat 2002, all thresholds were crossed for the Hindus to turn so violent.” Kemi’s answer exposes the complicity of the Samiti in the riots and the violence against the Muslims in the way that involves their informed assent to the brutalities against Muslim women which involves gangrapes, slicing of their breasts and the tearing open of pregnant wombs. Refusing to talk to me further, Kemi leaves the dormitory, where the pracharikas were staying for the camp.

I turn to Sharda from Jabalpur. In her late twenties, Sharda has been a whole timer for five years. She tells me that apart from the shakhas, the Samiti also counsels women in their respective areas. There is a manual that is followed. When I ask her, “What advice would you give to a victim of wife beating?” she answers, “Don't parents admonish their children for misbehaviour? Just as a child must adjust to his/her parents, so must a wife act keeping in mind her husband's moods and must avoid irritating him. Only this can keep the family together.” Similarly, divorce is also a non option for women. She says, “our task is to keep the family together, not break it. We tell the women to adjust. Sometimes, we try counsel the husband too.”

Discussion in the Samiti are no mindless gestures but highly informed convictions. Knowledge and education are often used to vociferously debate contemporary issues in the light of Hindutva. The next session was to discuss such issues. FDI, the most recent point of opposition evoked passionate debates among pracharikas. Pramila Tai goes on to give an example, “Twenty years back, there were television commercials for food products that claimed that it is like ‘home-cooked food’. Now a days, the television commercials sell food products with a tagline that it is ‘restaurant-like’. Isn’t this an insult to women?” Her argument against capitalism is seen through the prism of the domesticated roles assigned to women. She adds, “Even when I may have ideological differences with Indira Gandhi, she took great care to meet the smallest of demands of her sons, Rajiv and Sanjay.” Live-in relationships are seen as an anomaly. “They do not guarantee legal rights to the women, neither do they provide the framework for a family and children to lead a normal life,” says Poonam, the pracharika from Delhi. She goes on to discuss homosexuality, “These days, western concepts like lesbianism have seeped into the Indian culture. They are destructive and abnormal.” Falling female sex ratio emerges as another talking point. Sharda, the bauddhik pramukh argues, “If the number of girls will go down, the number of Hindus will decrease. And it has been historically proven that whenever, the number of Hindus has gone down in this country, the nation has suffered a crisis.” In an ideology, where women are predominantly mothers who could help the Sangh cause most by rearing their children within the RSS framework of samskaras- a combination of family ritual and unquestioning deference toward patriarchy and religion, these responses are predictable. However, the areas of marriage, divorce, inheritance, sexuality, and reproductive rights in this context also define the place of women and assign them a subordinate status within the community. When I ask them about Hindu terrorism and Sadhvi Pragya, Tara from Panipat jumps to the defence of Hindutva, “She cannot be involved in such an incident. It is a conspiracy to malign Hinduism as a religion. The Samiti teaches the concept of ‘vasudev kutumbakam’. A Hindu can never be a terrorist. Terrorism in itself is an ‘American concept.’ She cannot harm on her own family members. What she did could have been a reaction.” I see this as an apt moment to bring in the age old debate about the Ram janmabhoomi and Babri Masjid. There is tense silence when Pramila Tai decides to take the lead. “The ASI has handed over evidence of the mandir. Inspite of that we have been suffering the humiliation of not being able to construct a mandir. When we demand it, we are branded as communal. Hindus have a history of tolerance. Unlike, in Russia where people demolished the statues of Lenin and Stalin, we have allowed mosques to exist that were built during Aurangzeb’s era. Instead of appreciating that we are denied our rights and are instead misinterpreted.”

In the company of such forthright women, it is only pertinent to ask why women still do not hold powerfully political positions in the country. Shathakaka answered,” We do not believe in satta. Parliament is simply a law producing machine. We believe in reforming the society which cannot happen through the weak foreign and economic policies of the political parties.”

No wonder, when compared to the women’s organisations of the Left like the All India Democratic Women’s Association, the Samiti has always taken a backseat in initiating social reform movements.

The Samiti has led a low­ priority, non innovative, routine-bound existence and it is that passivity and unquestioning attitude that is being indoctrinated in young girls through these camps. They are brainwashed with that Hindu nationalism that has always sought legitimacy in notions of female selflessness, sacrifice, and martyrdom. The image of a sustaining, nurturing commu­nity is then used to undercut all left attacks on political and social hierarchies-be it the demands of the states for greater autonomy or of the lower castes, classes, and women for equal rights and affirmative action.

It is in this light of the recent Delhi gangrape protests, the statements of a Mohan Bhagwat propagating patriarchy and blaming western attacks on family values as the reason of rape in the urban India and that of Asha Ram Bapu who said, “the woman could have been saved had she attempted to evoke brotherly sentiments in the six rapists,” that the Hindu right wings notions of a family need to be questioned. The Sevika Samiti, entangled in its own patriarchal values, will never attempt to don this mantle. Or get rid of its myopic vision to see that family values are no less corrupted by the corrosive effects of individualism, consumerism and injustice. As Pramila Tai says, “Women demand extra freedom at the cost of the family. This is destructive.” Instead it legitimises gender differences embodied in traditional attitudes. It never empowers women and alter gender relations in the household. In the Samiti, the women continue to be neither subjects of the democratic discourse, nor active participants in it, but the invisibilized site on which masculinist arguments about state transformation unfold.

A shorter, edited version of this appears in print