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Showing posts with label Mathura. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mathura. Show all posts

March 20, 2023

India - Mathura: Ashutosh Pandey, the new star sadhu to pressure Idgah

 The Print

Jailed for cow smuggling, dumped by VHP — Mathura gets a new star sadhu to pressure Idgah

Ashutosh Pandey shot to fame when he brought a 3-ft idol of Lord Krishna to court. He claims his Trust got the electricity at Shahi Idgah mosque cut.

20 March, 2023

https://theprint.in/the-fineprint/jailed-for-cow-smuggling-dumped-by-vhp-mathura-gets-a-new-star-sadhu-to-pressure-idgah/1455959/

May 23, 2022

October 05, 2020

India: Bharatiya Janata Party Making Trouble in Mathura over Mosque - 'Mathura's temple & Idgah row' Editorial, The Telegraph (Oct 5, 2020)

The Telegraph Side by side: Mathura's temple & Idgah row Apparently the mosque stands on the exact spot where a Hindu deity was born. The Editorial Board | | Published 05.10.20, 04:34 AM The project was being drummed up on the lines of a historic model. A group calling itself “friends of Sri Krishna Virajman” had petitioned a Mathura civil court for possession of the 13.37 acres of land on which the Sri Krishna Janmabhoomi temple of Mathura and the Shahi Idgah mosque have been standing side by side for years. Apparently the mosque stands on the exact spot where the Hindu deity was born. In other words, the mosque must go. The court dismissed the petition, because the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991 would not allow this change. While the lawful conclusion to another divisive attempt is to be lauded in these torn times, one aspect of the episode that emerged even before the court’s dismissal must also be welcomed. The trust that runs the Mathura temple objected forcefully to the petition to have the mosque removed. It was clear to the trust that certain ‘unscrupulous’ people were trying to create a controversy ‘out of nothing’. Calling it a ‘ploy’ of the Bharatiya Janata Party, the trust felt that the party at the Centre and in Uttar Pradesh expected to gain leverage through this new temple-mosque affair in the 2022 elections. [ . . . ] https://www.telegraphindia.com/opinion/side-by-side-mathuras-temple-idgah-row/cid/1793908

June 11, 2016

India: Life in the Mathura cult camp

The Hindu

Life in the Mathura cult camp
by Sweta Goswami

Ram Vriksh Yadav’s illegal settlement was virtually an independent republic where he had worked out every detail of the lives of his followers.

Lying on a government hospital bed in Vrindavan with a fractured foot and nursing bruises, Bimla Devi, 38, recalls the time she spent at Jawahar Bagh, Mathura. Till June 2, before dinner was about to be served at 4 p.m. when police bulldozers broke through the walls of the park, members of the Swadhin Bharat Subhash Sena had led an orderly life. In the melee that followed Ms. Devi lost contact with her husband and her sister. She has no idea where they are now or if they are alive.
After her marriage Ms. Devi was unable to have a child and began falling ill frequently. That’s when disciples of Jai Gurudev spoke of his miracles and the power of his blessings. She became a follower in 2006. “Since then I have been his worshipper. When Babaji died in 2012, we were not allowed to see his dead body and were kicked out of his ashram. All of us demanded his death certificate from the DM (district magistrate) Mathura and that is how the protest at Jawahar Bagh began. Netaji had fearlessly fought for us,” she says.
It was Yadav’s fiery oratory that drew both her and her husband closer to him. She still was not able to bear children but six years into her childless marriage, she began looking after her sister’s children — Sunny Deol (10) and Rinkle (8) — as her own. All six of them — Ms. Devi, her husband, her sister, her sister’s husband and their children — lived in a single-room jhuggi. There were roughly 2,500 living similarly.
The beautiful pond-facing district horticulture officer’s (DHO) quarter inside the park was taken over by the messiah. He turned it into a full-fledged home with two ACs, heater, computer, toasters, mixer-grinder, bathrooms and even a treadmill. His followers lived in tents in the gardens and toilets covered with cloth for privacy — for this the park’s rainwater drainage channels were used.
A commune in a park

Ram Vriksh Yadav, ‘Netaji’, as the children of the camp referred to him, had worked out every detail of the lives of the followers down to a T. Each morning, precisely at 8 a.m., Ms. Devi joined scores of other women to stand in queue for the daily prarthana (prayer). The men and women lined up separately in front of a stage. The morning prayers took place on a stage about 30 metres from the main gate. Led by an elderly person chosen by Yadav, the prayers lasted 20 minutes. The cult’s sky blue flag, with half of the Indian map drawn on a white globe, fluttered atop it. At prayer time the sprawling Jawahar Bagh reverberated with chants, more anthem than prayer — officials claim Yadav wanted to wrap it into a national anthem of his Azad Hind Sarkar. “Sankalp hai shaheedo ka, deskbhakto ki manzil laksh, Swadhin Bharat ka jhanda lehrane laga... Jai Hind, Jai Subhash,” Ms. Devi recalls the song.
Children and those part of various teams were awake by 6 a.m. for training. “While children did PT, the men busied themselves in physical activities and self-defence with sticks,” says Ms. Devi. Breakfast was ready to be served from 8.30 a.m. to 12 p.m. There was no lunch. Dinner was served from 4 p.m. to 8 p.m. Separate enclosures were built for men and women to eat their meals. The men laid out the mats on the ground to sit on. The women would serve food to women and men to men.
“Sometimes there would be khichdi and that was restricted to three servings. But usually breakfast meant three rotis and salt without any oil. But dinner used to be good. There used to be rice, dal and sabzi,” says Komal who had come to Mathura from Ludhiana to find her parents, Moti Lal Maurya (59) and Lakhi Devi (52) — both in Mathura jail now. Mr. Maurya had left his job as an LIC agent, their two-storey house and five children in Ludhiana in 2014 to stay at Jawahar Bagh.
Work was clearly defined. Women were responsible for sweeping and making rotis and rice, the men would guard the precincts, take care of maintenance work such as installing makeshift electricity poles. There was a team for supervising the canteen, one to maintain cleanliness and one for gardening.
To be allowed to stay in their “ashram” residents had to be disciplined and yes, there were rules. Nobody could go out of the gate without citing the reason, servings of food were fixed, plucking fruits from the orchard was meant only for a specific team and not the rest of the residents, photography inside the park was prohibited and littering, petty fights or even arguments among residents was punishable.
“Netaji would beat the hell out of a wrongdoer. Once two men were fighting over water, one of them was beaten with thick wooden sticks. On other occasions, he would punish by asking the person to pay for a day’s food of all the residents,” says Hazari Lal Gupta, a shopkeeper from Rewa district in Madhya Pradesh who had come to stay in Jawahar Bagh. One day when an inmate’s child killed a bird, he was asked to fund the ‘bhandara’ ration for the day.
In 1986, Mr. Gupta happened to be in Allahabad when Jai Gurudev was holding a week-long programme in the city. He attended it and became his bhakt (devotee). “From his talks I came to believe he was God. I visited Mathura for his darshan four times a year.” He then took part in Yadav’s ‘Vidhi sandesh satyagraha yatra’. They came to Mathura with the primary quest of knowing the fate of their guru, who was reported to have died. “In 2012, when they said Baba had died, we were not allowed to see his body and chased away with sticks. We were not allowed any hearing. Where have they hidden him? All we wanted to know was if he is alive, where is he? If he is dead, give us the death certificate as proof. We came to Mathura to just know the truth.”
Jawahar Bagh also had a homoeopathy clinic with two doctors and a van came every Friday for those who needed allopathic medicine.
Steady stream of visitors

For the inhabitants of Jawahar Bagh, which until two years ago used to be a recreational park for the locals, visits by different lawyers were routine.
Mintu Singh explains it simply: Netaji was preparing for “the final battle”. Admitted to the District Government Hospital, Vrindavan, the 23-year-old is in pain. A bullet grazed his left cheek on June 2 when the police entered Jawahar Bagh. Mr. Singh is one of seven in the same government hospital in Vrindavan where Ms. Devi is admitted.
Then there were influential people who would come in red beacon cars to meet the cult leader. Whenever someone important came, Netaji would ask the women to prepare fresh bel (wood apple) sherbet plucked from the orchards. Many times Superintendent of Police Mukul Dwivedi, who died during the June 2 raid, had come. Activity in the orchard would increase at night with trucks carrying food supplies coming in, and trees being cut for different purposes.
For a week from March 14, Jawahar Bagh resembled a colony lit up for Diwali. It was celebration time as the Swadhin Bharat Subhash Sena had completed two years of their “satyagraha” here. Decorative lights were neatly laid out by the “satyagrahis” and Yadav had organised satsangs for six days. The seventh day was the gala ‘bhandara’, to which high-ranked officials and politicians were also invited.
Most inhabitants were farmers and peasants or did menial jobs, others ran kirana shops and came from Bihar, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and other cities of Uttar Pradesh. However, not everyone who came into Jawahar Bagh came for this cause. Yadav and his aides had promised employment and land pockets to some. “They would send pamphlets promising jobs. Then some people were made to stand at the railway stations and important bus stops to convince farmers who arrive in the city to join them,” says Sanjay Chaudhary, a resident of Jawahar Bagh Colony that shares its boundary wall with the park.
When the government cut off the electricity supply about two months ago, followers had erected bamboo poles for makeshift light poles which were powered by solar panels. Loudspeakers were fixed on trees on all sides of the park through which calls for prayer meets, food and exercises were made apart from special announcements.
It was only in January this year that Yadav began classes for children. For this the park’s decorative waterbody that had dried up became a classroom. The sides were painted black for use as writing boards. As well as to paint slogans such as ‘Shaheedon ke gurudev Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose… Mera Netaji ka jhanda ferhana vishwa mein (Unfurl Netaji’s flag around the world).’ There was no set pattern for teaching. Anyone who was reasonably educated could teach. Classes went on till ten.
The followers’ unshakeable faith

Mintu Singh also does not know where his family scattered after June 2. Eight of them — his parents and six siblings — came from Bareilly in 2014 to live with 2,500 other cult followers at Jawahar Bagh, located in the heart of Mathura and spread over 270 acres. But it would be a mistake to presume that Mr. Singh is devastated by the turn of events. He sits upright on his blood-stained bed and speaks with passion about his leader Ram Vriksh Yadav, the deceased self-styled god-man Jai Gurudev whom he and other cult members refer to as “bhagwan ji”, and how the ‘Azad Hind Sarkar’ is going to rule the country one day.
Nodding in agreement, six other patients in the ward, including Ms. Devi, chant “Jai Hind! Jai Subhas!”
sweta.goswami@thehindu.co.in
Corrections & Clarifications:
A previous version of this article mentioned Rewari as a district in Madhya Pradesh. The name of the district is Rewa. The correction has been carried out post publication.


June 09, 2016

India: Re-reading Mathura [Violence & the politics of ashrams, sects their shadowy side and echo in lower-middle class etc..]

The Asian Age, June 08, 2016

Re-reading Mathura

by Shiv Visvanathan

The Mathura episode is being seen in isolation... We have powerful political movements within a 300-mile radius of New Delhi. They seek utopia and their symbolic world creates a different politics.

In my childhood, one of the most cherished films was by top Japanese director Akira Kurosawa. His Rashomon was something we all saw — it was a mark of our literacy and our cosmopolitanism. It dealt with an incident told through three different eyes, three different perspectives. As each of the narrators took over, one saw a different world and one realised how storytelling varies with the eye of the storyteller. One also understood it was not as if one narrative was false and the other true, all had equal claims to veracity. It was a childhood recognition of the complexity of storytelling: “Rashomon” became a code word for a deeper, more variegated understanding of the world. Rashomon is now almost a forgotten classic, yet its relevance is clear every day. There are stories that need a compulsive retelling from another perspective.

A major event this past week was the violence in Mathura that killed at least 24 people, with the newspapers saying it was a clash between the police and a group calling itself Swadheen Bharat Subhash Sena, Reports said the police was trying to evict them from public land, and that two police officers lost their lives in the violence. What was a simple narrative at the headline level, however, opens up a Pandora’s box of possibilities.

The media had two basic approaches. One, a secular perspective, dominant among most journalists, seeing it as a series of seedy events, efforts by a group of people to grab public land. Ram Vriksh Yadav is remembered as a key disciple of Baba Jai Guru Dev, a revered person with a huge amount of ashram property. A struggle for succession turns into a struggle for property, and the political economy of real estate leads to the “land grab”. Violence follows, and as the police tries to evict Ram Vriksh Yadav, he and his followers die. The narrative is simple, the details fascinating. What is emphasised is how a 280-acre plot belonging to the state horticultural department is usurped as a personal jagir. The usual insinuations follow: deep connections to those in power. Between the political economy of land and a strict secular interpretation of religious or pseudo-religious movements, the narrative treats events as acts of violence and corruption. In this, the Mathura violence is a simple law and order problem.

But there is a second view, presented mostly by police officers and security analysts. The emphasis here is on intelligence and internal security, and the threat religious movements using national icons and religious symbols pose to law and order and security. Police officers note how Uttar Pradesh is a volatile state, and ask why local intelligence officials were unaware of the extent of arms and ammunition, including hand grenades, that the movement had. UP chief minister Akhilesh Yadav has said the police went unprepared for violence. The police and security officials also see this as an intelligence failure but add that it lends a touch of irony to Mr Yadav’s efforts to modernise the state’s police. They see it more as a failure of governance, claiming mere technology and publicity cannot substitute for the failure in intelligence-gathering. They also warn of the dangers of communal conflagrations, and hint political links with such groups might have a dangerous fallout.

In reviewing both these perspectives, one is reminded of the Rashomon effect. Is a third narrative possible, which blends this data in a different way? One is tempted to ask if after the secular journalist and the intelligence analyst, a marginal anthropologist can offer an alternative scenario?

Anthropology, while open to the materiality of economics, also deals with symbols, with ideas as constructs. It takes people seriously. Political economy is important, but the symbolic world possesses its own grammar and power. It also defines and determines behaviour in the real world.

Let us now re-read the narratives in this context.

The journalists cite fascinating details. They remind us Ram Vriksh Yadav was a follower of Baba Gurudev, who visualised himself as Subhash Chandra Bose. The spectre of Subhash haunts the movement, yet in a bid to sanitise Bose, the journalists forget he still has political uses, and not just in West Bengal. Bose represents that eternal non-Gandhian, non-Nehruvian alternative for India. Ram Vriksh Yadav, like Jai Gurudev, uses Bose as a symbol. Many of his demands seem silly, yet they are wishlists, dreams of marginal groups who find it hard to relate to mainstream middle-class politics. One can’t just dismiss these demands. There is a context and logic: such dreams as political movements are what anthropologists call millennial movements. They mark early Christianity and tribal movements battling colonialism and modernity. They often sound like underground irrational eruptions from the shadowy side of religion. The works of Francis Yates and Peter Worsley have captured them beautifully.

It’s time we took such millennial groups more seriously in India. I remember a defence expert telling me the Chinese Communist Party is more threatened by movements like Falun Gong than its political opponents. The Mathura episode is being seen in isolation. But just map the area. A year ago we had reports of trouble from an ashram in Hisar, where an imagination engineer, Rampal, had set up a movement. The ashram was so powerfully equipped that it took armed police several days to occupy it. Rampal was portrayed as a great bhakt of Hanuman and Kabir. Close to the ashram is Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh Insan’s Dera Sacha Sauda. Think of Asaram Bapu in Jodhpur and Baba Ram Dev in Hardwar. In each, we have powerful political movements, all within a 300-mile radius of New Delhi. Each speaks a millennial lingo, not using standard symbols. Each is lower-middle class, each is a sub-state to the RSS’ broad votebank. While the RSS is committed to the state, these movements can cut away. They speak the language of community tied by archaic symbols seeking greater access to opportunity. They seek utopia, and their symbolic world creates a different style of politics.

The news, seen in isolation, reveals some patterns. The presence of so many groups should raise curiosity about the Indian’s symbolic world, and how symbols are being used more in marginal politics. Are we narrowing the imagination? Perhaps the media needs to hire a few anthropologists.

The writer is a professor at Jindal Law School

India: The Republic of Ram Briksh Yadav (Apoorvanand)

The Tribune, June 9, 2016

The Republic of Ram Briksh Yadav
by Apoorvanand

A cult around Bose, the myth of his immortality has been cultivated very carefully to compete with and delegitimise the idea of a Nehruvian India. It is a militarist notion of a nation which has been propagated by the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh and its associates, the BJP being part of them.


Policemen carry a colleague injured during clashes with members of a sect said to be illegally living at Jawahar Bagh Park, Mathura. PTI
THE violence at Mathura has outraged people. But more than anger, there is bewilderment. It is difficult for people to accept that right in the heart of a town like Mathura, part of the mainland, there existed and flourished a liberated zone. Liberated zones in our imagination are created only by Naxalites or Maoists in the jungles of Chhattisgarh or Jharkhand. And they are inspired by alien ideologies like Marxism or Maoism. This makes it easy for us to label them as anti-nationals, conspirators who are out to dismember our nation. They have collaborators hiding in palces like the JNU, masquerading as students and teachers.

People and political parties are upset that government parallel to the one they form through the “legitimate” process of elections was running the show at Jawahar Bagh for more than two years. Some news reports have described it as a “free nation”. The government agencies are treating them as squatters who had illegally occupied a public property called the Jawahar Bagh.

It is also metaphorical that a park named after Nehru was occupied by members of what is being called a “Bose Cult.” The members of this cult believed that the Nehruvian Indian nation was a falsehood which needed to be undone, using the ideas of Subhas Chandra Bose. It is said that their leader, Ram Briksh Yadav was also a follower of the “Jai Gurudev” cult, a Baba of repute of yesteryear. He led nearly 3,000 people, from different parts of Uttar Pradesh and other states to Mathura and camped at Jawahar Bagh. He distributed plots to the people on which they built houses, a school used to operate there, armed training was imparted to the young and old. The “Bose-Gurudev nation” also had its own economic structure. There was a police force and an army which used to protect the "nation." For all pratical puposes, this was the base camp from where they wanted to spread further. That there was support outside this fortress is evident from the fact that the "nation" used to get regular supply of foodgrain and other necessities from places not only in UP but also Madhya Pradesh. For the inhabitants of Jawahar Bagh, the idea of this nation was so real and serious that they were ready to die for it. It was interesting to see that most of the media described the clash between them and the Indian police as a battle.

More than 29 people have died. Two senior police officers had to sacrifice their lives to assert the sovereignty of India over Jawahar Bagh. We are yet to see them decorated as martyrs. Jawans of our armed forces are immediately called martyrs when they die in Chhattisgarh or Jharkhand or Jammu and Kashmir. It would be too much to confer martyrdom on the functionaries of the state who are merely engaged in the eviction of illegal squatters.

The whole incident, had it not been so bloody, looks amusing. There is a something quixotic about it. The foolhardiness or audacity of the "citizens" of this "Bose-Gurudev" nation beats one's imagination. Did they seriously believe that they could beat back the might of the Indian State? Hypothetically speaking, if the idea of the "Bose-Gurudev" nationhood could capture the imagination of 3,000 people, what prevents it from bringing three lakh or three million people under its spell?

What is it that upsets us in the whole episode? Is it the bloodshed? Or is it the fact of illegal occupation of a public land? Was not it not done recently in the capital of India, on the bed of Yamuna against the orders of an institution which sought to assert the sovereignty of the nation against a Godman like Jai Gurudev? Is it the profile of the following of the living Godman something to do with the sheepishness of the organs of the Indian State before the Godman, who openly challenged the might of the State by declaring that even after being declared illegal, he would carry on with the congregation? The police and the Army was employed to facilitate the illegality and the Prime Minister of the country blessed the illegality.

We also read, and again with outrage, that the SP government was toying with the idea of giving the park to the cult on lease for 99 years. Why should it go against the UP government when we have instances like granting of acres of land in the heart of the protected ridge of Delhi to Asaram Bapu by a government led by the BJP by the orders of the then Home Minister LK Advani, or more recently to Baba Ramdev by the BJP government of Chhattisgarh? What makes Sri Sri or Asaram Bapu or Ramdev more deserving than Ram Briksh Yadav? What public good these worthies serve which Ram Briksh was incapable of doing?

Be it the three-day event at the Yamuna or the ashrams of these gurus, it is not the will of the Indian State which is supreme there. It is their own security, their own little armies under the rule of these gurus which are in command.

It cannot be that we did not like the name of a person like Bose being turned into a stupid cult. For, this is what we have witnessed in these last seven decades. A cult around Bose, the myth of his immortality has been cultivated very carefully to compete with and delegitimise the idea of a Nehruvian India. It is a militarist notion of a nation which has been propagated by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and its associates, the BJP being part of them. We have seen that it is quite possible to mobilise masses around this militant idea.

We find the idea of people following a half-educated man like Ram Briksh Yadav very funny. Has it occurred to us that we have willingly elected an organisation as our ruler which believes that the first organ transplant was done by god Shiva and we had a fully developed science of aeronautics in times of Lord Rama?

The fact of armed training at Jawahar Bagh is also being seen as unacceptable. We witness and many of us participate in the armed training camps run by the RSS and its allies. We are not only not offended by that but find the whole act patriotic. We conveniently ignore the fact that along with arms these people are also being trained into an idea of a nation which seeks to replace, if not overthrow the current idea of India, as enshrined in its Constitution. There may be people willing to be fooled by “the-Constitution-as-my-sacred-book” proclamation of their leader but his following knows in its heart that a true nation is only one which has complete Hindu supremacy.

In the aftermath of the bloodshed at Jawahar Bagh of Mathura, we need to remember that Ram Briksh Yadav may be dead and his “nation” vanquished but the “Gurudev-Bose” notion of Indian nationhood is very much alive in many other forms and with our active participation in promoting it.

The writer is a Professor of Hindi at Delhi University.

June 07, 2016

India: Power of God-men, Con-men, Gurus, Guru dung . . .

The Hindu, June 8, 2016

The ambiguities of gurudom

by Neera Chandhoke

The prime attraction of today’s guru is that he or she is accessible to all. In circumstances that breed despair, the guru becomes the healer, the confidant, and the protective patriarch or matriarch

Newspaper reports on the Jawahar Bagh killings in Mathura followed in quick succession accounts of the extravaganza hosted by Sri Sri Ravi Shankar on the floodplain of the Yamuna in Delhi. Both reports reinforce convictions that our world is best described as topsy-turvy. There was a time when statesmen like Jawaharlal Nehru believed that religion was dangerous because it convinced followers that hunger, filth and misery were their natural lot. Today god-men, accomplished practitioners of the art of politics, wield considerable power and political clout. But they wilfully overlook, and thereby sanction misery, hunger and filth.

Consider the paradoxes of this rapidly growing phenomenon. Men of god are expected to be renouncers. New-age gurus dress in flashy apparel, travel in luxurious private planes, host celebrations attended by pomp and splendour, and endeavour to arouse shock and awe among devotees. Ministers, Supreme Court judges, high-ranking bureaucrats, police officers, corporate honchos, and media personalities genuflect at the feet of self-styled gurus. Never have religious leaders fetched such unthinking obeisance, and untrammelled power as they do today. It is not surprising that they have neither time nor inclination to do something about the ills of our society.

Down the ages

This was not always so. In all religions, visionary spiritual leaders have challenged hierarchies and disparities, exploitation and discrimination of the community. From the sixth to the sixteenth century the Bhakti movement launched a powerful attack on caste-based discrimination in Hinduism. Till today the subversive poetry authored by Kabir is remembered, recited and sung. “Pandit,” he addressed the Brahmin, “look in your heart to know. Tell me how untouchability was born — untouchability is what you made so.”

Right up till the turn of the twentieth century, a number of religious leaders driven by the quest for a moral order, and fired by the belief that untouchability was a later appendage to Hinduism, tried to retrieve the spiritual essence of the religion. Over the millennia, others threw up their metaphorical hands in despair, broke away and established new religions — Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism. Hinduism, smudged deeply by social exclusion, became the object of struggle, the target of social reform movements, and often the butt of ridicule.

Do we see any of this questioning by cults today? Perhaps not. Self-styled gurus can hardly launch a critique of a system of which they are the beneficiaries. When the ‘spiritual’ leader of the infamous Swadheen Bharat Subhas Sena, Jai Gurudev, died in 2012, he reportedly left property and land worth Rs.12,000 crore, a school, a petrol pump, a temple that secured him immortality, ashrams, assets, and luxury cars. Hinduism is a religion that teaches detachment; ironically, leaders of cults are passionately attached to worldly possessions, power and pelf. Their power is on public display. Certainly, Indians have bowed their foreheads before gurus, renouncers, holy men, savants and peripatetic sadhus since time immemorial. But these transactions between believers and faith leaders were private, confidential and sacrosanct. These days transactions are public affairs; conspicuously orchestrated mega-events are televised and breathlessly consumed by a global constituency.

Soulless world and leaders

Why do then thousands of people flock to new-age gurus on show? Perhaps there is an answer. Within the tradition, the guru spent many years mastering philosophical knowledge because his role was that of a medium between individuals and the divine. He himself was never the divine. Yet access to the spiritual leader was restricted through elaborate rituals of exclusion of castes and often women.

The prime attraction of today’s guru is that he/she is accessible to all. The gates of spiritual wisdom have been thrown open, gatekeepers have been dispensed with, and religious philosophy has been democratised. Whether the leader himself is a democrat is questionable. But that does not matter for people who have been left rudderless in a world of vulgar consumerism and stark disparities. They have lost confidence in their ability to negotiate the demands of a market-driven society. In capitalist society the value of a person is judged by the value of her possessions. Individuals themselves become commodities at considerable cost to their self-esteem and assurance.

Social norms breed despair, and the guru becomes the healer, the confidant, and the protective patriarch or matriarch. In a commodity-driven world, where ordinary people lurch — like a fragile raft on stormy waters — from one crisis to another, religion becomes as Marx had said, “the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of the soulless condition.” The problem is not with religion, it is with this soulless world that many seek to negotiate with the help of a religious leader.

The quest for reassurance and validation of the self through face-to-face interaction with a local deity, or saint or a god-man is not new. In Punjab, for years Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs worshipped together at roadside shrines, or at the tomb of a Sufi saint. In the town of Malerkotla, Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs offer money, jewels, and cooked sweet rice at the mazaar of Sheikh Sadr-ud-Din, the founder of Malerkotla and a Sufi saint. Thousands of people visit a fair held on the first Thursday of every month. In 1904 the author of the Malerkotla Gazetteer wrote in a puzzled mien, “It is strange that these fairs are mostly attended by Hindus though Sadr-ud-Din was a Muslim saint.” This is a town of Sufi tombs, temple bells hang in front of mosques, and Om is tattooed on the hands of the keeper of the shrine. Notably Malerkotla has never witnessed a communal riot, simply because joint worship created a political community. It is debatable whether modern gurus teach followers to live in harmony with other fellow beings. At best, they teach instant moksha, at worst they exploit followers.

Hindutva versus god-men

Ironically personalised worship to a new-age guru has recreated multiple centres of belief that are characteristic of Hinduism. Historians tell us that the unified religion we call Hinduism is a colonial construct, because it were colonial administrators and missionaries who lumped various groups, philosophies, faiths, and ideologies under the umbrella term ‘Hinduism’. Neo-Hindu leaders, buffeted by criticism of practices sanctioned by Hinduism, responded to the colonial encounter by projecting a pan-Indian religion.

Over time this religion provided identity and inspiration to sections of the nationalist movement. V.D. Savarkar refused to accept that Hinduism is of relatively recent provenance, and suggested that the religion goes back into ancient time. He called it Hindutva, an ideology that forms the crux of the homogenising project of the religious Right. The irony is that Hindutva can only go so far, it contributes to identity formation through differentiation, but it cannot fill empty or half-filled pockets, give jobs, assure dignity, promise security, or allay insecurities and complexes. That only an urban-based guru or a cult, which has replaced the traditional roadside shrine, can give.

The contradiction is that even if gurudom feeds into the project of Hindutva, spiritual leaders exercise, for the state, dangerous autonomy. For example, Jawahar Bagh developed into an independent township within the precincts of a sovereign India. Its inhabitants established an economy, an educational system, a currency, and imparted training in violence to the children. They also created a rather wacky political and economic agenda, but one that posed a challenge to the government. That gurus influence considerably the electoral fortunes of the local candidate is the worst-kept secret in India. That is why politicians court them.

We know that Hindutva is fractured along the lines of caste and class. But it is also a brittle construct because it has to compete with personalised religious cults for the loyalties of citizens. Over time, the project is bound to come a cropper, because what we call Hinduism is nothing but a time-bound coalition of cults, religious groups, personalised modes of worship and localised gods. These relentlessly subvert the homogenising ideology of Hindutva. For the rational, god-men are irrational, for the votaries of Hindutva they provide a rather major headache.

Neera Chandhoke is a former Professor of Political Science, Delhi University.

June 06, 2016

India: Political patronage behind the fire - Editorial in The Tribune on the Violence in Mathura

The Tribune, June 6, 2016

EDITORIAL

Why Mathura erupted: Political patronage behind the fire

What happened at Mathura last week was the result of political patronage of a self-appointed guru who was allowed to occupy government land, raise a private army and gather deadly arms and ammunition right under the nose of the administration. The takeover of the 260-acre government park was not done in one day. It took two years and none interfered till the court forced the eviction. Illegalities such as this cannot happen without the knowledge and tacit approval of the administration. Two weeks ago the civic authorities had cut off electricity and water supply to the park, but it was restored in 12 hours. Local residents had complained about excesses by the illegal occupants. Police officers are quoted in media reports as saying that whenever they wanted to act, a call from Lucknow stopped them. The BJP has called the attackers “goons of PWD Minister Shivpal Singh Yadav”.

The Uttar Pradesh police chief has admitted that “we knew they had arms, didn't think they would fire at us.” Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav too has admitted the mistake but only about the police ill-preparedness in taking on the organised gang of encroachers. He is silent on political protection to criminals. The scale of preparedness and the audacity of the attack by the band of thugs using the name of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose took everyone by surprise. Law and order is expected to become a hot poll issue in the coming assembly elections.

Violent consequences of political patronage to godmen and criminals are not confined to UP. Haryana was on the brink when godman Rampal and his followers refused to submit to court orders in 2014. On Mathura a BJP spokesman wondered: “Why was the government missing?” He forgot the BJP-ruled Haryana when Rampal asserted his power and mobs ransacked towns and cities during the Jat agitation. It has become a common feature of India’s electoral politics. Godmen and gangsters have proliferated with political blessings in Punjab and Haryana as well. Ruling politicians, however, can protect them only up to a point. When courts intervene finally, the results are usually disastrous.

June 03, 2016

India: What were these violent clashes in Mathura between Azad Bharat Vidhik Vaicharik Kranti Satyagrahi and the police ?

Mathura clashes: Toll climbs to 21, probe ordered
TNN | Jun 3, 2016,

MATHURA: At least 21 people, including an SP and an SHO, have been killed in the massive clash between police and encroachers that broke out here on Thursday even as Uttar Pradesh chief minister Akhilesh Yadav has ordered an inquiry.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Mathura-clashes-Toll-climbs-to-21-probe-ordered/articleshow/52566146.cms

April 15, 2014

India: BJP candidate adresses elections campaign meeting directly from Hindu Temple

The Times of India

FIR against Hema Malini for addressing people in temple
PTI | Apr 15, 2014, 07.12 PM IST

FIR against Hema Malini for addressing people in temple
An FIR has been filed against actress Hema Malini, the BJP candidate from Mathura Lok Sabha seat, for allegedly violating the model code of conduct by addressing people at a temple in Bera village.
MATHURA: An FIR has been filed against actress Hema Malini, the BJP candidate from Mathura Lok Sabha seat, for allegedly violating the model code of conduct by addressing people at a temple in Bera village here.

"Not only flag and banner of the party was put on the building of Alkeswar Temple of Bera village falling under Mat Tahsil, but Hema Malini addressed a meeting on loudspeaker using temple premises as platform on April 7," ADM Dhirendra Sachan said.

Three FIRs have already been filed against the actress for alleged violation of the model code of conduct, he stated.

Meanwhile, notices have been issued against three other candidates from the constituency for alleged violation of model code of conduct.

"While AAP candidate Anuj Garg was found guilty of distributing party caps to people, BSP candidate Yogesh Dwivedi did not mention the number of pamphlets he distributed after getting them printed from a press.

Bahujan Mukti Party candidate Maharam Singh distributed pamphlets which did not carry the name of the press where it was printed.

He also did not furnish proof of the number of pamphlets he got printed," Sachan said.

June 30, 2013

June 29, 2013

India: Cops arrest VHP leader Jagdish Anant for involvement in May 30 serial blasts in Mathura

Mail Today | Lucknow, June 28, 2013

Piyush Srivastava

The police have arrested a Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader for last month's serial blasts in Kosikalan area of Mathura. The investigators have concluded that Jagdish Anant, city president of the VHP, was not only involved in the blasts but also in assembling the bombs.

Four bombs had exploded in the minority dominated area on May 30. Although there was no casualty in the blasts, the Local Intelligence Unit (LIU) has stated that it was meant for terrorizing the people.

"There was CCTV footage to prove that he was at the blast sites soon before explosions. He terrorized the local residents and tried to disturb social harmony by his actions", said SSP of Mathura Rajesh Kumar Singh Rathore.

The arrest of the VHP leader has also substantiated the allegation of the Muslim clerics of the area that they were behind last year's riots in Kosikalan in which four people were brutally killed.

Maulana Tahir Singarvi, head of Darul Uloom Madrassa in Kosikalan, one time close confident of ruling Samajwadi Party (SP) president Mulayam Singh Yadav, has alleged that the lynching of four persons during a riot in the town on June 1, 2012 was pre-planned by the right-wing organisation.

"Despite our repeated reminder with certain proofs that the VHP leaders were behind the riots in past and planning to instigate more communal violence, the SP government is sitting idle as if waiting for mass murder of the members of minority community. It is in the agenda of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) to push Mathura in communal violence before Parliamentary elections and polarize majority votes in favour of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)," alleged Singarvi.

"A report prepared by social workers under the guidance of well-known legal luminary Rajinder Sachar has squarely blamed Bhagat Prasad Ruhela, BJP's chairman of Kosikalan Nagar Palika Parishad for last year's riot. Debo Pansari, an aide of Ruhela washed his hand in a contained in which water was kept for those who had turned up for Friday prayer in a masjid. But when Khalid, a local youth objected, a large number of rioters led by Ruhela attacked the Muslims," he further alleged.

The report had quoted Farzana (46), whose two son-in-laws Bhura and Kallu has been lynched and then burnt and Mohammad Idrees, whose nephew Salauddin was killed. Sonu, a Hindu boy had also died in the riot.

But former BJP MP Tejveer Singh said it was a conspiracy of the SP government to malign the RSS and the VHP.

"Jagdish Anant has been arrested on the direction of the SP leaders because he has support of 36 Block Development Committee (BDC) members whereas the SP and the RLD together have only 35 members of their side. He is a victim of block level politics. But we will not sit idle. We have already started sit-in stirs in the city for his release", Singh said.


Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/cops-nab-vhp-leader-involvement-in-may-30-mathura-serial-blasts-india-today/1/285832.html

January 29, 2012

BJP promises: Haj Type Subsidy to pilgrims, Disneyland in Mathura and Vrindavan

From: The Asian Age
BJP promises ‘Adhyatmik Disneyland’

Jan 28, 2012 - YOJNA GUSAI | Age Correspondent New Delhi

It’s not Mickey Mouse but Lord Krishna which has fired the saffron imagination — on building a “Disneyland-type” theme park in Uttar Pradesh’s nucleus of “brajbhoomi” (land where Krishna was born), Mathura and where he frolicked with the gopis, Vrindavan.

For the lotus brigade these cities will be the country’s “Adhyatmik Disneyland”, said the BJP manifesto for the UP elections, released on Friday. The BJP, which has also revived the Ram Mandir issue, wants to keep religion as one of its major planks to consolidate its Hindu hardliner votebank.
Mathura being where Krishna grew to manhood, paintings and sculptures will be put up “to depict his journey from the prison of his maternal uncle Kansa to Brajbhoomi”. Temple staff and devotees will also move around dressed as Krishna, his elder brother Balram and his cowhered friends. Similar images will be put up at Vrindavan.
Seeking divine help to win in UP, the BJP manifesto also promises to create a “teerthatan mantralaya” (ministry for pilgrimage). And that’s not all. An airport is also promised at Ayodhya, Lord Ram’s birthplace, and Chitrakoot, abode of Ram, wife Sita and brother Lakshman during their 11-year exile. The BJP also promises that it will provide Haj-type subsidies for pilgrims headed for Mansarovar.

June 20, 2000

Mathura's Christians see pattern in violence

(The Times of India
20 June 2000)


Mathura's Christians see pattern in violence

By Siddharth Varadarajan
The Times of India News Service

NAWADA: Two recent incidents have unnerved Mathura's small Christian
community. Those who were inclined to see Brother George's murder as a
chance event are today convinced -- after his cook Vijay Ekka died in
police custody -- that Christian institutions are being deliberately
targeted by criminal elements. They feel the BJP-led state government
is either not doing enough to uphold the rule of law or is tacitly
endorsing the attacks by its inaction.

One visit to the St Francis Public School in this small village on the
outskirts of Mathura, and it is clear that Brother George Kuzhikandan
never stood a chance. A gentle Malayali priest and teacher, he lay
sleeping on a cot outside the boys' hostel in the early hours of June
7 when he was set upon by a gang of five or six men - no one is really
sure how many. The deserted school compound was unguarded and unlit.
Even if he had tried to shout for help, the roar of the trucks
speeding past on NH-2 would have drowned out his cries. The men
battered him and then ransacked the school, before decamping with a
few electronic items and possibly as much as Rs 30,000 in cash,
according to Brother Emanuel, the school principal.

The only other people in the compound at the time were a young couple,
Ekka and his wife. Ekka was the school cook. The window of his small
flat directly opens out in front of the spot where George was attacked
and it is difficult to imagine that he did not see what was going on.
Perhaps he chose to remain silent because he was scared. Perhaps he
knew the identity of the killers. All we know for sure is that Vijay
is now dead. One week after taking him in for questioning - during
which, according to Brother Emanuel, he was asked why he had converted
to Christianity - he was ``found'' slumped on the toilet seat of a
bathroom in Mathura's police lines. The post-mortem has established
the cause of death to be ``asphyxia due to strangulation.''

An official with the local administration told this reporter, on
condition of anonymity, that in all probability Vijay had been killed
in custody. Two policemen have been arrested and a judicial probe has
been announced by the UP government.

The brutal beating of a priest in neighbouring Kosikalan in April and
two recent incidents in which attempts were made to intimidate
church-run schools in Mathura into granting admissions, reducing fees
and passing students who had failed in their exams point towards this
attitude.

Whether true or not, both priests and members of the laity see Vijay's
custodial killing as a ham-handed attempt by the police to cover up
the Brother George case. A senior police official, however, speaking
on condition of anonymity, dismissed such a scenario. ``Even if an
inspector wanted to eliminate him, he would be foolish to do so while
he was in custody.'' If Ekka was killed in custody, he said, this was
most probably because the interrogating officer miscalculated the
degree of third-degree. ``An officer had been suspended because he did
not solve the George case within two days. Thanks to the media
publicity, there was pressure from above for quick results. That's why
this tragedy occurred''.

Administration officials also insist that the George killing and the
other incidents are all unrelated with no ``communal angle'' to it.
``Ever sincethe Kosikalan incident two months ago'', claimed an
official, ``even groups like the Bajrang Dal have been keeping a low
profile for fear that they will be blamed.'' Christian schools are
being targeted because they have money, he insisted.

Ordinary Christians, however, feel that even if the violence is not
the handiwork of one organisation working to a plan, the political
climate in UP is such that Christians have become easy targets.
``Anyone who wants to settle scores, or rob or loot knows that if he
targets church institutions, the BJP government will not come after
them'', said a businessman.