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August 01, 2015

India: Dont let religous or other agendas get in the way of the mid-day meal schemes for chidlren (Lana Whittaker)

The Wire

Are Akshaya Patra Kitchens What They are Made Out to Be?
By Lana Whittaker on 01/08/2015

In recent years, NGOs have become increasingly involved in supplying meals to schools as part of the government’s midday meal scheme, particularly in large urban areas. Akshaya Patra is the largest of these, currently working in 10 states, feeding 1.4 million children each day. Centralised kitchens are vast and impressive. Huge quantities of food are produced in a mechanised manner and in hygienic conditions. The shiny kitchens contrast starkly with the decentralised model where, at best, the food is prepared in a simple kitchen and is cooked and distributed at the school by a local cook (usually a needy woman).

On the surface, it is thus tempting to laud organisations such as Akshaya Patra and endorse the centralised model. Tavleen Singh did just this in the Indian Express on July 19 when she recommended ‘a visit to any Akshaya Patra centre to see the difference between the school meals they provide and what government school kitchens provide’. I have spent the past nine months researching the midday meal scheme and take issue with this endorsement of Akshaya Patra. I believe we need to be cautious about such a simplistic acceptance of NGOs and centralised kitchens.

There are indeed many differences between the school meals provided by Akshaya Patra and school-based kitchens. Firstly, in decentralised kitchens you will find onion and garlic being used. Akshaya Patra does not use these ingredients for religious reasons. It is disconcerting that in a secular country, an organisation in partnership with the government is being allowed to dictate the menu according to the religion of its own promoters. For every Rs 7.40 Akshaya Patra spends per lunch per day, the government provides Rs 4.38. It is not clear why religion should be part of this government food security scheme.

More detrimentally, the NGO’s religious beliefs are also preventing the inclusion of eggs in the scheme in Rajasthan and other states such as Karnataka. Both the poor nutritional status of India’s children and the nutritional benefits of eggs are well documented. There is also a demand for eggs. In my research, I found that of 135 parents, 90% wanted their children to have eggs in school. A quarter of this sample were parents of children attending a school supplied by Akshaya Patra. It is not an absence of demand or even a lack of resources that is stopping these children from getting eggs, but the religious beliefs of the NGO’s promoters.

Secondly, in schools with a well-functioning midday meal scheme, you will find fruit being provided once a week. The weekly provision of fruit is stipulated in government guidelines and is desperately wanted by poor children who rarely consume fruit at home. Although providing fruit is a difficult task for many schools due to the meagre budget, most try. Yet, certainly in their Nathdwara and Jaipur kitchens, Akshaya Patra do not provide fruit at all. This is despite the considerable resources received from the government, CSR funding and donations.

Thirdly, in schools with a decentralised kitchen you will usually find hot and fresh food, cooked by local cooks according to local taste and preference. Visit schools where the food is provided by Akshaya Patra and you will find far blander food and piles of unwanted chapatis. Fresh chapatis at the Akshaya Patra kitchens are quite good. After they have been stored in a container for hours, they are almost inedible. In the centralised model, there is no space for local or cultural preference and no consideration of what people usually eat or want to eat.

Fourthly, in the villages of rural Rajasthan, you will find the needy, mostly Dalit women and often widows, employed as cooks. The work is hard and they receive an almost insulting Rs. 1000 per month, but it does provide a much-needed source of employment. When you centralise the kitchens, this source of rural employment is lost. Fewer people are employed, and preference is not given to the needy.

Further, the National Food Security Act stipulates that centralized kitchens can only operate in urban areas. Yet, for instance, the Akshaya Patra kitchen in Nathdwara supplies the whole block, in violation of the Act. This means that food is kept in containers for many hours before it is consumed raising food safety concerns. The model also prevents community participation.

These concerns extend to centralised kitchens in general. Kitchens run by NGOs are constantly being found to be inadequate and are closed down. For example, a centralised kitchen run by the Naandi Foundation used to supply food in Girwa block in Udaipur district. After many complaints from schools and parents about the quality of the food being provided, the kitchen was closed and the decentralised model was adopted. A 2013 parliamentary report raised questions over the funding of Akshaya Patra and ISKCON and the loss of employment for cook-cum- helpers. Moreover, the very recent CAG audit of the scheme found the suppliers in Delhi were not supplying enough food and in Karnataka ISCKON served 1.04 lakh kg less grain than required.

This is not to suggest that there are no problems with decentralised kitchens. Of course, there are. Time and time again I have witnessed schools without adequate cooking and storage facilities, schools not following the prescribed menus, schools struggling for money because the budget is too low and cooks not being paid on time. These problems need urgent attention, yet the recent budget cuts are likely to exacerbate them.

I am also not suggesting that there is no role for centralised kitchens in the midday meal scheme. Perhaps they have a role to play in large urban areas (although I do wonder whether a more localised system of collective kitchens run by local people might be the better way). Akshaya Patra provides hygienic food regularly and should be commended for this.

But, we need to be careful. Careful of letting seemingly benevolent NGOs supply food according to their own agendas, without regard for guidelines and without rigorous monitoring. Careful of losing sight of what and who the midday meal scheme is for. The midday meal scheme is an investment in India’s children and future. It seems unnecessary to let religious or other agendas get in the way of this.

Lana Whittaker is a PhD student at the University of Cambridge who is researching India’s midday meal scheme

ABVP Goons Stop Screening of Muzaffarnagar Documentary at Kirori Mal College in Delhi University

ABVP goons barge into the Kirori Mal College seminar room to stop the screening of Muzaffarnagar Baaqi Hai- Muzaffarnagar Eventually.

ABVP goons stop screening of 'Muzaffarnagar Baaqi Hai...' (Muz...

ABVP goons barge into the Kirori Mal College seminar room to stop the screening of Muzaffarnagar Baaqi Hai- Muzaffarnagar Eventually.

Posted by Nakul Singh Sawhney on Saturday, August 1, 2015

Nakul Sawhney's Documentary 'Muzaffarnagar Baaqi Hai' revisits the riots that tore apart western UP in 2013

Nakul Singh Sawhney’s sprawling documentary proceeds like an inquiry commission report into the riots preceding the famous BJP victory of 2014
Nandini Ramnath · Feb 19, 2015

http://scroll.in/article/707824/documentary-muzaffarnagar-baaqi-hai-revisits-the-riots-that-tore-apart-western-uttar-pradesh-in-2013-spun-the-bjp-to-electoral-victory

Terrorism has no religion - Letter to the Editor by Mukul Dube

"Terrorism has no religion" is an airy statement that sounds good but contains little sense. It is necessary to speak of /Hindutva terror/ -- an expression which was /not/ coined by the UPA, never mind Rajnath Singh's bilge -- because it is powerful evidence that violence is the guiding principle of Hindutva.

Mukul Dube
D504 Purvasha (Anand Lok) Apts.
Mayur Vihar 1
Delhi 110091
India
uthappam@gmail.com, arhardal@aim.com, dube.mukul@gmail.com

India: RSS Takeover of Educational Bodies - Poster Announcing Protest March to Parliement on 3 August 2015




July 31, 2015

Nepal: Federalism, republicanism and secularism

Nepali Times, 31 July - 6 Aug 2015 #769

Federalism, republicanism and secularism
Whatever the political compromise, Nepal's new constitution must stand on these three pillars of inclusive democracy

by Anurag Acharya

Last Tuesday, the controversial Hindu priest Kamalnayanacharya published an appeal in a mainstream Nepali paper calling on majority Hindus to launch a ‘religious war’ against secularism. A week later, Hindu groups continue to vandalise and obstruct life across the country, demanding that Nepal go back to being a theocratic state.

While the individual’s religious freedom comes under the ambit of fundamental rights guaranteed in the draft constitution, there is no basis for questioning the provision of declaring Nepal a secular state. In a democracy, defining the character of the State as secular ensures its neutrality in religious affairs, essential to maintaining communal harmony. India, which has a larger Muslim population than Pakistan, chose to be a secular republic. Because of its secular constitution, the country’s religious minorities are enjoying equal freedom, even under conservative right-wing governments.

The Sushil Koirala government’s tacit support of religious extremists risks an escalation of tensions. Here in Sunsari, the local police was sympathetic to the protestors demanding a Hindu state. The fact that lawmakers have been repeating public concern for religious freedom in the ongoing CA deliberations is proof that they haven’t done enough to convince their constituencies that a secular state can impartially protect and guarantee religious freedom for all. This has raised serious doubts about whether our own lawmakers fully appreciate the principle of secularism in a democracy, in the first place.

Last week’s feedback-gathering campaign also saw bitter clashes in the Tarai districts where locals protested against the draft constitution and burnt copies. Cadres affiliated to Madhes-based parties obstructed the feedback gathering process. UML leader Madhav Nepal was attacked in Rautahat, while protesters hurled stones at UCPN-M Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal who fled the scene. Similarly, an unidentified group lobbed a petrol bomb at Finance Minister Ram Sharan Mahat’s vehicle in Nuwakot.

These attacks are not acceptable, but they were expected. We were taking a dangerous gamble by trying to postpone federal demarcation in the draft constitution. Fed up with Kathmandu-centric politics and development, people had decisively called for Nepal to be declared a federal state from the streets during the Madhes movement, a demand that was incorporated in the Interim Constitution 2007 after 56 people lost their lives.

The last CA was dissolved precisely because the parties could not agree upon the number and boundary of the provinces. So, when the draft was tabled in the CA three weeks ago proposing to postpone the demarcation of provinces, Madhes-based parties protested once again. The protests inside the CA resonated with the local mood here in the Tarai, as thousands took to the streets. A week later, the situation remains fluid.

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has condemned police brutality during the crackdowns and instructed the government to take action against the guilty officers who used disproportionate force. The rights body has also taken exceptional note of serious flaws in the draft and submitted its written concern to the CA Chairman Subhas Nembang.

“We are worried that the draft has overlooked universal principles of human rights and our international commitments in some provisions including citizenship rights to women,” Commissioner Mohana Ansari told me this week.

Article 12 on citizenship limits women from passing down equal citizenship to their children. Similarly, article 24(2) allows the state to ‘regulate’ the media, a draconian clause that could be abused to suspend press freedom. Article 36(3) which guarantees right to free higher education for disabled and economically marginalised, has been limited by subjecting it to formulation of bylaws. There are similar limitations on the right to health, right to food, and rights of senior citizens, the homeless and the Dalits.

Nepal has already been embarrassed internationally for its mistreatment of refugees, so watering down fundamental rights could see the country plunge further in the global human rights index. "Fundamental rights must be stated clearly in the constitution because they come immediately into effect and the state cannot postpone them under any pretext," the NHRC says in its feedback to the CA.

There has been a deluge of such feedback in the past two weeks during the public consultation process. Still, hundreds of thousands of farmers reeling under a severe drought in the Tarai and those affected by the quake remained unaware of the proceedings. The best way to uphold their injured aspirations is by ensuring that Nepal’s new constitution adopts an inclusive democratic character in letter and in spirit.

'Hindu terror', tag weakened India's stand on terrorism: says Hindutva leader and Home Minister Rajnath Singh

The Times of India

'Hindu terror', coined by UPA, weakened India's stand on terrorism: Rajnath Singh

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Hindu-terror-coined-by-UPA-weakened-Indias-stand-on-terrorism-Rajnath-Singh/articleshow/48294135.cms