The Telegraph
|
Showing posts with label CPM. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CPM. Show all posts
January 18, 2024
January 04, 2024
India: Firm stance: Editorial on CPM’s Sitararam Yechury declining invitation to attend the Ram Mandir inauguration | The Telegraph
Firm stance: Editorial on CPM’s Sitararam Yechury declining invitation to attend the Ram Mandir inauguration
CPM, however, has made no bones about its reservations. Commenting on Sitaram Yechury’s decision to decline the invitation, the politburo, refreshingly, did not seek refuge in ambiguity
The Editorial Board Published 29.12.23, 07:28 AM
In the grey world of politics, invitations can transcend the realm of courtesy. This is because attending or skipping an event is often loaded with political and ideological significance. The responses of some members of the Opposition who have been recipients of the invitation to the forthcoming inauguration of the Ram temple point to the political factors at play. Mamata Banerjee and Sonia Gandhi, the leaders of the Trinamul Congress and the Congress, respectively, have not made it clear whether they are likely to grace the occasion. It is possible that they are anxious about the Bharatiya Janata Party utilising their presence at the inauguration for political gain in an election year. The Communist Party of India (Marxist), however, has made no bones about its reservations. Commenting on Sitaram Yechury’s decision to decline the invitation, the politburo, refreshingly, did not seek refuge in ambiguity. On the contrary, it made it clear that it stood against the exploitation of religion as a political instrument and accused the BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh of attempting to transform a religious ceremony into an ostensibly State event. The CPI(M) has a point. The presence of the prime minister, the face of the government, along with other political dignitaries is likely to blur the lines that are meant to separate a religious function from a State ceremony. The constitutional and legal spirit buttresses the politburo’s charge. In the constitutional template of governance, the State, as underlined by the Constitution and reiterated by the nation’s highest court, cannot have an expressly religious character. Jawaharlal Nehru, a staunch votary of the principle of secularism, had opposed gubernatorial attempts to involve the public exchequer and embassies in festivities related to the Somnath temple.
What is singular about the new republic is that this principle emphasising the insularity of the State from the Church has little political purchase. The BJP has reaped electoral dividends by politicising the Ram mandir: its inauguration is being curated by the party with the general elections in mind. The perverse triumph of religiosity in politics has meant that most political parties in India are interested in flirting with benign or rabid forms of majoritarianism. The Congress’s espousal of soft Hindutva in the recent elections in Madhya Pradesh is a case in point. It is heartening to note that the Left, an electoral lightweight at the moment, refuses to swim with the tide. Politics should ideally be a matter of principle.
May 29, 2022
India: Enforce Places of Worship Act Firmly - People's Democracy (May 29, 2022)
People's Democracy, May 29, 2022
DURING the Ramjanmabhoomi agitation, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and other Hindutva outfits had raised the slogan “Ayodhya sirf ek jhanki hai, Mathura or Kashi baaki hai”. This translated means “Ayodhya is just the beginning, Mathura and Kashi are left”.
After winning the battle to build the Ram temple at Ayodhya at the very spot where the Babri Masjid had stood, in less than two years after the foundation ceremony of the temple at Ayodhya was held, the same forces have begun the struggle for Kashi and Mathura. The targets are the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi and the Shahi Idgah in Mathura, which were built over temples existing there in the 17th century. That this had happened during the reign of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb is a historical fact.
For the RSS and the Hindutva forces, the priority is to set right the wrongs of history. By their jaundiced view of history, Muslim rule was slavery for Hindus and all the signs of this slavery have to be obliterated. The incipient mobilisation for the “capture” of Kashi and Mathura have begun even though the attempt has begun with legal challenges to the existence of the mosques in both places and to establish the legitimacy of the temples that stood there earlier.
This legal route has resulted in a spate of petitions in Varanasi and Mathura courts on the Kashi Vishwanath temple-Gyanvapi mosque complex and the Krishna Janmabhoomi temple-Idgah land. Alongside, petitions have been filed about existence of sculptures and idols of deities in Qutab Minar in Delhi, the Bhojshala complex in Madhya Pradesh and even the Taj Mahal in Agra.
It was to put an end to such divisive and regressive disputes that parliament had enacted the Places of Religious Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991 during the time of the Narsimha Rao government. Section 3 of the law expressly prohibits conversion of places of worship. It states in Section 4 (1) that the religious character of a place of worship existing on August 15, 1947 shall continue to be the same as it existed on that day. Further, Section 4 (2) bars the initiation of any fresh proceedings for the change of religious character of places of worship. It stipulates that any pending proceedings in this regard shall stand abated.
The exception given is to the Ramjanmabhoomi dispute which was already in the courts for litigation of the title suit.
In the case of the Gyanvapi mosque, the civil court in Varanasi had on the petition of five women seeking to worship at the ‘Maa Shringari Gauri’ idol within the mosque complex, ordered a videographic survey to be conducted of the mosque premises. This order goes against the Places of Religious Worship Act as it violates the provision that nothing should be done to question or undermine the existing character of the place of worship. The manner in which the survey was conducted was itself questionable. The report that a “Shivling” was found in the watertank within the compound of the mosque was also leaked to the media. The mosque authorities have asserted that the stone structure is a fountain.
When the mosque authorities approached the Supreme Court challenging the orders of the civil court and asking the apex court to disallow the petition as being violative of the Places of Worship Act, the court did not stay the videographic survey nor did it intervene to bar the petition as being violative of the Places of Religious Worship Act. Justice Chandrachud who headed the bench said that “ascertainment of the religious character of a place is not barred…by the Act”
Such an approach goes against the spirit of the judgement of the Supreme Court itself in its verdict on the Ayodhya dispute in 2019. The court in its judgement had stated:
“The law addresses itself to the State as much as to every citizen of the nation… The State, has by enacting the law, enforced a constitutional commitment and operationalised its constitutional obligations to uphold the equality of all religions and secularism which is part of the basic features of the Constitution. The Places of Worship Act imposes a non-derogable obligation towards enforcing our commitment to secularism under the Indian Constitution. The law is hence a legislative instrument designed to protect the secular features of the polity, which is one of the basic features of the Constitution… The Places of Worship Act is...a legislative intervention which preserves non-retrogression as an essential feature of our secular values.”
Given this clear exposition of the validity of the Places of Worship Act, it is disappointing that the Court did not firmly uphold the provisions of the Act and negate the proceedings on the petition at the civil court in Varanasi. Instead, the court directed that all the concerned petitions be heard by a senior judge at the district level, in this case the district judge of Varanasi. The exercise to ascertain the religious character of a place is opening the way for a flood of legal actions and its resultant impact on inter-community relations.
The situation has also got complicated by the connivance of some of the lower echelons of the judiciary in facilitating the legal challenges being mounted to alter the character of the religious places of worship in Kashi and Mathura. In Mathura, the district judge has rejected a decision of the lower court and allowed an appeal by the Srikrishna Janmabhoomi Trust and other bodies seeking ownership of the land on which the mosque was built. The judge has done so by taking recourse to a clause in the Act which states that the Act will not apply to appeals, statues and proceedings which were decided before commencement of the Act. The petition is challenging a compromise decree arrived in 1974 between the two parties representing the temple and mosque managements.
It is being noted by various commentators and political observers that the temple-mosque disputes are being stirred up at a time when the people are facing exorbitant price rise and other economic hardships, as a way to divert the attention of the people from their sufferings. Another political view is that grounds are being laid to raise such polarising issues which will yield dividends for the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.
While all this may be true, they miss the more deeper phenomenon – that the BJP-RSS combine is set to implement all aspects of the Hindutva agenda which is to remake India in its own Hindutva image.
The challenge is more fundamental than any electoral or political gambit. The sooner the forces opposed to the BJP realise this, it will be better for the country.
(May 25, 2022)
May 20, 2022
India: CPI(M) press Statement on the Gyanvapi Mosque Issue
May 19, 2022
Press Statement
The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the
following statement:
On Gyanvapi Mosque issue
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) expresses serious concern over the
fact that the District Court, Varanasi took an ill-considered decision to
allow videography under its supervision within the premises of the Gyanvapi
Mosque that has resulted in a situation which can be utilised by communal
forces.
The Supreme Court has now intervened in the matter and the CPI(M) demands
that the utmost caution be exercised and that no violation, in letter and
spirit, of the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991 takes
place. The Act came into existence precisely to ensure that such
controversies over religious places are avoided and that efforts to change
their existing character not be permitted.
[For CPI(M) Central Committee Office]
April 27, 2022
India: Kerala CPI(M) blasted on social media for parroting the RSS and the Catholic church on 'love jihad' it’s progressive image dented
|
Published 25.04.22, 12:08 AM
Until some time ago, it wouldn’t have raised any opposition in Kerala. It would have even been hailed as another right step forward. But today, religious groups not only publicly assume conservative positions but even the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the loudest claimant for Kerala’s progressive legacy, also gets caught on the wrong side. This is only the latest among Kerala’s many recent signs of stepping backwards.
Joisna Mary Joseph, a nurse in Saudi Arabia, had come on leave to her home in hilly Kodenchery in Kozhikode district in March. On April 9, she was found missing, according to her parents. Calls to her phone went unanswered. The parents registered a complaint with the local police. A few days later, Joisna appeared before the local court with M.S. Shejin and said they were in love and were about to marry. Joisna posted this later on her Facebook page too.
The affair became a major controversy in Kerala, with top leaders of political parties, religious organizations, and the media joining the fray. The reason? The religions to which Joisna and Shejin belonged. Joisna is a Christian — a Roman Catholic — and Shejin a Muslim. To add to the spice, Shejin happened to be an area-secretary of the Democratic Youth Federation of India, the CPI(M)’s youth wing. It triggered a row in the region, with local church leaders expressing apprehensions. They argued that Joisna was being held forcibly by Shejin with support from the ruling CPI(M) and Muslim groups. They suspected it was another case of ‘love jihad’, which Kerala’s Catholic church has been complaining about for long. Still, the affair didn’t evoke attention beyond the village, which had an equal presence of both Christians and Muslims.
But all hell broke loose when George M. Thomas, a prominent CPI(M) leader from the region, expressed displeasure over the affair. “Their elopement has hurt the relations between religions,” Thomas, a two-time CPI(M) legislator, told a news channel. Thomas even said that ‘love jihad’ was not non-existent in Kerala, although not to the extent claimed by organizations like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. He also added that in its internal documents circulated last September the CPI(M) had stated that girls in professional colleges were being lured by fundamentalist groups.
This kicked up huge headlines and the CPI(M) was blasted on social media for parroting the RSS and the Catholic church. Thomas was accused of being the CPI(M)’s bridge with the powerful Syro-Malabar Church and it was alleged that he had won elections with its support from the region, which was once a stronghold of the Congress and the Muslim community. Muslim organizations, too, went for the CPI(M)’s jugular. The next day, the CPI(M)’s Kozhikode district-secretary, P. Mohanan, launched a damage-control exercise. He said that Thomas’s comments on ‘love jihad’ were baseless and that the CPI(M) does not subscribe to them. “It was Thomas’s slip of the tongue. We firmly believe love jihad is completely the RSS’s propaganda.” At the same time, Mohanan said that Shejin, a CPI(M) member, should have informed the party before they lived together.
[ . . . ]
https://www.telegraphindia.com/opinion/poisoned-love/cid/1862088
April 20, 2022
India: CPM publicly censures ex-MLA in Kerala for comment against interfaith marriage
CPM publicly censures ex-MLA in Kerala for comment against interfaith marriage https://indianexpress.com/article/india/kerala/kerala-cpm-public-censure-george-thomas-love-jihad-7879101/
October 13, 2021
India: ‘Bengal CPM did not see BJP threat or communalism’ - Sobhan Lal Dattagupta in The Telegraph, Oct 13, 2021
"That the West Bengal CPM’s stand on BJP and Trinamul was at variance with the line of the central committee was made unambiguously clear by Sitaram Yechury in his recent statement and in the stand taken by the central leadership of the party. While these criticisms have led the West Bengal CPM to admit it was wrong to coin the “Bijemul” slogan and, thereby, virtually equate the TMC with the BJP, I’m not sure whether this necessarily is a sign of a serious rethinking within the party in West Bengal.
In
fact, this is related to a larger question. The West Bengal Left, in
general, has been prone to believe that the virus of communalism has
been predominantly absent from the Bengali psyche and that this is
explained by Bengal’s cultural heritage. Consequently, it has never
taken into consideration the apparently invisible undercurrent of
communalism that flows through the veins of the average Bengali.
This
led to a feeling of complacence in regard to the threat of the BJP and
its consequent underestimation. In other words, there is no use in
simply admitting that a mistake was committed unless appropriate
corrective measures are adopted.
As
regards the possibility of an all-India anti-BJP alliance where the TMC
and the Left can join hands, there is nothing unusual about it. This
can certainly happen because of the situational compulsion. The process
has already started at the central level although there are many knotty
issues to be resolved involving Congress-TMC-Left equations.", said Prof
Sobhanlal Datta Gupta in an interview to Telegraph.
‘Bengal CPM did not see BJP threat or communalism’
April 05, 2018
Press Release by CPI(M) on Communal Riots in Parts of West Bengal
CPI(M)
Condemning communal riots in parts of West Bengal
Date:
Thursday, March 29, 2018
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) currently in session in New Delhi has expressed deep shock and anguish over the continuing communal violence in parts of West Bengal. It has issued the following statement to the press:
Condemning Communal Riots in Parts of West Bengal
The communal disturbances in parts of West Bengal started with the violent manner in which Ram Navami was sought to be celebrated by the RSS-led organizations and BJP. The communal incidents started with Arsha in Purulia, Kakkinada in North 24 Parganas and then spreading to Raniganj and Asansol in West Burdwan district. In each of these, the armed Ram Navami procession triggered the sequence of tensions with indiscriminate violence, looting, arson leading to deaths of several people. Till now, officially, four deaths have occurred. In Raniganj, a senior police official’s hand has been blown away in the armed violence. It is clear that West Bengal which had a track record of communal harmony and riot-free social environment stands blemished.
Last year itself, for the first time, arms like swords, trishuls and choppers were displayed in the Ram Navami celebration with even under-aged children brandishing these arms. This year, in a conciliatory gesture, the state government allowed the processions and the display of arms. Not only that, in keeping with the spirit of competitive communalism, the cooperation of the TMC and administration was even more blatant with the ruling party itself giving a call for joining the celebration with the TMC and BJP-RSS leaders jointly participating in the programmes in several places. This is part of the vicious attempts at communal polarization spearheaded by the Hindutva forces elsewhere in the country. The policies of appeasement of communal forces by the TMC and the ineptitude of the State administration has led to this lethal strike by these forces.
The CPI(M) demands urgent action by the state government to take appropriate measures to restore normalcy and peace. The CPI(M) also appeals to all peace-loving sections of the people to firmly oppose this murderous campaign. The CPI(M) also appeals to other Left and democratic forces to come out on the streets and articulate the concern for peace and harmony. When forces running the Central and the State Government have actively contributed to this communal conflagration, it is the people themselves, who cherish peace, unity and brotherhood, must come forward to collectively meet this challenge.
Condemning communal riots in parts of West Bengal
Date:
Thursday, March 29, 2018
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) currently in session in New Delhi has expressed deep shock and anguish over the continuing communal violence in parts of West Bengal. It has issued the following statement to the press:
Condemning Communal Riots in Parts of West Bengal
The communal disturbances in parts of West Bengal started with the violent manner in which Ram Navami was sought to be celebrated by the RSS-led organizations and BJP. The communal incidents started with Arsha in Purulia, Kakkinada in North 24 Parganas and then spreading to Raniganj and Asansol in West Burdwan district. In each of these, the armed Ram Navami procession triggered the sequence of tensions with indiscriminate violence, looting, arson leading to deaths of several people. Till now, officially, four deaths have occurred. In Raniganj, a senior police official’s hand has been blown away in the armed violence. It is clear that West Bengal which had a track record of communal harmony and riot-free social environment stands blemished.
Last year itself, for the first time, arms like swords, trishuls and choppers were displayed in the Ram Navami celebration with even under-aged children brandishing these arms. This year, in a conciliatory gesture, the state government allowed the processions and the display of arms. Not only that, in keeping with the spirit of competitive communalism, the cooperation of the TMC and administration was even more blatant with the ruling party itself giving a call for joining the celebration with the TMC and BJP-RSS leaders jointly participating in the programmes in several places. This is part of the vicious attempts at communal polarization spearheaded by the Hindutva forces elsewhere in the country. The policies of appeasement of communal forces by the TMC and the ineptitude of the State administration has led to this lethal strike by these forces.
The CPI(M) demands urgent action by the state government to take appropriate measures to restore normalcy and peace. The CPI(M) also appeals to all peace-loving sections of the people to firmly oppose this murderous campaign. The CPI(M) also appeals to other Left and democratic forces to come out on the streets and articulate the concern for peace and harmony. When forces running the Central and the State Government have actively contributed to this communal conflagration, it is the people themselves, who cherish peace, unity and brotherhood, must come forward to collectively meet this challenge.
February 05, 2018
India: By foreclosing any possibility of a united electoral challenge to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, the communist party only strengthens Hindutva communalism
scroll.in, 5 February 2018
CPI(M) has proved to be a ‘useful idiot’ for BJP by rejecting alliance with Congress | Aniket Alam
By foreclosing any possibility of a united electoral challenge to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, the communist party only strengthens Hindutva communalism.
One could argue that despite socio-economic conditions in India being conducive for its politics, the Left regularly manages to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. Indeed, the manner in which the central committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) recently rejected any possibility of a united electoral front against Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party suggests we are in for a repeat show of that most successful play of the communists: “historic blunder”.
This time the battle pivots on one word: “understanding”. Should there be any room left for electoral understanding between the parties opposed to the BJP so that the anti-Modi vote does not split? Shorn of all verbiage, the majority in the CPI(M)’s leadership believes that 15 months before the next general election, the very possibility of such a united front needs to be firmly closed. For any party invested in an electoral battle, or for that matter in any political contest, this does not make sense. The only sensible tactic is to keep all options open until the end and maximise the potential from all possibilities of victory.
There is consensus within the CPI(M) on two points, as indeed within almost any group opposed to the Modi government. One, that the BJP is a clear and present danger to the Indian republic, which is less than perfect but enshrines the ideals of democracy, justice, secularism and socialism for which we strive. Two, that another term for the present dispensation would mean the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the BJP’s parent organisation, would push its agenda of Hindu Rashtra – an authoritarian, anti-secular, anti-democratic nation – much further, perhaps irreversibly.
The debate is about how to prevent this. Can there be an understanding with the Congress to prevent opposition votes from splitting and handing the BJP a victory? This happened in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly election in 2017 when the non-communal vote was split and enabled the saffron party to win an unprecedented number of seats. It appears that Prakash Karat, the former general secretary of the CPI(M), has convinced enough of his comrades that irrespective of whether the split in opposition votes hands the BJP victory in 2019, there can be no possibility of “any understanding” with the Congress.
This position has been dressed up in complex argumentation and claims to some form of ideological and political purity among communist parties. In reality, it is merely another version of Arun Shourie’s (in)famous line that the BJP is merely Congress plus cow; that there is basically no difference between the two parties. In the language of India’s communist parties, these are both “ruling class parties” with little to differentiate them. In other words, tweedledee and tweedledum. Looking at independent India’s political history, it is clear that this formulation has only helped the BJP gain respectability. The perception that it is merely a more Hindu version of the Congress has allowed the Hindutva party to regularly divide its opponents and, more dangerously, to ally with non-communal parties in the name of anti-Congressism.
Historic blunder
Interestingly, this “Congress and BJP are the same” formulation did not stop the Left from having an understanding with the Hindutva party to defeat the Congress in 1977 or in 1989; the latter time at the height of the BJP’s campaign to demolish the Babri Masjid. Somehow, this equating of the Congress and the BJP has mostly stopped the communists from forming a united front against Hindutva fascists, it has rarely stopped them from coming together with the latter.
In any case, at no point in India’s history has this “Congress and BJP are the same” line been reasonable. A comparison with Pakistan, where Muslim communalism – Hindutva’s twin – has been in power since 1947, would show how absurd this equation of the Congress with Hindu nationalism has been. One has led to an imperfect but democratic republic, the other has led to a society deeply divided by religious fundamentalism, oppressed by military rule, and with a weak democracy. An unbending anti-Congress position perhaps made sense for the communists when the Congress was the “natural party of government”. It is not any more, and deploying political tactics from 1977 in 2017 is not merely anachronistic and silly, but opens the door for the political consolidation of the most bigoted, authoritarian, criminal and incompetent government independent India has seen.
The record of the previous United Progressive Alliance government, led by the Congress, also belies this false equivalence between the Congress and the BJP. Coming after six years of BJP rule, it delivered massive improvement on every social, political and economic indicator. Despite regular parliamentary obstructions by the BJP, the UPA’s decade in power saw some of the most progressive pieces of legislation and policies in the history of independent India put in place. In the given global context, it was a classic social democratic government that empowered people and widened the ambit of rights, while also helping the private sector prosper. This does not mean there were no blemishes, but given all its shortcomings, the UPA was a giant step forward towards a progressive India. The last two Congress presidents, Sonia Gandhi and now Rahul Gandhi, have been consistently pushing a rights-based social democratic agenda.
The Left, in which the CPI(M) was then the largest constituent, played a crucial role in formulating and deepening the UPA’s progressive agenda. The UPA is proof that a coming together of the Congress and the Left is not just feasible, it can play a crucial role in shaping a progressive, secular and pro-people agenda to unite the broadest sections of the Indian population to challenge the BJP in the coming general election. To foreclose that possibility is to be a “useful idiot” for the Amit Shah-Narendra Modi election machine. History may not forgive this blunder.
Aniket Alam is a historian and journalist who teaches at IIIT-Hyderabad.
CPI(M) has proved to be a ‘useful idiot’ for BJP by rejecting alliance with Congress | Aniket Alam
By foreclosing any possibility of a united electoral challenge to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, the communist party only strengthens Hindutva communalism.
One could argue that despite socio-economic conditions in India being conducive for its politics, the Left regularly manages to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. Indeed, the manner in which the central committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) recently rejected any possibility of a united electoral front against Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party suggests we are in for a repeat show of that most successful play of the communists: “historic blunder”.
This time the battle pivots on one word: “understanding”. Should there be any room left for electoral understanding between the parties opposed to the BJP so that the anti-Modi vote does not split? Shorn of all verbiage, the majority in the CPI(M)’s leadership believes that 15 months before the next general election, the very possibility of such a united front needs to be firmly closed. For any party invested in an electoral battle, or for that matter in any political contest, this does not make sense. The only sensible tactic is to keep all options open until the end and maximise the potential from all possibilities of victory.
There is consensus within the CPI(M) on two points, as indeed within almost any group opposed to the Modi government. One, that the BJP is a clear and present danger to the Indian republic, which is less than perfect but enshrines the ideals of democracy, justice, secularism and socialism for which we strive. Two, that another term for the present dispensation would mean the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the BJP’s parent organisation, would push its agenda of Hindu Rashtra – an authoritarian, anti-secular, anti-democratic nation – much further, perhaps irreversibly.
The debate is about how to prevent this. Can there be an understanding with the Congress to prevent opposition votes from splitting and handing the BJP a victory? This happened in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly election in 2017 when the non-communal vote was split and enabled the saffron party to win an unprecedented number of seats. It appears that Prakash Karat, the former general secretary of the CPI(M), has convinced enough of his comrades that irrespective of whether the split in opposition votes hands the BJP victory in 2019, there can be no possibility of “any understanding” with the Congress.
This position has been dressed up in complex argumentation and claims to some form of ideological and political purity among communist parties. In reality, it is merely another version of Arun Shourie’s (in)famous line that the BJP is merely Congress plus cow; that there is basically no difference between the two parties. In the language of India’s communist parties, these are both “ruling class parties” with little to differentiate them. In other words, tweedledee and tweedledum. Looking at independent India’s political history, it is clear that this formulation has only helped the BJP gain respectability. The perception that it is merely a more Hindu version of the Congress has allowed the Hindutva party to regularly divide its opponents and, more dangerously, to ally with non-communal parties in the name of anti-Congressism.
Historic blunder
Interestingly, this “Congress and BJP are the same” formulation did not stop the Left from having an understanding with the Hindutva party to defeat the Congress in 1977 or in 1989; the latter time at the height of the BJP’s campaign to demolish the Babri Masjid. Somehow, this equating of the Congress and the BJP has mostly stopped the communists from forming a united front against Hindutva fascists, it has rarely stopped them from coming together with the latter.
In any case, at no point in India’s history has this “Congress and BJP are the same” line been reasonable. A comparison with Pakistan, where Muslim communalism – Hindutva’s twin – has been in power since 1947, would show how absurd this equation of the Congress with Hindu nationalism has been. One has led to an imperfect but democratic republic, the other has led to a society deeply divided by religious fundamentalism, oppressed by military rule, and with a weak democracy. An unbending anti-Congress position perhaps made sense for the communists when the Congress was the “natural party of government”. It is not any more, and deploying political tactics from 1977 in 2017 is not merely anachronistic and silly, but opens the door for the political consolidation of the most bigoted, authoritarian, criminal and incompetent government independent India has seen.
The record of the previous United Progressive Alliance government, led by the Congress, also belies this false equivalence between the Congress and the BJP. Coming after six years of BJP rule, it delivered massive improvement on every social, political and economic indicator. Despite regular parliamentary obstructions by the BJP, the UPA’s decade in power saw some of the most progressive pieces of legislation and policies in the history of independent India put in place. In the given global context, it was a classic social democratic government that empowered people and widened the ambit of rights, while also helping the private sector prosper. This does not mean there were no blemishes, but given all its shortcomings, the UPA was a giant step forward towards a progressive India. The last two Congress presidents, Sonia Gandhi and now Rahul Gandhi, have been consistently pushing a rights-based social democratic agenda.
The Left, in which the CPI(M) was then the largest constituent, played a crucial role in formulating and deepening the UPA’s progressive agenda. The UPA is proof that a coming together of the Congress and the Left is not just feasible, it can play a crucial role in shaping a progressive, secular and pro-people agenda to unite the broadest sections of the Indian population to challenge the BJP in the coming general election. To foreclose that possibility is to be a “useful idiot” for the Amit Shah-Narendra Modi election machine. History may not forgive this blunder.
Aniket Alam is a historian and journalist who teaches at IIIT-Hyderabad.
July 11, 2017
Now CPM get into sharia compliant Islamic banking in Kerala (Asianet Newsable)
In a first, CPM launches Islamic bank in Kerala
By
Team Asianet Newsable
|
12:33 PM July 09, 2017
- This is CPM's first sharia-compliant banking institution in Kerala
- The cooperative bank is named Halal Fayida Coop Society
- The bank will start functioning on July 11 and will be located in Kannur
Minister for Local Administration K T Jaleel will inaugurate the first fund collection event on July 11.
CPM had made the announcement at a seminar conducted by Minority Cultural Coordination Committee of the party on May 25. The move aims to lure Muslim minority into the party.
Like any other Islamic institution, the society will not pay interest on deposits or charge interest on loans. It will also follow ethical financing practices and refrain from lending money for industries like gambling, pornography and liquor, which are considered harmful in Islam.
The party wants the society to function under cooperative banking laws as the state government will have the power to take decisions.
source: Asianet Newsable
April 19, 2017
India: 34 years of Left in Bengal failed to improve the status and representation of muslims of in Bengal (Sharjeel Imam and Saquib Salim)
Firstpost.com - Apr, 18 2017
Left parties' secular ideology, posturing has done nothing for development of Muslims In Bengal
Left parties' secular ideology, posturing has done nothing for development of Muslims In Bengal
In
common perception, Left parties in India have been seen as "secular" at
best and "pro-Muslim" at worst. This perception was part of the
phenomena that brought the Left parties to power, and resulted in the
defeat of Congress in two out of three states (West Bengal and Kerala)
with the highest percentage of Muslim voters in post-partition India.
Muslims constitute over a quarter of voters in both Bengal and Kerala.
Specifically in West Bengal, where they came to power in 1977, the Left front enjoyed consistent and overwhelming support from Muslims; it was one of the primary reasons that they enjoyed uninterrupted power for over 34 years there. It would be expected that with all their secular rhetoric, Left governments would have helped Muslims enjoy a significant share of power and equal opportunities in the economic and social spheres. However, when we take a closer look, a different picture emerges.
Let
us take CPM, the largest party of this bloc, for example. Although
Muslim support has been crucial for their ascension to power, till 2008,
there were no Muslim members in the politburo, the highest executive
body of the party. This is highly surprising for a "secular" party
ruling over states with large Muslim populations. Even in 2015, only two
of 17 politburo members are Muslim, and even this seems like a forced
gesture made necessary by their defeat in West Bengal.
In
contrast, even the most supposedly "anti-Muslim" party, BJP, has had at
least one Muslim in its highest executive circle from the time of its
inception in 1980. Sikandar Bakht was general secretary, and later
vice-president, while Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi is still serving as
vice-president.
In terms of ministry distribution, the performance is equally poor. When at its electoral peak in the 2001-2006 period, the Left government had three Muslim ministers in a 33-member Cabinet in West Bengal, around 9 percent. Interestingly, chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya held the minorities development portfolio himself.
Even BJP does not show such confidence: In the Centre, where it has no Muslim in the Lok Sabha, Najma Heptullah was brought in through Rajya Sabha to take charge of minorities affairs; and in Uttar Pradesh, where it has no Muslim MLA, Mohsin Raza was made minorities development minister through the legislative council.
It becomes clear that Muslims have been kept out of the important decision making offices and posts in the Left parties' governments.
If we look at the socio-economic indicators in West Bengal, it paints an even worse picture. Since Kerala has been ruled by the Congress-led UDF alliance as well, and has a significant regional party, Muslim League, which caters to local Muslim demands, Bengal provides the only example of uninterrupted Left rule. And 34 years of a stable government should have led to decreasing disparity between Hindus and Muslims. However, this did not happen.
In fact, the disparity has worsened in many fields. The Sachhar Committee report from 2006 is an illuminating document in this respect. West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Assam and Kerala are the states with largest Muslim populations. Barring the more prosperous Kerala, the other four states have significant disparity between indicators for Muslims and Hindus. However, it is West Bengal that shows maximum disparity and deterioration in many crucial fields, such as employment, education and poverty.
Let's begin with state employment. Muslims comprised around 3.4% of all state employees in West Bengal in 2006, following around three-and-a-half decades of Left rule. In contrast, in 2016, following five years of Trinamool Congress (TMC) governance, the figure now stands at 5.7%, which is a significant increase. This figure alone is enough for indicting the Left regime and for describing them "anti-Muslim".
The TMC government partially achieved it by including a large number of backward communities in the OBC fold, something which had been denied to the backward Muslims by successive Left front governments.
In terms of education, the mean year of schooling (MYS) for West Bengal was 3.58, while for Muslims it is far lower at 2.58. SC/STs have fared better with 3.12 years of schooling on average. In literacy, the figure for Hindus was 72.4, while for Muslims it was 57.5. In contrast, Bihar had 47.9 percent Hindu literacy and Muslims had 42 percent literacy. Although Bihar was generally more illiterate, the gap between Hindus and Muslims was definitely lower than West Bengal.
More surprising is the percentage of matriculates. Around 24 percent of all Muslims had completed matriculation in India. However in West Bengal, only 12 percent Muslims were matriculates, while the figure of SC/STs and caste Hindus was 13 and 38 respectively. Even in Bihar, a poorer state, 16 percent Muslims had passed the matriculation exam. In terms of graduates, the scene is equally poor: Around 5 percent of Muslims were graduate in India, while caste Hindus had around 13 percent graduates. In West Bengal, the percentage of graduates among caste Hindu was around 14 percent, while the figure for Muslims was around 3 percent. Even in this case, Bihar can be used as a contrast: Caste Hindus had around 10 percent graduates, while around 5 percent Muslims were graduates in Bihar.
On all the three levels of education — literacy, matriculation and graduation — Muslims in West Bengal lag behind the national Muslim average. In addition to that, the disparity between Hindus and Muslims is greater than the disparity in poorer states like Bihar. And as far as matriculation and graduation is concerned, Bihar's Muslims have a higher percentage than Bengal's Muslims, even though Bihar is far more illiterate.
Another important economic indicator is the poverty index. In urban Bengal, 10 percent of Hindus were below the poverty line, while the figure for Muslims is 27 percent. In rural Bengal, 21 percent of Hindus were poor, as against 33 percent of Muslims. Much of West Bengal's Muslims are rural. In Bihar, 34 percent of rural Hindus and 38 percent of rural Muslims were poor. Hence, although it is a poorer state, the disparity is definitely less than West Bengal.
Another important dimension is over Waqf property. The Waqf property are the assets of Muslim communities which are used for the welfare of the community. West Bengal, according to the Sachhar Committe report, has the highest concentration of Waqf properties. The damage done by the Left government to the Waqf properties has been noted by the committee. We quote the report directly:
To conclude, if anyone talks about the mainstream Left parties' struggle for liberation of minorities, especially of Muslims, please ask them to cast a cursory glance at the Sachhar Committe report; it would become evident that the Left flag is coloured red with Muslim blood.
Published Date: Apr 18, 2017Specifically in West Bengal, where they came to power in 1977, the Left front enjoyed consistent and overwhelming support from Muslims; it was one of the primary reasons that they enjoyed uninterrupted power for over 34 years there. It would be expected that with all their secular rhetoric, Left governments would have helped Muslims enjoy a significant share of power and equal opportunities in the economic and social spheres. However, when we take a closer look, a different picture emerges.
A Muslim supporter of the CPM offers prayers during a rally in Kolkata. Reuters file image
In terms of ministry distribution, the performance is equally poor. When at its electoral peak in the 2001-2006 period, the Left government had three Muslim ministers in a 33-member Cabinet in West Bengal, around 9 percent. Interestingly, chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya held the minorities development portfolio himself.
Even BJP does not show such confidence: In the Centre, where it has no Muslim in the Lok Sabha, Najma Heptullah was brought in through Rajya Sabha to take charge of minorities affairs; and in Uttar Pradesh, where it has no Muslim MLA, Mohsin Raza was made minorities development minister through the legislative council.
It becomes clear that Muslims have been kept out of the important decision making offices and posts in the Left parties' governments.
If we look at the socio-economic indicators in West Bengal, it paints an even worse picture. Since Kerala has been ruled by the Congress-led UDF alliance as well, and has a significant regional party, Muslim League, which caters to local Muslim demands, Bengal provides the only example of uninterrupted Left rule. And 34 years of a stable government should have led to decreasing disparity between Hindus and Muslims. However, this did not happen.
In fact, the disparity has worsened in many fields. The Sachhar Committee report from 2006 is an illuminating document in this respect. West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Assam and Kerala are the states with largest Muslim populations. Barring the more prosperous Kerala, the other four states have significant disparity between indicators for Muslims and Hindus. However, it is West Bengal that shows maximum disparity and deterioration in many crucial fields, such as employment, education and poverty.
Let's begin with state employment. Muslims comprised around 3.4% of all state employees in West Bengal in 2006, following around three-and-a-half decades of Left rule. In contrast, in 2016, following five years of Trinamool Congress (TMC) governance, the figure now stands at 5.7%, which is a significant increase. This figure alone is enough for indicting the Left regime and for describing them "anti-Muslim".
The TMC government partially achieved it by including a large number of backward communities in the OBC fold, something which had been denied to the backward Muslims by successive Left front governments.
In terms of education, the mean year of schooling (MYS) for West Bengal was 3.58, while for Muslims it is far lower at 2.58. SC/STs have fared better with 3.12 years of schooling on average. In literacy, the figure for Hindus was 72.4, while for Muslims it was 57.5. In contrast, Bihar had 47.9 percent Hindu literacy and Muslims had 42 percent literacy. Although Bihar was generally more illiterate, the gap between Hindus and Muslims was definitely lower than West Bengal.
More surprising is the percentage of matriculates. Around 24 percent of all Muslims had completed matriculation in India. However in West Bengal, only 12 percent Muslims were matriculates, while the figure of SC/STs and caste Hindus was 13 and 38 respectively. Even in Bihar, a poorer state, 16 percent Muslims had passed the matriculation exam. In terms of graduates, the scene is equally poor: Around 5 percent of Muslims were graduate in India, while caste Hindus had around 13 percent graduates. In West Bengal, the percentage of graduates among caste Hindu was around 14 percent, while the figure for Muslims was around 3 percent. Even in this case, Bihar can be used as a contrast: Caste Hindus had around 10 percent graduates, while around 5 percent Muslims were graduates in Bihar.
On all the three levels of education — literacy, matriculation and graduation — Muslims in West Bengal lag behind the national Muslim average. In addition to that, the disparity between Hindus and Muslims is greater than the disparity in poorer states like Bihar. And as far as matriculation and graduation is concerned, Bihar's Muslims have a higher percentage than Bengal's Muslims, even though Bihar is far more illiterate.
Another important economic indicator is the poverty index. In urban Bengal, 10 percent of Hindus were below the poverty line, while the figure for Muslims is 27 percent. In rural Bengal, 21 percent of Hindus were poor, as against 33 percent of Muslims. Much of West Bengal's Muslims are rural. In Bihar, 34 percent of rural Hindus and 38 percent of rural Muslims were poor. Hence, although it is a poorer state, the disparity is definitely less than West Bengal.
Another important dimension is over Waqf property. The Waqf property are the assets of Muslim communities which are used for the welfare of the community. West Bengal, according to the Sachhar Committe report, has the highest concentration of Waqf properties. The damage done by the Left government to the Waqf properties has been noted by the committee. We quote the report directly:
The West Bengal Assembly in 1981 enacted a Thika and Other Tenancies and Lands (Acquisition and Regulations) Act, popularly known as Thika Act, which was amended in 2001. By virtue of this Act, the tenants of a large number of properties across the state became their owners. While the Act exempts the application of Thika Act to the government and municipal properties, the same benefit was not extended to cover the Wakf properties. Consequently the Wakf Board lost a large number of properties and income there from. Efforts have been made by the Wakf Board and NGOs to seek exemption of Wakf land from the Thika Act. The West Bengal Government may be advised to accord the solicited exemption.West Bengal is probably the only state with a significant Muslim population where the Muslims, who started with better condition at Independence, have fallen behind SC/STs in almost all major indicators of socio-economic development. Successive Left front governments are also responsible for this stunted growth as well as deterioration among Muslims in West Bengal.
To conclude, if anyone talks about the mainstream Left parties' struggle for liberation of minorities, especially of Muslims, please ask them to cast a cursory glance at the Sachhar Committe report; it would become evident that the Left flag is coloured red with Muslim blood.
April 09, 2017
India: Hoarding of DYFI - the youth wing of the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) competing with RSS for temple committee elections in Kerala
Facebook post by A Z says
SIGN OF THE TIMES
Kerala. Hoarding by DYFI – the youth wing of the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M). I asked a Malayali friend about it. This is what he has to say:
"This is an attempt by the 'religious Left' to get into the temple committees by competing against RSS. …The text says: A THOUSAND PRANAMS TO (SHIVA). DYFI AYANIVILA UNIT. …It is just a sign of the ideological bankruptcy of the Left in the face of the RSS onslaught." -
September 15, 2016
India: Prakash Karat Unable To Locate Fascism In Hindutva (Shamsul Islam)
countercurrents.org - September 14, 2016
Prakash Karat Unable To Locate Fascism In Hindutva in India
by Shamsul Islam
Comrade Prakash Karat’s academic piece (‘know your enemy’, The Indian Express, September 6, 2016)[i] analyzing the character of Hindutva/RSS/BJP brand of politics/ideology suffers from confusion which greatly keeps parliamentary LEFT incapacitated at the national level against the rising tide of the Hindutva fascism. I am sure soon Hindutva public relation machinery will be circulating certificate from comrade Karat for disseminating the happy news that RSS is not a fascist organization.
Comrade in order to buttress his position quotes classical definition of the fascism as being ‘the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital’ and goes to argue that ‘India today, neither has fascism been established, nor are the conditions present—in political, economic and class terms—for a fascist regime to be established. There is no crisis that threatens a collapse of the capitalist system; the ruling classes of India face no threat to their class rule. No section of the ruling class is currently working for the overthrow of the bourgeois parliamentary system’. Despite having said this he is unable to decide whether the present regime ‘has the potential to impose an authoritarian state’ or follow the path of RSS ‘which has semi-fascist ideology’.
As an academician Karat must be familiar with the fact that history never repeats itself and two similar looking political happenings are not similar in nature. That was the reason that both the Russian Revolution and the Chinese Revolution though guided by the same ideology were immensely different in happening and outcome. The differences are well-documented in the voluminous ‘Great Debate’ with which karat must be familiar as CPM broke with CPI on many issues debated in this discourse. The Hindutva fascism may not be a photocopy of the European variety but has all ingredients specific to the latter.
Karat is not the only one in the LEFT fraternity who is confused about the character of the ideology as well as goals of the RSS/BJP brigade. They think Hindutva politics is a danger for a section of minorities and liberal intellectuals only and despite ‘a determined effort’ to reorder society and polity on Hindutva lines ‘they do not, by themselves, constitute the establishment of a fascist order’. This group feels that someday the Hindutva brigade will secularize/democratize itself.
The well-intentioned such secularists due to shallow understanding of the Hindutva phenomena feel that latter despite being antithetical to secular-liberal ethos does not represent a fascist challenge to democratic-secular India. They fail to understand that Hindutva’s Bharat Mata is not democratic-secular India but a Brahmanical Hindu polity modelled after Peshwa Raj where Sudras and Hindu women will have sub-human existence. Hindutva is nothing else but fascism in which Hindu nationalism represents superiority of Aryans over the rest.Fascism’s integral element Racism is camouflaged as Casteism, anti-Jewish politics is resurrected as anti-Muslim/Christian pogroms and the fascist wish to control the world is expressed in the call for rule over the world by Aryan Hindus.
Hindu nationalism & Aryan nationalism
Fascism was based on the superiority and pre-dominance of the Aryan Race. Hindutva ideologues like VD Savarkar (The Hindutva 1923) and MS Golwalkar (We Or Our Nationhood Defined 1939) both claimed that the white-skinned Hindu Aryans speaking Sanskrit once ruled the globe and are destined to rule the world in future. The Hindusthan was only for Hindu/Aryan nationalists. Hindutva ideology makes a sharp distinction even amongst Hindus so far as being Aryan or non-Aryan is concerned. The Hindutva hatred for non-Aryans is crystal clear. The most prominent Hindutva ideologue, MS Golwalkar went to the extent of glorifying a terribly anti Hindu women and Racist method of improving the ‘breed’ of Kerala Hindus who were considered as no-Aryans.
Golwalkar was invited to address the students and faculty of the School of Social Science of Gujarat University on December 17, 1960. In this address, while underlying his firm belief in the Race Theory, he touched upon the issue of cross-breeding of human beings in the Indian society in history. According to a report published in the English organ of the RSS (Organizer, January 2, 196) he said:
“Today experiments in cross-breeding are made only on animals. But the courage to make such experiments on human beings is not shown even by the so-called modern scientist of today. If some human cross-breeding is seen today it is the result not of scientific experiments but of carnal lust. Now let us see the experiments our ancestors made in this sphere. In an effort to better the human species through cross-breeding the Namboodri Brahamanas of the North were settled in Kerala and a rule was laid down that the eldest son of a Namboodri family could marry only the daughter of Vaishya, Kashtriya or Shudra communities of Kerala. Another still more courageous rule was that the first off-spring of a married woman of any class must be fathered by a Namboodri Brahman and then she could beget children by her husband. Today this experiment will be called adultery but it was not so, as it was limited to the first child.”
Thus for Hindutva gang Hindu nationalism and Aryan identity are one and same. Our current PM Modi, taking clue from here, when he was CM of Gujarat identified himself as ‘Hindu nationalist’ (Modi talking to Reuters on July 12, 2013). It was first time in the history of the Indian Republic that a constitutional functionary described himself as such. Leaders like Karat did not take any note of such a serious utterance of a CM who later became PM of India. Being Hindu nationalist means that one is not Indian nationalist and if Modi is Hindu nationalist then there are bound to be Muslim/Sikh/Christian/Buddhist nationalists.
Totalitarianism was part of fascism and the most prominent ideologue of RSS, Golwalkar long before Independence in 1940 declared, “RSS inspired by one flag, one leader and one ideology is lighting the flame of Hindutva in each and every corner of this great land”.
Fascism rejected any concept of all-inclusive democratic state. RSS did not lag behind. The RSS organ Organizer on the very eve of Independence (14 August, 1947) rejected the whole concept of a composite nation and declared that in, “Hindusthan only the Hindus form the nation and the national structure must be built on that safe and sound foundation, the nation itself must be built up of Hindus, on Hindu traditions, culture, ideas and aspirations”.
Casteism is Racism
If Hitler declared ‘all that is not Race in this world is trash’ so is the belief of Hindutva practitioners in Casteism. It is declared to be synonymous with Hinduism and Hindu nationalism. Golwalkar in a book published in 1966 declared that “Brahmin is the head, Kshatriya the hands, Vaishya the thighs and Shudra the feet. This means that the people who have this fourfold arrangement, i.e., the Hindu People, is [sic] our God. This supreme vision of Godhead is the very core of our concept of ‘nation’ and has permeated our thinking and given rise to various unique concepts of our cultural heritage.” [Italics as in the original] It is to be noted that Manusmriti in chapter 1 and verse 91 decrees that the only job for Sudras was to serve ‘meekly’ the other 3 castes. When Constituent Assembly passed Indian Constitution, RSS rejected it and demanded with Savarkar that instead Manusmriti should be promulgated as the constitution.
Comrade Karat fails to understand that Hindutva gang’s war-cry that Manusmriti should be promulgated as constitution of India presents a far worst scenario than what fascism did to Jews and Communists in Europe. It prescribes subhuman life to Sudras as well as Hindu women. I wish Karat had a glance over Manusmriti which was declared to be the most worshipable after Vedas by Hindutva icon, VD Savarkar.
LAWS OF MANY CONCERNING SUDRAS
Once-born man (a Sudra), who insults a twice-born man with gross invective, shall have his tongue cut out; for he is of low origin. (VIII/270)
If he mentions the names and castes (jati) of the (twice-born) with contumely, an iron nail, ten fingers long, shall be thrust red-hot into his mouth. (VIII/271)
If he arrogantly teaches Brahmanas their duty, the king shall cause hot oil to be poured into his mouth and into his ears. (VIII/272)
With whatever limb a man of a low caste does hurt to (a man of the three) highest (castes), even that limb shall be cut off; that is the teaching of Manu. (VIII/279)
He who raises his hand or a stick, shall have his hand cut off; he who in anger kicks with his foot, shall have his foot cut off. (VIII/280)
A low-caste man who tries to place himself on the same seat with a man of a high caste, shall be branded on his hip and be banished, or (the king) shall cause his buttock to be gashed. (VIII/281)
As per the Manu Code if Sudras are to be given most stringent punishments for even petty violations/actions, the same Code of Manu is very lenient towards Brahmins. Shloka 380 in Chapter VIII bestowing profound love on Brahmins decrees:
“Let him never slay a Brahmana, though he have committed all (possible) crimes; let him banish such an (offender), leaving all his property (to him) and (his body)
LAWS OF MANU CONCERNING WOMEN
Day and night woman must be kept in dependence by the males (of) their (families), and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control. (IX/2)
Her father protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in old age; a woman is never fit for independence. (IX/3)
Women must particularly be guarded against evil inclinations, however trifling (they may appear); for, if they are not guarded, they will bring sorrow on two families. (IX/5)
Considering that the highest duty of all castes, even weak husbands (must) strive to guard their wives. (IX/6)
No man can completely guard women by force; but they can be guarded by the employment of the (following) expedients:
Let the (husband) employ his (wife) in the collection and expenditure of his wealth, in keeping (everything) clean, in (the fulfilment of) religious duties, in the preparation of his food, and in looking after the household utensils.
Both Believe in Violent Cleansing of Minorities
For fascism Jews were the enemy number ONE and Communists enemy number TWO to be killed or thrown out of the country. For Golwalkar, Hindusthan is only for the ‘Hindu Race’ and ‘Hindusthan’ must be cleansed of those who ‘are either traitors or enemies to the national cause, or to take charitable view, idiots’. The second supremo of the RSS, whose words are considered as holy, Muslims, Christians and Communists are ‘Internal Threats’ number 1, 2 and 3 respectively.
Golwalkar in his 1939 book, We Or Our Nationhood Defined (pages 47-48) settled the status of Muslims & Christians in the following words: “From this stand point, sanctioned by the experience of shrewd old nations [Nazi Germany & Fascist Italy], the foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i.e., of the Hindu nation and must lose their separate existence to merge in the Hindu race, or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment not even citizen’s rights.”
Karat instead of downplaying the fascist potential of the Hindutva brigade should have been concerned that how such a brazenly inimical ideology has captured power through constitutional means. Now the Hindutva brigade is capable of undoing India both from within (brute majority in Lok Sabha) and its pro-active Hindutva zealots outside. It is a gravest challenge since Independence whatever nomenclature you may give it.
Shamsul Islam is a retired Professor of University of Delhi.Email: notoinjustice@gmail.com
For some of S. Islam’s writings in English, Hindi, Malayalam, Kannada, Bengali, Punjabi, Urdu & Gujarati see the following link:
http://du-in.academia.edu/ShamsulIslam
Prakash Karat Unable To Locate Fascism In Hindutva in India
by Shamsul Islam
Comrade Prakash Karat’s academic piece (‘know your enemy’, The Indian Express, September 6, 2016)[i] analyzing the character of Hindutva/RSS/BJP brand of politics/ideology suffers from confusion which greatly keeps parliamentary LEFT incapacitated at the national level against the rising tide of the Hindutva fascism. I am sure soon Hindutva public relation machinery will be circulating certificate from comrade Karat for disseminating the happy news that RSS is not a fascist organization.
Comrade in order to buttress his position quotes classical definition of the fascism as being ‘the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital’ and goes to argue that ‘India today, neither has fascism been established, nor are the conditions present—in political, economic and class terms—for a fascist regime to be established. There is no crisis that threatens a collapse of the capitalist system; the ruling classes of India face no threat to their class rule. No section of the ruling class is currently working for the overthrow of the bourgeois parliamentary system’. Despite having said this he is unable to decide whether the present regime ‘has the potential to impose an authoritarian state’ or follow the path of RSS ‘which has semi-fascist ideology’.
As an academician Karat must be familiar with the fact that history never repeats itself and two similar looking political happenings are not similar in nature. That was the reason that both the Russian Revolution and the Chinese Revolution though guided by the same ideology were immensely different in happening and outcome. The differences are well-documented in the voluminous ‘Great Debate’ with which karat must be familiar as CPM broke with CPI on many issues debated in this discourse. The Hindutva fascism may not be a photocopy of the European variety but has all ingredients specific to the latter.
Karat is not the only one in the LEFT fraternity who is confused about the character of the ideology as well as goals of the RSS/BJP brigade. They think Hindutva politics is a danger for a section of minorities and liberal intellectuals only and despite ‘a determined effort’ to reorder society and polity on Hindutva lines ‘they do not, by themselves, constitute the establishment of a fascist order’. This group feels that someday the Hindutva brigade will secularize/democratize itself.
The well-intentioned such secularists due to shallow understanding of the Hindutva phenomena feel that latter despite being antithetical to secular-liberal ethos does not represent a fascist challenge to democratic-secular India. They fail to understand that Hindutva’s Bharat Mata is not democratic-secular India but a Brahmanical Hindu polity modelled after Peshwa Raj where Sudras and Hindu women will have sub-human existence. Hindutva is nothing else but fascism in which Hindu nationalism represents superiority of Aryans over the rest.Fascism’s integral element Racism is camouflaged as Casteism, anti-Jewish politics is resurrected as anti-Muslim/Christian pogroms and the fascist wish to control the world is expressed in the call for rule over the world by Aryan Hindus.
Hindu nationalism & Aryan nationalism
Fascism was based on the superiority and pre-dominance of the Aryan Race. Hindutva ideologues like VD Savarkar (The Hindutva 1923) and MS Golwalkar (We Or Our Nationhood Defined 1939) both claimed that the white-skinned Hindu Aryans speaking Sanskrit once ruled the globe and are destined to rule the world in future. The Hindusthan was only for Hindu/Aryan nationalists. Hindutva ideology makes a sharp distinction even amongst Hindus so far as being Aryan or non-Aryan is concerned. The Hindutva hatred for non-Aryans is crystal clear. The most prominent Hindutva ideologue, MS Golwalkar went to the extent of glorifying a terribly anti Hindu women and Racist method of improving the ‘breed’ of Kerala Hindus who were considered as no-Aryans.
Golwalkar was invited to address the students and faculty of the School of Social Science of Gujarat University on December 17, 1960. In this address, while underlying his firm belief in the Race Theory, he touched upon the issue of cross-breeding of human beings in the Indian society in history. According to a report published in the English organ of the RSS (Organizer, January 2, 196) he said:
“Today experiments in cross-breeding are made only on animals. But the courage to make such experiments on human beings is not shown even by the so-called modern scientist of today. If some human cross-breeding is seen today it is the result not of scientific experiments but of carnal lust. Now let us see the experiments our ancestors made in this sphere. In an effort to better the human species through cross-breeding the Namboodri Brahamanas of the North were settled in Kerala and a rule was laid down that the eldest son of a Namboodri family could marry only the daughter of Vaishya, Kashtriya or Shudra communities of Kerala. Another still more courageous rule was that the first off-spring of a married woman of any class must be fathered by a Namboodri Brahman and then she could beget children by her husband. Today this experiment will be called adultery but it was not so, as it was limited to the first child.”
Thus for Hindutva gang Hindu nationalism and Aryan identity are one and same. Our current PM Modi, taking clue from here, when he was CM of Gujarat identified himself as ‘Hindu nationalist’ (Modi talking to Reuters on July 12, 2013). It was first time in the history of the Indian Republic that a constitutional functionary described himself as such. Leaders like Karat did not take any note of such a serious utterance of a CM who later became PM of India. Being Hindu nationalist means that one is not Indian nationalist and if Modi is Hindu nationalist then there are bound to be Muslim/Sikh/Christian/Buddhist nationalists.
Totalitarianism was part of fascism and the most prominent ideologue of RSS, Golwalkar long before Independence in 1940 declared, “RSS inspired by one flag, one leader and one ideology is lighting the flame of Hindutva in each and every corner of this great land”.
Fascism rejected any concept of all-inclusive democratic state. RSS did not lag behind. The RSS organ Organizer on the very eve of Independence (14 August, 1947) rejected the whole concept of a composite nation and declared that in, “Hindusthan only the Hindus form the nation and the national structure must be built on that safe and sound foundation, the nation itself must be built up of Hindus, on Hindu traditions, culture, ideas and aspirations”.
Casteism is Racism
If Hitler declared ‘all that is not Race in this world is trash’ so is the belief of Hindutva practitioners in Casteism. It is declared to be synonymous with Hinduism and Hindu nationalism. Golwalkar in a book published in 1966 declared that “Brahmin is the head, Kshatriya the hands, Vaishya the thighs and Shudra the feet. This means that the people who have this fourfold arrangement, i.e., the Hindu People, is [sic] our God. This supreme vision of Godhead is the very core of our concept of ‘nation’ and has permeated our thinking and given rise to various unique concepts of our cultural heritage.” [Italics as in the original] It is to be noted that Manusmriti in chapter 1 and verse 91 decrees that the only job for Sudras was to serve ‘meekly’ the other 3 castes. When Constituent Assembly passed Indian Constitution, RSS rejected it and demanded with Savarkar that instead Manusmriti should be promulgated as the constitution.
Comrade Karat fails to understand that Hindutva gang’s war-cry that Manusmriti should be promulgated as constitution of India presents a far worst scenario than what fascism did to Jews and Communists in Europe. It prescribes subhuman life to Sudras as well as Hindu women. I wish Karat had a glance over Manusmriti which was declared to be the most worshipable after Vedas by Hindutva icon, VD Savarkar.
LAWS OF MANY CONCERNING SUDRAS
Once-born man (a Sudra), who insults a twice-born man with gross invective, shall have his tongue cut out; for he is of low origin. (VIII/270)
If he mentions the names and castes (jati) of the (twice-born) with contumely, an iron nail, ten fingers long, shall be thrust red-hot into his mouth. (VIII/271)
If he arrogantly teaches Brahmanas their duty, the king shall cause hot oil to be poured into his mouth and into his ears. (VIII/272)
With whatever limb a man of a low caste does hurt to (a man of the three) highest (castes), even that limb shall be cut off; that is the teaching of Manu. (VIII/279)
He who raises his hand or a stick, shall have his hand cut off; he who in anger kicks with his foot, shall have his foot cut off. (VIII/280)
A low-caste man who tries to place himself on the same seat with a man of a high caste, shall be branded on his hip and be banished, or (the king) shall cause his buttock to be gashed. (VIII/281)
As per the Manu Code if Sudras are to be given most stringent punishments for even petty violations/actions, the same Code of Manu is very lenient towards Brahmins. Shloka 380 in Chapter VIII bestowing profound love on Brahmins decrees:
“Let him never slay a Brahmana, though he have committed all (possible) crimes; let him banish such an (offender), leaving all his property (to him) and (his body)
LAWS OF MANU CONCERNING WOMEN
Day and night woman must be kept in dependence by the males (of) their (families), and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control. (IX/2)
Her father protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in old age; a woman is never fit for independence. (IX/3)
Women must particularly be guarded against evil inclinations, however trifling (they may appear); for, if they are not guarded, they will bring sorrow on two families. (IX/5)
Considering that the highest duty of all castes, even weak husbands (must) strive to guard their wives. (IX/6)
No man can completely guard women by force; but they can be guarded by the employment of the (following) expedients:
Let the (husband) employ his (wife) in the collection and expenditure of his wealth, in keeping (everything) clean, in (the fulfilment of) religious duties, in the preparation of his food, and in looking after the household utensils.
Both Believe in Violent Cleansing of Minorities
For fascism Jews were the enemy number ONE and Communists enemy number TWO to be killed or thrown out of the country. For Golwalkar, Hindusthan is only for the ‘Hindu Race’ and ‘Hindusthan’ must be cleansed of those who ‘are either traitors or enemies to the national cause, or to take charitable view, idiots’. The second supremo of the RSS, whose words are considered as holy, Muslims, Christians and Communists are ‘Internal Threats’ number 1, 2 and 3 respectively.
Golwalkar in his 1939 book, We Or Our Nationhood Defined (pages 47-48) settled the status of Muslims & Christians in the following words: “From this stand point, sanctioned by the experience of shrewd old nations [Nazi Germany & Fascist Italy], the foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i.e., of the Hindu nation and must lose their separate existence to merge in the Hindu race, or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment not even citizen’s rights.”
Karat instead of downplaying the fascist potential of the Hindutva brigade should have been concerned that how such a brazenly inimical ideology has captured power through constitutional means. Now the Hindutva brigade is capable of undoing India both from within (brute majority in Lok Sabha) and its pro-active Hindutva zealots outside. It is a gravest challenge since Independence whatever nomenclature you may give it.
Shamsul Islam is a retired Professor of University of Delhi.Email: notoinjustice@gmail.com
For some of S. Islam’s writings in English, Hindi, Malayalam, Kannada, Bengali, Punjabi, Urdu & Gujarati see the following link:
http://du-in.academia.edu/ShamsulIslam
September 06, 2016
India: Former Gen sec of CPI(M) says BJP authoritarian not fascist and no need to have allies to take them on
The Indian Express
(Source: Illustration by C R Sasikumar)
The existence of a BJP government at the Centre, with a stable majority in the Lok Sabha,
has led to a debate within Left circles and among some liberal
intellectuals about the nature of the government in power. The advent of
the Modi government saw a right-wing offensive unfold in the country. A
combination of right-wing neo-liberal economic policies and the
aggressive advance of the Hindutva agenda mark the offensive. How to
counter this offensive is the primary concern of Left, democratic, and
secular forces in India today.
A significant section of Left and liberal opinion has characterised the present situation in the country as the arrival of fascism. An influential stream of opinion within this thinking defines the present set-up as “communal fascism”, arguing that this is the Indian variant of fascism.
What sort of right-wing threat is India facing? A correct understanding of the ruling regime and the political movement that it represents is necessary because it has a direct bearing on the political strategy and electoral tactics to be followed in order to fight the BJP and the Modi government. There has to be clarity in defining the character of the BJP. The BJP is not an ordinary bourgeois party. Its uniqueness lies in its organic links to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The BJP is a right-wing party with respect to its economic and social agenda, and can be characterised as a right-wing party of majoritarian communalism. Further, given its linkage to the RSS, which has a semi-fascist ideology, it is a party that has the potential to impose an authoritarian state on the people when it believes that circumstances warrant it.
Fascism as an ideology and as a form of political rule emerged in between the two World Wars in the 20th century. When the capitalist system was engulfed in deep crisis and faced with the threat from a revolutionary movement of the working class, the ruling classes in Germany opted for an extreme form of rule that abolished bourgeois democracy. Mussolini’s Italy and Japan were also fascist regimes.
The classic definition of fascism leaves no room for ambiguity: Fascism in power is “the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital.” In India today, neither has fascism been established, nor are the conditions present — in political, economic and class terms — for a fascist regime to be established. There is no crisis that threatens a collapse of the capitalist system; the ruling classes of India face no threat to their class rule. No section of the ruling class is currently working for the overthrow of the bourgeois parliamentary system. What the ruling classes seek to do is to use forms of authoritarianism to serve their class interests.
In India today, Hindutva ideology and chauvinist nationalism are used to polarise the people on communal lines and to attack religious minorities. Brutal methods are used to suppress the religious minorities; dissent and secular intellectuals are sought to be put down by branding them “anti-national.” From above, at the level of the institutions of the state, and from below, through the outfits of the Hindutva brigade, a determined effort is being made to reorder society and polity on Hindutva lines. While these activities pose a grave and present danger to democracy and secularism, they do not, by themselves, constitute the establishment of a fascist order.
India today confronts the advance of an authoritarianism that is fuelled by a potent mix of neo-liberalism and communalism. Apart from Hindutva communalism, the other major source of authoritarianism is the right-wing neo-liberal drive. The neo-liberal regime acts to constrict democratic space, homogenise all bourgeois parties, hollow out parliamentary democracy, and render the people powerless as regards basic policy-making. The impact of neo-liberalism on the political system has led to the narrowing of democracy.
In the world today, imperialism and the ruling classes of various countries deploy different forms of authoritarianism rather than open fascist rule in order to perpetuate their class rule and pursue neo-liberal policy. Such authoritarianism can be imposed on a system where formal democracy and elected governments exist.
There are varieties of authoritarianism in the world today. In some, political mobilisation around religious-ethnic lines is used to impose an authoritarian order. Religion-based communalism or political mobilisation is accompanied by the imposition of extreme right-wing economic policies. India is one such country.
There are striking similarities between India and Turkey with regard to religion-based political mobilisation and authoritarianism. After the Modi government came to power in May 2014, the writer Amitav Ghosh was among the first to write about these common features. Both countries have ruling parties that use religion-based “nationalism” to mobilise support. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) is an Islamist party while the BJP is based on Hindutva. Each has a strong leader with authoritarian tendencies — Recep Erdogan and Narendra Modi — in government. The AKP seeks to desecularise the Turkish state and targets the Kurdish minority and secular intellectuals. The BJP and the Modi government target the minorities and seek to suppress the dissenting voices of secular intellectuals. Both have embraced neo-liberalism. However, it would be erroneous to characterise government and state in Turkey or India as fascist: They are better described as being right-wing authoritarian.
The authoritarianism of the Modi government is buttressed by its growing military cooperation and strategic ties with the USA. The fight against the BJP-RSS combine is thus more complex and multi-dimensional than a black-and-white struggle between fascist and anti-fascist forces.
The BJP and its patron, the RSS, have to be fought in the political, ideological, social, and cultural spheres. The fight against the BJP and right-wing communal forces has to be conducted by combining the struggle against communalism with the struggle against neo-liberalism. Since the two major parties — the BJP and the Congress — are alternately managing the neo-liberal order for the ruling classes, the political struggle against the BJP cannot be conducted in alliance with the other major party of the ruling classes. Unlike in the fight against a fascist order, where elections in a democratic system become redundant, the electoral battle is also important in India.
The slogan that the fight is now against fascism obfuscates some of the vital issues around which the people can be mobilised to oppose the BJP and the Modi government. These include its rapacious economic policies and subservience to big business and finance capital, issues that affect the livelihoods and economic rights of the people.
The specific situation obtaining in the country today cries out for the broadest mobilisation of all democratic and secular forces against communalism, while also building a political alliance of Left and democratic forces based on an alternative programme. Only such a dual approach can check and roll back India’s right-wing forces.
Know your enemy
BJP is an authoritarian, not fascist, force. The fight against it cannot be conducted in alliance with the other major party of the ruling classes.
Written by Prakash Karat
|
Updated: September 6, 2016 12:08 am
(Source: Illustration by C R Sasikumar)
The existence of a BJP government at the Centre, with a stable majority in the Lok Sabha,
has led to a debate within Left circles and among some liberal
intellectuals about the nature of the government in power. The advent of
the Modi government saw a right-wing offensive unfold in the country. A
combination of right-wing neo-liberal economic policies and the
aggressive advance of the Hindutva agenda mark the offensive. How to
counter this offensive is the primary concern of Left, democratic, and
secular forces in India today.A significant section of Left and liberal opinion has characterised the present situation in the country as the arrival of fascism. An influential stream of opinion within this thinking defines the present set-up as “communal fascism”, arguing that this is the Indian variant of fascism.
What sort of right-wing threat is India facing? A correct understanding of the ruling regime and the political movement that it represents is necessary because it has a direct bearing on the political strategy and electoral tactics to be followed in order to fight the BJP and the Modi government. There has to be clarity in defining the character of the BJP. The BJP is not an ordinary bourgeois party. Its uniqueness lies in its organic links to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The BJP is a right-wing party with respect to its economic and social agenda, and can be characterised as a right-wing party of majoritarian communalism. Further, given its linkage to the RSS, which has a semi-fascist ideology, it is a party that has the potential to impose an authoritarian state on the people when it believes that circumstances warrant it.
Fascism as an ideology and as a form of political rule emerged in between the two World Wars in the 20th century. When the capitalist system was engulfed in deep crisis and faced with the threat from a revolutionary movement of the working class, the ruling classes in Germany opted for an extreme form of rule that abolished bourgeois democracy. Mussolini’s Italy and Japan were also fascist regimes.
The classic definition of fascism leaves no room for ambiguity: Fascism in power is “the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital.” In India today, neither has fascism been established, nor are the conditions present — in political, economic and class terms — for a fascist regime to be established. There is no crisis that threatens a collapse of the capitalist system; the ruling classes of India face no threat to their class rule. No section of the ruling class is currently working for the overthrow of the bourgeois parliamentary system. What the ruling classes seek to do is to use forms of authoritarianism to serve their class interests.
In India today, Hindutva ideology and chauvinist nationalism are used to polarise the people on communal lines and to attack religious minorities. Brutal methods are used to suppress the religious minorities; dissent and secular intellectuals are sought to be put down by branding them “anti-national.” From above, at the level of the institutions of the state, and from below, through the outfits of the Hindutva brigade, a determined effort is being made to reorder society and polity on Hindutva lines. While these activities pose a grave and present danger to democracy and secularism, they do not, by themselves, constitute the establishment of a fascist order.
India today confronts the advance of an authoritarianism that is fuelled by a potent mix of neo-liberalism and communalism. Apart from Hindutva communalism, the other major source of authoritarianism is the right-wing neo-liberal drive. The neo-liberal regime acts to constrict democratic space, homogenise all bourgeois parties, hollow out parliamentary democracy, and render the people powerless as regards basic policy-making. The impact of neo-liberalism on the political system has led to the narrowing of democracy.
In the world today, imperialism and the ruling classes of various countries deploy different forms of authoritarianism rather than open fascist rule in order to perpetuate their class rule and pursue neo-liberal policy. Such authoritarianism can be imposed on a system where formal democracy and elected governments exist.
There are varieties of authoritarianism in the world today. In some, political mobilisation around religious-ethnic lines is used to impose an authoritarian order. Religion-based communalism or political mobilisation is accompanied by the imposition of extreme right-wing economic policies. India is one such country.
There are striking similarities between India and Turkey with regard to religion-based political mobilisation and authoritarianism. After the Modi government came to power in May 2014, the writer Amitav Ghosh was among the first to write about these common features. Both countries have ruling parties that use religion-based “nationalism” to mobilise support. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) is an Islamist party while the BJP is based on Hindutva. Each has a strong leader with authoritarian tendencies — Recep Erdogan and Narendra Modi — in government. The AKP seeks to desecularise the Turkish state and targets the Kurdish minority and secular intellectuals. The BJP and the Modi government target the minorities and seek to suppress the dissenting voices of secular intellectuals. Both have embraced neo-liberalism. However, it would be erroneous to characterise government and state in Turkey or India as fascist: They are better described as being right-wing authoritarian.
The authoritarianism of the Modi government is buttressed by its growing military cooperation and strategic ties with the USA. The fight against the BJP-RSS combine is thus more complex and multi-dimensional than a black-and-white struggle between fascist and anti-fascist forces.
The BJP and its patron, the RSS, have to be fought in the political, ideological, social, and cultural spheres. The fight against the BJP and right-wing communal forces has to be conducted by combining the struggle against communalism with the struggle against neo-liberalism. Since the two major parties — the BJP and the Congress — are alternately managing the neo-liberal order for the ruling classes, the political struggle against the BJP cannot be conducted in alliance with the other major party of the ruling classes. Unlike in the fight against a fascist order, where elections in a democratic system become redundant, the electoral battle is also important in India.
The slogan that the fight is now against fascism obfuscates some of the vital issues around which the people can be mobilised to oppose the BJP and the Modi government. These include its rapacious economic policies and subservience to big business and finance capital, issues that affect the livelihoods and economic rights of the people.
The specific situation obtaining in the country today cries out for the broadest mobilisation of all democratic and secular forces against communalism, while also building a political alliance of Left and democratic forces based on an alternative programme. Only such a dual approach can check and roll back India’s right-wing forces.
The writer is former general secretary and a politburo member of the CPI(M).
June 23, 2016
India - Kerala: Yoga display under CPI(M) auspices
The Hindu
KANNUR, January 4, 2016
KANNUR, January 4, 2016
Yoga display under CPI(M) auspices
CPI(M) State secretary Kodiyeri Balakrishnan and Polit Bureau member
Pinarayi Vijayan at the State-level yoga demonstration organised by the
CPI(M)-sponsored Indian Martial Arts Academy and Yoga Study Centre in
Kannur on Sunday. —Photo: S. K. Mohan
It was an impressive display of yoga by nearly 1,200
people who underwent yoga training by a Communist Party of India
(Marxist)-sponsored training programme.
That the
programme has the party’s official stamp of approval was demonstrated by
the presence of CPI(M) State secretary Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, Polit
Bureau member Pinarayi Vijayan, party district secretary P. Jayarajan,
P.K. Sreemathy, MP, and senior leaders E.P. Jayarajan, M.V. Govindan and
M.V. Jayarajan, among others to watch the yoga performance at the
Jawahar Stadium here on Sunday afternoon. The event was held under the
aegis of the Indian Martial Arts Academy and Yoga Study Centre
(IMAAYSC), a pro-CPI(M) initiative.
The chief guest
at the performance was Manav Ekta Mission founder Sri M. He said that
yoga’s tradition could be traced back to centuries and that it could not
be claimed by any particular religion or community.
In
his welcome address, CPI(M) district secretary P. Jayarajan said that
IMAAYSC is not a CPI(M) initiative. He said that the party supported the
yoga training programme because some communal outfits are trying to
misappropriate it. He said that the training programme was developed by
experts in the field.
Badges of yoga trainers were
presented by Sri M at the function. Yoga expert E. Rajeevan, who led the
training programme, was named chief faculty of the programme.
December 28, 2015
CPI-M plenum: Checking communal forces top agenda
Indian Express - Dec 28, 2015
CPI-M plenum: Checking communal forces top agenda
Faced with a continuous decay in relevance, many in the party aren't opposed to the possibility of an alliance with the Congress
Written by Aniruddha Ghosal
About Author
Aniruddha Ghosal is a principal correspondent with the Indian Express. He writes on politics, enviro
CPI(M) General Secretary Sitaram Yechury at a press conference during the party’s ongoing ‘Kolkata Plenum’, in Kolkata on Monday. (PTI Photo)
The last Plenum that the CPI-M held was in December 1978 in Salkia from December 27-31, where the party had underscored the need to expand their political base. History repeated itself, as the party finds itself once again facing the same challenge, in another plenum at Kolkata on the same days.
While the party maintains that the dates being the same is “merely coincidence”, they can’t deny that the special instructions issued in 1978 for expanding the party outside Tripura, Kerala and West Bengal were largely ignored. So on Monday, when Sitaram Yechury introduced the ‘Draft Resolution on Organisation’, it once again stressed on the need to “strengthen and streamline the Party’s organisational capacities to meet the current challenges” through people’s struggles that would allow the parallel development of “independent strength of the party”.
The party plenum – an assembly of members of the party – will discuss what the draft review report on the ‘Political-Tactical line’ – the electoral strategy of the party adopted by the CPI-M in the 21st Congress held in April 2015 – refers to as “flexible tactics” to combat “swift changes in the political situation”.
Such talk of flexibility has remained incongruous with the party’s political operations for decades. But now, faced with a continuous decay in relevance, many in the party aren’t opposed to the possibility of an alliance with the Congress – the same Congress that the 1978 plenum had denounced as a “semi fascist”, “bourgeois” and “revisionist” political force.
Senior party leader Biman Bose, in the annual number of the CPI-M’s organ Ganashakti has urged party workers to change the party into one of “active membership”. Bose has also noted that presently many members are functioning in a “semi active” or “inactive” manner and said, “If we are not able to change this…then a movement is not possible”.
Whether or not the CPI-M will be able to revitalize their political and organizational structure remains to be seen. But party general secretary Sitaram Yechury maintained that in the face of communal forces overpowering the country, it was imperative for the party to do so. “The agenda of the communal forces is to replace Indian history, it’s rich, syncretic history with Hindu mythology and Indian philosophy with Hindu theology…They are being able to do this because of state patronage,” he said.
CPI-M plenum: Checking communal forces top agenda
Faced with a continuous decay in relevance, many in the party aren't opposed to the possibility of an alliance with the Congress
Written by Aniruddha Ghosal
About Author
Aniruddha Ghosal is a principal correspondent with the Indian Express. He writes on politics, enviro
CPI(M) General Secretary Sitaram Yechury at a press conference during the party’s ongoing ‘Kolkata Plenum’, in Kolkata on Monday. (PTI Photo)
The last Plenum that the CPI-M held was in December 1978 in Salkia from December 27-31, where the party had underscored the need to expand their political base. History repeated itself, as the party finds itself once again facing the same challenge, in another plenum at Kolkata on the same days.
While the party maintains that the dates being the same is “merely coincidence”, they can’t deny that the special instructions issued in 1978 for expanding the party outside Tripura, Kerala and West Bengal were largely ignored. So on Monday, when Sitaram Yechury introduced the ‘Draft Resolution on Organisation’, it once again stressed on the need to “strengthen and streamline the Party’s organisational capacities to meet the current challenges” through people’s struggles that would allow the parallel development of “independent strength of the party”.
The party plenum – an assembly of members of the party – will discuss what the draft review report on the ‘Political-Tactical line’ – the electoral strategy of the party adopted by the CPI-M in the 21st Congress held in April 2015 – refers to as “flexible tactics” to combat “swift changes in the political situation”.
Such talk of flexibility has remained incongruous with the party’s political operations for decades. But now, faced with a continuous decay in relevance, many in the party aren’t opposed to the possibility of an alliance with the Congress – the same Congress that the 1978 plenum had denounced as a “semi fascist”, “bourgeois” and “revisionist” political force.
Senior party leader Biman Bose, in the annual number of the CPI-M’s organ Ganashakti has urged party workers to change the party into one of “active membership”. Bose has also noted that presently many members are functioning in a “semi active” or “inactive” manner and said, “If we are not able to change this…then a movement is not possible”.
Whether or not the CPI-M will be able to revitalize their political and organizational structure remains to be seen. But party general secretary Sitaram Yechury maintained that in the face of communal forces overpowering the country, it was imperative for the party to do so. “The agenda of the communal forces is to replace Indian history, it’s rich, syncretic history with Hindu mythology and Indian philosophy with Hindu theology…They are being able to do this because of state patronage,” he said.
October 28, 2015
Punish ‘Moral Policing’ CPI(M) Press release on 28 Oct 2015
October 28, 2015
Press Statement
The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), now in session
at Delhi, has issued the following statement:
Punish ‘Moral Policing’
The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) strongly condemns the Hindutva elements who
sought to stir up trouble with the allegation of “beef” being served in the
canteen at Kerala House in New Delhi. Firm action should be taken against
them.
The CPI(M) condemns the raid conducted by Delhi Police at the Kerala House
on the pretext of investigating whether beef was being served in the
canteen. Everybody is aware that buffalo meat is allowed legally to be
sold in Delhi and any preparation of such meat is not an illegality.
This raid conducted by the Delhi Police is, therefore, illegal. The Delhi
Police is directly administered by the Union Home Minister. This comes in
the background of a nationwide campaign unleashed by the RSS patronized by
the Central Government led by Prime Minister Modi against alleged
consumption of beef in various parts of the country. This is only a
pretext to sharpen communal polarization across the country through which
the BJP seeks to gain politically and electorally.
Initially the Kerala state government authorities appeared to have
succumbed to this illegal pressure by the Delhi Police and removed beef
preparations from the menu of the Kerala House canteen. This is highly
deplorable.
This act by the Delhi Police is also a clear violation of the federal
structure of the Indian Constitution and infringes upon the rights of the
state governments on their property in the national capital.
This action by the Delhi Police is unacceptable. Government of Delhi must
institute a proper probe into this incident and strict action must follow
against those responsible.
October 02, 2015
Text of CPI(M) statement on Dadri Mob Killing
http://www.cpim.org/pressbriefs/condemn-dadri-killing
Condemn Dadri Killing
Date:
Wednesday, September 30, 2015
Press Statement
The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:
The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) strongly condemns the mob attack which resulted in the gruesome killing of a man and critically injuring his son. Using the false allegation that beef was being kept and consumed in a Muslim household in Bisara village in Dadri, a mob attacked the house of Mohammad Akhlaq.
This horrible incident is the outcome of a sustained communal campaign regarding cow slaughter and against beef consumption conducted by the Hindutva outfits. It also comes in the background of provocative statements being made by ministers in the Central government and various BJP leaders.
The Uttar Pradesh state government has to crack down against all those indulging in such communal propaganda. The police must uncover the culprits behind this motivated attack and take firm action to apprehend the guilty and bring them to justice.
How communal forces are using “beef” to create provocations is also evident in the manner in which a piece of beef was found near a temple in Ranchi sparking off trouble. The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) appeals to the people to be vigilant about such provocations and rebuff the designs of those fomenting violence by maintaining communal peace and harmony.
Condemn Dadri Killing
Date:
Wednesday, September 30, 2015
Press Statement
The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:
The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) strongly condemns the mob attack which resulted in the gruesome killing of a man and critically injuring his son. Using the false allegation that beef was being kept and consumed in a Muslim household in Bisara village in Dadri, a mob attacked the house of Mohammad Akhlaq.
This horrible incident is the outcome of a sustained communal campaign regarding cow slaughter and against beef consumption conducted by the Hindutva outfits. It also comes in the background of provocative statements being made by ministers in the Central government and various BJP leaders.
The Uttar Pradesh state government has to crack down against all those indulging in such communal propaganda. The police must uncover the culprits behind this motivated attack and take firm action to apprehend the guilty and bring them to justice.
How communal forces are using “beef” to create provocations is also evident in the manner in which a piece of beef was found near a temple in Ranchi sparking off trouble. The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) appeals to the people to be vigilant about such provocations and rebuff the designs of those fomenting violence by maintaining communal peace and harmony.
September 01, 2015
India: CPI(M) Statement on Renaming Aurangazeb Road in New Delhi
September 1, 2015
Press Statement
The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:
Don't Create Communal Controversies in Late President Kalam's Name
The recent renaming of Aurangazeb Road in New Delhi is a very unfortunate measure since it is widely regarded as the first step in a campaign to rename historical places and roads on communal grounds. It is regrettable that the Delhi state government under AAP leadership also became a party to this decision. The Polit Bureau demands that the decision be reversed. There are many other ways to perpetuate the memory of the late President Abdul Kalam. Creating such controversies is, in fact, an undignified manner of paying tribute.
Press Statement
The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:
Don't Create Communal Controversies in Late President Kalam's Name
The recent renaming of Aurangazeb Road in New Delhi is a very unfortunate measure since it is widely regarded as the first step in a campaign to rename historical places and roads on communal grounds. It is regrettable that the Delhi state government under AAP leadership also became a party to this decision. The Polit Bureau demands that the decision be reversed. There are many other ways to perpetuate the memory of the late President Abdul Kalam. Creating such controversies is, in fact, an undignified manner of paying tribute.
February 06, 2015
India: Press Statement by CPI(M) - Police Action on Christian Protest Condemned
February 6, 2015
Press Statement
The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:
Police Action on Christian Protest Condemned
The CPI(M) strongly deplores the police actions against the demonstration organized outside the Sacred Heart Church to protest attacks on Christian churches in Delhi. The peaceful protest which included the participation of nuns and priests was forcibly dispersed by the police with lathis and all were arrested.
The CPI(M) condemns the attitude of the Delhi police which is refusing to acknowledge that the vandalism on five churches in Delhi in the recent period is communally motivated and are hate crimes against a minority community. This reflects the stand of the BJP Government at the Centre, under whom the law and order machinery functions in Delhi.
The CPI(M) endorses the stand that a Special Investigation Team be set up to investigate these attacks so that the culprits can be brought to justice.
Press Statement
The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:
Police Action on Christian Protest Condemned
The CPI(M) strongly deplores the police actions against the demonstration organized outside the Sacred Heart Church to protest attacks on Christian churches in Delhi. The peaceful protest which included the participation of nuns and priests was forcibly dispersed by the police with lathis and all were arrested.
The CPI(M) condemns the attitude of the Delhi police which is refusing to acknowledge that the vandalism on five churches in Delhi in the recent period is communally motivated and are hate crimes against a minority community. This reflects the stand of the BJP Government at the Centre, under whom the law and order machinery functions in Delhi.
The CPI(M) endorses the stand that a Special Investigation Team be set up to investigate these attacks so that the culprits can be brought to justice.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
