India: Shivaji Jayanti - Is Govind Pansare's Shivaji losing the battle against fanaticism? (Atish Nagpure)

Daily News and Analysis

Shivaji Jayanti: Is Govind Pansare's Shivaji losing the battle against fanaticism?

Atish Nagpure | Fri, 19 Feb 2016-11:04am , dna webdesk

Atish Nagpure analyses the two different images that exist of the ruler.

According to the Gregorian calendar, February 19 is celebrated as Shivaji Jayanti, a date fixed by the previous Congress government. The Shiv Sena however disagrees and celebrates it according to the Hindu calendar. The fight over Shivaji's legacy is interesting because there seem to be two different Shivajis that are celebrated. While one Shivaji has been cast as anti-Muslim, casteist and a blind follower of religion. On the other hand, rationalist Govind Pansare has often argued that Shivaji was popular because his priority was welfare of the common people and justice for all. In this piece published first on Feb 2015, Atish Nagpure analyses the two different images that exist of the legendary ruler.

As children, we used to play a game called 'Shivaji Mhanato' (Shivaji says). In this, one person would give orders in behalf of Shivaji Maharaj and others had to keep following them.
There were no restrictions, so 'Shivaji' had complete freedom to give any order he saw fit. Though it was a game like any other, it provided evidence of the impact of Shivaji on the minds of common people in Maharashtra.
I have 'met' Shivaji many times in life. He was a brave, fearless, wise king who fought for Hindutva, protected cows and Brahmins. Such was the image of Shivaji built in my mind. But when I read 'Shivaji kon hota?' (Who was Shivaji?) a masterpiece by Govind Pansare, I was stunned. On that day, I revisited not just Shivaji, but also myself, although forcibly. It changed my perception about history, society and life.
We once called Maharashtra a progressive state. But due to a series of unfortunate incidents, the so-called progressiveness of Maharashtra is now being doubted. In fact, the incidents over the last few years have proven that there are two dominant mindsets prevalent in this state. One, which led the progressive reform movements and the other which tried its best to protect backward value system.
For many decades, we kept on praising ourselves for being the heirs of Ranade, Karve, Agarkar, Shahu, Mahatma Phule and Babasaheb Ambedkar, but conveniently forgot the legacy of Nathuram Godse, a virus which spread quickly in the minds of the people of Maharashtra.
Both ideologies have one symbol in common i.e. Shivaji. But their versions of Shivaji are completely removed from each other. To understand if Maharashtra is a progressive or backward state, we will have to find out which version of Shivaji is more popular in this state. For centuries, Shivaji has been misinterpreted by some interest groups as anti–Muslim, casteist and a blind follower of religion. These groups reclaimed Shivaji and even proclaimed him an avatar of God.
But Govind Pansare's book on Shivaji has managed to sell over 1 lakh copies in 27 years. In this book, he has explained how Shivaji was religious but not anti–Muslim or superstitious. He says, "Shivaji had not become popular because he was just a Hindu king, but because his priority was welfare of the common people. He fought for justice, ensured security to women, and recruited fighers irrespective of their caste and community to help the dream of Swarajya come true." Pansare's version of Shivaji must have caused restlessness in the radical right.
In same book Pansare says, "Earlier Shivaji was popular in neighbouring states like Karnataka, Gujrat, Madhya Pradesh, but his image there was compartmentalised by leaders like PK Atre during the Samyukta Maharashtra movement. It was further recast by the Shiv Sena as a Hindu king. The party used his name to popularise its anti–Muslim agenda. It continued with upper caste organizations shouting slogans of 'Jai Bhavani, Jai Shivaji', while attacking Dalit communities.”
Shivaji is at the centre of Maharashtra’s socio–political culture. People's emotional attachment to Shivaji is being used by political parties and vested interest groups to achieve their ill-intentioned goals. Pansare had raised his voice against it. He fought relentlessly against this misrepresentation of Shivaji. But unfortunately his Shivaji seems to be losing the battle and the other Shivaji is becoming more popular in Maharashtra today. It is really a serious issue.
A year and half ago, anti–superstition activist Dr Narendra Dabholkar was killed on the streets of Pune. In a very similar incident Pansare was attacked at Kolhapur. We do not know who has committed these crimes. But one thing we can claim with confidence is that those who attacked both of them have not shouted slogans like 'Jai Bhavani, Jai Shivaji'. They could have been the victims of 'Shivaji mhanato'. This is irony at its worst!
A few years ago, the Nandu Madhav directed drama 'Shivaji underground in Bhimnagar mohalla' hit the theatres. It was a genuine attempt to educate people about the true legacy of Shivaji. After witnessing a series of unfortunate, brutal incidents, I feel there is an urgent need for Pansare's Shivaji to surface again, and lead us on the right path.

Good news for Free Speech: Court Lifts Ban on James Laine's Shivaji Book

The Times of India

Writers welcome SC judgment on Shivaji book

TNN, Jul 10, 2010, 12.56am IST

MUMBAI: Friday’s Supreme Court judgment lifting the ban on James Laine’s controversial book Shivaji - Hindu King in Islamic India has received mixed reactions. While most have welcomed the lifting of the ban, some feel that the author should have shown restraint in publishing controversial material that was not backed by documentary evidence.

Sharada Dwivedi, a Mumbai-based historian and researcher, said she was delighted that the ban on the book had been lifted. "Shivaji was undoubtedly a great man who was highly revered, but we live in a democracy and people should have the freedom of speech," she said. Dwivedi referred to the despicable attack on Pune’s Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in 2004 by a politically motivated group, the Sambhaji Brigade, who vandalised the premises merely because the author had conducted his research for the book there. "It was unforgivable," she said. "They were protecting the reputation of someone who has been gone for centuries, but in the process destroyed something that could have been a treasure trove for future generations."

Writer Chetan Bhagat said he was against the very of idea books being banned. "To ban or not to ban a book becomes a very subjective choice. If a book has hurt sentiments or is offensive, people can condemn it, ignore it or ask for an apology, but banning a book shows high-handedness. We should not turn into a society that doesn’t allow voices of dissent," said Bhagat, adding, "If the book hurt sentiments, the author should apologise. Like in the case of a recently published article in Time magazine by Joel Stein that offended Indian sensibilities. Ultimately, they published an apology."

Shyam Pakhre, history lecturer at KC College, said that when foreigners write books based on Indian history, they are often unable to understand the moral code of conduct of our society. "Writing sensational things without supporting them with evidence is bound to hurt sentiments. I support freedom of speech and expression only when due respect is given to people’s sentiments," he said.

Writer Shanta Gokhale said this was a small issue blown out of proportion. "It was not as if James Laine was saying anything new, but there has always been someone to claim championship of the Marathas. Today, it is impossible for anyone to say or write anything about Shivaji. It’s almost like 10 people or so have a monopoly over the man. I’m happy for Laine and the rest of us," she said.

Aroon Tikekar, a journalist and historian, felt that the Maharashtra government was hasty in banning the book. "There is nothing controversial in the book. It is the theory that the Portuguese had come up with that Shivaji was born in the fort of Bafir and was the son of a man named Menezes. This theory was even mentioned in Gerson da Cunha’s book, 'The Origin of Bombay'. However, this theory has been exploded, which is also mentioned in the book."

Hate politics in Sangli: In the shadow of Maharashtra assembly elections

Mail Today, 10 October 2009

Politics of hatred grips Maharashtra hinterland

By Krishna Kumar in Sangli ( Maharashtra)

BJP may gain as Sangli boils over clashes between two communities

POLITICS of hatred has cast its dark shadow over assembly elections in Maharashtra’s Sangli district.

A riot triggered by Muslim miscreants has led to the consolidation of Hindutva forces here.

On September 3, a poster put up by a local Ganesh utsav mandal showing Maratha warrior Shivaji slaying Mughal general Afzal Khan sparked a riot, the wounds of which are fresh.

Some Muslim radicals in Miraj took objection to the poster that led to stone throwing incidents in which Ganesh idols were damaged.

A month on, peace prevails, but political parties, especially the BJP, are out to cash in on communal sentiments.

Suresh Khade, the BJP candidate from Miraj in Sangli, is not campaigning in minority- dominated areas — he doesn’t have to — and by all accounts, would win hands down.

The riots have communally polarised the populace to such an extent that a huge percentage of Hindus will vote for Khade. A similar situation prevails in the Sangli seat where another BJP candidate Sambhaji Pawar is sitting pretty knowing the polarisation will see him through.

The Hindus are angry after the idols were vandalised. Many mandals refused to immerse their idols till they were allowed to put up the poster. But the administration did not budge and after more than a week of stalemate, the police forced the mandals to immerse the idols.

To cash in on these sentiments, the saffron party is telling the electorate to take ‘ revenge’ on the Congress- NCP government for the “ humiliation”. “ The Muslims did not have any reason to be angry as the poster was not against their community, yet they broke our idols and the police and the government did nothing. Why should we vote for the Congress- NCP?” asks Sanjay Kadam of Miraj.

Imran Ilyas Naikwadi, a social worker in Miraj, who also runs an NGO, admits that a few criminals were involved in the stoning incident which sparked off the violence.

“ The situation could have been controlled, Muslims do not have a problem with the poster, I repeat that it was some criminals who did it and we went and apologised, but no one was ready to listen,” Naikwadi adds.

He says the clashes were controlled the same day, but CDs and photographs of the damaged idols began circulating which sparked riots again on September 4. Naikwadi believes the situation will become normal soon.

However, the BJP, which is assured of victory, is still talking of “ vengeance”. Two nationallevel leaders have come to Miraj over the past week and have been telling people to show their “ anger” through the ballot boxes.

Khade, however, justified BJP’s campaigning. “ The Hindus are bound to be angry with the government for the way the whole issue was handled. We are going to get benefit out of it as the people know we are a Hinduvadi party,” Khade says.

The saffron party and its rhetoric have led to a few parts of Sangli and nearby areas like Kolhapur witnessing vandalising and looting of shops and business establishments belonging to people of the minority community.

In many villages, local Hindu outfits have told villagers not to patronise shops belonging to Muslims. Areas like Kavte Piran, Ichalganji ( a textile town), Elavi and Kolhapur have seen Hindus boycotting Muslim shops.

This ‘ economic blockade’ appears to be the result of a systematic campaign by radical Hindu outfits. For instance, immediately after the riots, incendiary pamphlets were distributed freely among the Hindu populace.

Sangli district collector acknowledged the pamphlets were distributed but said they have been stopped.

ShivaJi, Shiv Sena and the Battle over History

Daily News and Analysis
7 June 2009

Stop distorting history: Sena
Kiran Tare

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena on Saturday once again came down heavily on Maratha organisations for "creating a rift in society using the name of Shivaji Maharaj". Party executive president Uddhav Thackeray questioned the intention of the Maratha leaders, and said that Marathas who had surrendered to Muslim organisations did not have a right to talk about Brahmin legends.

Thackeray took objection to the removal of Dadoji Konddev's name as Shivaji's teacher from school textbooks. "The Congress-NCP government has altered history under pressure from communal organisations," he said in a statement. "People who can tolerate to have Afzal Khan and Aurangzeb's graves worshipped, should not talk against Dadoji Konddev and Samarth Ramdas."

The Maratha organisations claimed that Dadoji Konddev was not Shivaji's teacher. Following their opposition, the government removed his name from history books, DNA had first revealed on Saturday.

Thackeray upbraided Maratha leaders for "distorting history". "When a pure Maratha, Babasaheb Bhosale, was chief minister, a sentence like 'Shivaji Maharaj spilled Afzal Khan's blood and entrails on the ground' was removed from textbooks under pressure from Muslim organisations. They had taken exception to Shivaji's bravery.

Where were these Maratha organisations at that time?" he asked.
"Congress leaders bow to Aurangzeb's grave in Aurangabad. He was the person who brutally killed Sambhaji Maharaj. The Shiv Sena is fighting to rename Aurangabad as Sambhaji Nagar, but the Maratha organisations do not support us. They fight to remove Dadoji Konddev's name. Then why are they holding back when it comes to Afzal Khan or Aurangzeb?," Thackeray said.

Political observers believe the recent controversies over two Brahmin dignitaries--Babasaheb Purandare and Dadoji Konddev-- is an attempt by the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) to attract traditional Maratha voters ahead of the Assembly elections. "The results of recently-concluded Lok Sabha polls proved that the NCP has lost some ground in its one-time bastion, western Maharashtra. The party has now resorted to gimmicks to attract traditional voters, though some top party leaders are not in favour of that," an observer said.

A Sena official said they were aware of the NCP's 'tactics'. "After the Parliamentary elections, it has been established that the Sena-BJP alliance got support from the OBCs. A fraction of the Marathas also supported us. The NCP knows this, and is therefore trying to woo our Maratha supporters," he added.

"The Sena is trying to gain political mileage from the Maratha vs Brahmin dispute. The state government had removed Dadoji Konddev's name from the state sports award last year. The award previously known as the Dadoji Konddev Puraskar is now called the Sarvottam Krida Margadarshak Puraskar (Best Sports Coach award). The Sena did not raise its voice at that time," the observer pointed out.

THE TURN OF EVENTS

The controversy over the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Monument centres around the demand for reservation by the Maratha community. While the Maratha organisations want political reservation, the state has only assured reservation in education and government jobs. Initially,Maratha organisation objected veteran historian Babasaheb Purandare's appointment as advisor in the Chhatrapati Shivaji Smarak consulting committee. Following protests, chief minister Ashok Chavan announced he was the head of the consulting committee and would take suggestions from all sections of society.

Shivaji's Statue in Arabian Sea

Shivaji’s Statue in Arabian Sea

Ram Puniyani

Maharashtra Government has taken a decision sometime back that it will erect the statue of Shivaji, in the Arabian Sea, a la Statue of Liberty in US. Shivaji is one of the greatest icons from medieval times in Maharashtra. This statue is estimated to cost around 300 crores (ten thousand, thousands) as per present projections. This decision of the Maharashtra Government was hardly debated. Even those who feel that there is a bigger need for funds for other development issues, kept quite, as by now Shivaji has become a matter of big identity politics in Maharashtra. Every party with Maharashtra connection swears in his name. While one is scathingly critical, an rightly so, of the statue raising spree by Mayawati, statues of dalit icons and of her own, about Shivaji there is hardly a ripple of protest, the debate about whether public money of such a big magnitude should be spent on the statue, has remained on the margins.

However what surfaced as the debate took the form of caste issue. There was a talk that Babasaheb Purandare, a Brahmin, who has written some popular material on Shivaji will be made as the Chairman of the committee overseeing the work of statue. In response Maratha Mahasangh chief, Purushottam Khedekar and others objected to a Brahmin heading the committee for a statue for Maratha warrior. They also threatened to use violence in case their fatwa is not followed. Not to be left behind, Raj Thackeray, belonging to another political tendency resorting to violent methods, gave a counter threat that Purandare must be retained on the committee.

It goes without saying that people like Khedekar and Raj Thackeray, sail in the same boat of intolerant politics, which needs to be condemned. Also the caste angle of controversy should be opposed thoroughly. Still one will urge that Babasaheb Purandare should not be on the committee. The reasons for that lie not in the fact that Purandare is a Brahmin, but because Purandare’s presentation of Shivaji is through and through communal. It picks up from the tradition of British Historiography, communal historiography, which in order to implement the policy of divide and rule, presented the history through the prism of religion. In Maharashtra there are as many images of Shivaji's as are the number of political streams. Purandare’s Shivaji, as manifested through his play Jaanta Raja (All knowing King) is primarily an anti Muslim King. Shivaji is also presented as the great worshipper of Brahmins and cows. Purandare’s total slant is that Shivaji wanted to build Hindu nation etc. which is not only far from truth but also has a very divisive way of presenting our past.

As a matter of fact, Shivaji is popular amongst people, not because he was anti Muslim or worshipper of Cows and Brahmins, but because he went on to reduce the taxation on the poor peasants. Shivaji adopted humane policy in aspects of his administration, which did not base itself on the religion. In the recruitment of his soldiers and officers for his army and navy, religion was no criterion and more than one third of his army consisted of Muslims. The supreme command of his navy was with Siddi Sambal, and Muslim Siddis were in navy in large numbers. Interestingly his major battles were fought with the Rajput army lead by Mirza Raja Jaisingh on behalf of King Aurangzeb. When he was detained at Agra forte, of the two men on whom he relied for his eventual escape, one was a Muslim called Madari Mehtar. His confidential secretary was Maulana Haider Ali and the chief of his cannon division was Ibrahim Gardi.

His respect for other religions was very clear and he respected the holy seers like 'Hazarat Baba Yaqut bahut Thorwale', whom he gave the life pension and also Father Ambrose, whose church was under attack in Gujarat. At his capital Raigad he erected a special mosque for Muslim devotees in front of his palace in the same way that he built the Jagadishwar temple for his own daily worship.

During his military campaigns Shivaji had issued strict instructions to his men and officers that Muslim women and children should not be subjected to maltreatment. Mosques and Dargah's were given due protection. He also ordered that whenever a copy of Koran came into the hands of his men, they should show proper respect to the book and hand it over to a Muslim. The story of his bowing to the daughter-in-law of Bassein's Nawab is well known to all. When she was brought as a part of the loot and offered to him, he respectfully begged her pardon and asked his soldiers to reach her back from the place from where she was forcibly brought in. Shivaji was in no way actuated by any hatred towards Muslims as a sect or towards their religion. All this goes on to show the values of communal harmony which Shivaji pursued, and that his primary goal was to establish his own kingdom with maximum possible geographical area. To project him as anti-Muslim and anti-Islam is travesty of truth.

Today rank casteist-communal forces are also in the bandwagon to ‘use’ Shivaji issue for their political goals. One recalls that Human rights activist Teesta Setalvad had prepared a hand book of History for the school teachers some time back. In this she pointed out that since Shivaji was a Shudra, the Brahmins refused to coronate him, so a Brahmin Gaga Bhat had to be brought from Kashi, who did the coronation ritual. Since Shivaji was a Shudra this coronation was done with the toe of his left foot by Gaga Bhat. The local Shiv Sena went on to oppose this handbook on the ground that the writer is calling him a Shudra. It is true that Shivaji was a Shudra and this incident is true. Similarly Bhandarkar Institute was attacked by the same people, Khedekar and company, on the pretext that this institute had helped James Lane write a book on Shivaji. It is well known that this book mentioned a rumor about the real parentage of Shivaji.

While communal historiography has been the major tool in the arsenal of communal forces, now we are witnessing, ‘caste historiography’ to settle the scores of contemporary caste politics. It is sad. What is needed is to overcome these caste and communal angles to build the nation, while giving justice to the deprived sections, while planning affirmative actions for the marginalized sections.

One also hopes the Government thinks of using the public money in a better way than raising statue. The making of statue should also take into consideration the ecological factors, and if these factors permit the statue, it should come up, with a proviso that the money for the statue will be raised from people. The government money should not be spent on this.

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Rajasthan: Municipal funds for Hindutva culture making

(Hindustan Times)

Raje Govt funds saffron play

KS Tomar, Hindustan Times
Jaipur, June 27, 2008

The BJP government in Rajasthan financing a troupe from Pune to stage a play in Jaipur that is certain to please the RSS has drawn flak from Congress corporators and intellectuals here.

The Jaipur Municipal Corporation (JMC) has sanctioned Rs 68 lakh to the Maharaja Shivchhatrapati Pratishthan Trust which is staging the play, Jaanta Raja (King Who Knows Everything), in the city for five days from Thursday.

The play, which has already been staged in other BJP-ruled states such as Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, projects Shivaji as an ardent protector of a Hindu Rashtra.

JMC mayor Ashok Parnami justified the release of funds to the troupe but denied that it aimed to please the RSS bosses.

He said the JMC earmarks Rs 2 crore to encourage and promote culture, traditions and the importance of our history and that “Rs 68 lakh was sanctioned from this budget to organise staging of the play”.

"The youths do not know about their past and this play will fill the void," the mayor said.

Renowned playwright Ranbir Singh said, “The play is an instrument of RSS propaganda and has nothing to do with encouraging art.”

Congress chief whip in the corporation Giri Raj Khandelwal said, “It is a sheer wastage of public funds. The corporation's decision to spend such a large amount to promote RSS activities is illegal and unjustified.”

Khandelwal and other Congress corporators said they would oppose the “misuse of funds by the corporation that is unable to create adequate civic amenities”.

Gahi Sas, coordinator of the Pune trust, however, said, “It is wrong to say that we are publicising the RSS ideology. Shivaji Maharaj can be an icon for the current rulers and we have organised shows in different states such as Gujarat, Goa, Delhi and Maharashtra.”

He said private institutions had financed the shows in Maharashtra, Delhi and Goa but state governments had provided funds in Gujarat and Chhattisgarh.

Hindutva types use Shivaji as excuse to flaunt guns in public

See a CNN-IBN video report on the Hindutva public display of arms in Indore

Maharashtra dresses up as Shivaji: Politics of Identity and Intolerance

Politics of Identity and Intolerance

by Ram Puniyani

On fifth of June (2008) a group of followers of Shiv Sangram Sanghtan (SSS), led by a former MLC of Nationalist Congress party, attacked the house of editor of Loksatta, a prominent Marathi daily, Kumar Ketkar and tried to break open the house. They broke the glass panes, did other possible damage and smeared the house with coal tar, before leaving. They, as per their leader, were expressing their spontaneous anger against Ketkar, who according to them had insulted Shivaji in his editorial. This editorial was a sarcastic criticism of the Maharashtra Government's move to build statue of Shivaji, which will be taller than the one of statue of Liberty, and it will be located in the Arabian Sea, on an island, which will have to be built and an approach to the island will have to be made. This will involve expenses, which will be in astronomical figures. Ketkar, one of the leading journalist and conscience raiser of society, questioned the wisdom of the Government in planning for such a monument when the state is riddled with so many problems, like farmers suicide, children's malnutrition, unemployment and the like. Ketkar had not once questioned the respect for Shivaji which a large section of Mahrashtrians have.

What was surprising was that apart from the attack, some of those posing to be respecting Shivaji, claimed that such an 'inspiring' monument will solve the problems of the state! What is surprising is that in a state known for its liberal, progressive traditions, the tactics adopted by the likes of SSS have not been the only ones of this type. Earlier we witnessed an attack on Bhandarkar Institute, Pune by similar characters when James Laine's book subtly hinted at the real parentage of Shivaji. Since Laine did his research at this institute. Similarly earlier Shiv Sena had created ruckus when secular activist Teesta Setalvad had prepared a handbook for a school which mentioned that Shivaji was a Shudra. While this is true, currently the word Shudra is perceived in a derogatory sense so Shiv Sena's ire!

As such Shivaji has been invoked to build a particular type of identity. In current times Bal Thackeray in his anti non-Mahrashtrian stance built it up for political gains. The same identity was used to give anti Muslim message, contrary to the fact that Shivaji was not against Muslims, he had innumerable Muslims in his administration, army, Navy and what have you. He also had immense respect for Hazarat Baba Bahutthorwale a Sufi saint. Contrary to the truth and facts Shiv Sena succeeded in undertaking anti Muslim pogrom and anti Muslim politics to polarize the Hindus, in the name of Shivaji. By and by Mahrashtraian identity has come to be fixed around Shivaji alone, bypassing the glorious heritage of Saints like Tukaram and Chokha Mela, bypassing the doyens of social change like Jotiba Phule and Ambedkar. This bypasses innumerable freedom fighters from Maharashtra and the large groups of rational thinkers also.

Shivaji's identity was deliberately picked up by communal forces as there are few instances which if seen selectively, may sound against Muslims and others. This selective projection has been employed for motivated and crooked political calculations. They have most of the times reaped political harvest by abusing the identity of Shivaji for their political goals.

Last few years with the growing neglect of social issues the identity politics is being given exalted importance and so other political formations have also been resorting to the use of this identity politics around Shivaji. With the growth of this comes the intolerance where any criticism, real or perceived against the icons is met with attacks aimed to muzzle the voice of those protesting against some or other policy. The degree of intolerance is so intense that the attackers are not bothered even about the real social issues, they many a times, even don't read what has been written and merely on the ground of make believe; take the law in their hands to pursue their politics. In Mahrashtra Bal Thackeray did it to a great effect and now other political elements are also doing the same. This type of politics essentially wants to preserve the status quo and distract the attention from basic social issues. Ketkar essentially was urging upon the government to take the basic issues and not to resort to the politics of tokenism.

In current times, especially from last two decades the identity politics has been imposed upon the society. It all began with RSS combine (RC) (RSS and its progeny, BJP, VHP, Bajrang Dal, Vanvasi kalian Ashram etc) throwing up the issue of Ram temple which was to distract the attention from real issues related to caste, gender and workers-Adivasi rights. With Lord Ram being brought forward as symbol of Indian identity the problems of poor were pushed to the back seat and today what we see that now Ram Sethu issue is being presented as the major problem. Emotive, identity related issues have the potential to create social hysteria and so have the power to undermine the real social problems. Now the housing for poor gets substituted by temple for Lord Ram and that's how the agenda of this identity politics can be understood.

One recalls attacks on journalists in the aftermath of Babri demolition. One is witnessing today the attacks on those speaking against the goals of divisive identity politics. While those undertaking such attacks must be punished, the identity politics itself needs to be defeated and the issues related to the people of society need to be put on the forefront of the social agenda. The decade of 1980s saw the transition when the issue based politics was undermined by diverse social processes and vested interests to project their social interests in the name of religion and in the wake of Meenakishipuram conversions of Dalts to Islam, Shah Bano judgement and opening of the locks of Babri mosque heralded the opening of floodgates of identity related issues and politics.

It is not that identity is always counter productive. For the oppressed groups identity around their icons may give them necessary strength to demand for their rights. But that is only in the beginning. Over a period of time, the positive signals get converted into ritualism and the inner meaning is gradually dwarfed. This is what happened with the statues of Dr. Ambedkar. While the dalit politics was struggling to invent new language to ensure their rights, the proliferation of statues of Dr. Ambedkar was accompanied by infinite divisions in the dalit movement. Those who were deeply opposed to the rising dalit assertion and power took this opportunity and came in the field to erect bigger statues while replacing his language of Learn, Organize and Struggle with Social Harmony, Samajik Samarasta. These statues of Dr. Ambedkar were also deliberately desecrated to create trouble in Dalit areas. Currently large number of temples and statues of Shabri and Hanuman are being installed by RSS affiliate Vanvasi Kalyan Ahsram in Adivais areas to give the subtle message that Adivaisi are to upper caste what Hanuman and Shabri were to Lord Ram.

While a lot needs to be understood about Mayawati's politics, from her transition from Bahujan to Sarvajan, from her original dalit stance to collaboration with BJP for some time, her defense of Gujarat carnage and her electoral interventions which may mostly be benefiting the BJP politics, what is undoubted is that while initially she gave a sort of strength to dalits quest for assertion, currently she is more busy with erecting her own statues. At the same time her stance of sitting on a level higher than her supporters; also indicate the shift from Ambedkar's values of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. The complexity of social phenomenon is immense. While those talking in the language of Rights are being marginalized the one's projecting identity and emotive issues are making hay. Attack on Ketkar on this ground has more to say than just freedom of expression, it also reminds us that the type of opinions which could be expressed freely some time ago is a no-no in contemporary times.

The best example of this is probably celebrated and currently hounded painter M.F. Hussein. While he drew Goddess Sarswati and many other such paintings in previous decades, the attacks came in last two decades alone. The same paintings were 'discovered' in 90s and he became the target of attacks and forced to leave India. Case of Taslima also comes fairly close. While not commenting on her understanding of Koran and Islam, one can say that she also had to suffer much more from late nineties till now.

The writers, painters and opinion makers are consciously being intimidated and frightened to ensure that merchants of identity politics are able to undermine the issues related to bread, butter, shelter, employment and human rights. And that's what is the agenda of those who unleash the politics of Rath yatras, Gujarat Carnage, beat up Taslima or attack Ketkar. At surface they may sound to be divided along religious lines, but they have a deeper unity, abolish democracy-bring in identity based nation sate.

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Issues in Secular Politics
E circulated Fortnightly for publication/circulation
June 2008 I

NOW LET'S BUILD A STATUE

Indian Express June 06, 2008

'ALL THE PROBLEMS HAVE BEEN SOLVED. NOW LET'S BUILD A STATUE'

by Kumar Ketkar

[This is the editorial that appeared in Loksatta (published by the Indian Express Group) on Wednesday, June 4, on the Maharashtra government's decision to install a massive statue of Shivaji off the coast of Mumbai. The house of Loksatta editor Kumar Ketkar was attacked on Thursday]


It appears that all the problems of Maharashtra have been solved. People are not only happy and contented but are looking forward to a magnificent future. There are no indebted farmers in the state now, no suicides, no deaths caused by malnutrition. All children go to school, there is no unemployment among the educated as there is tremendous growth of industry as well as the knowledge sector and everyone has been employed. There is no question of the unskilled or the uneducated being unemployed because there is no such person. All the rivers and small and big dams on them have irrigated most of the land, including the drought-prone rainshadow belts. Obviously, there is no food shortage and, in fact, Maharashtra is surplus in food. There is no load shedding and not only is Nariman Point-Colaba shining but the whole state is illuminated. Dr Abhay Bang had espoused the cause of Arogya-Swarajya. That cause has already been achieved and the average lifespan in the state is 100 years.

This great success could not have been achieved without the farsighted leadership, commitment, conviction and vision of the state government. The credit for this goes to Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh and Deputy Chief Minister R.R. Patil. That is why the whole state is applauding and saluting their leadership. Indeed, that is why the people of the state are immensely delighted that the duo that rules the state has taken up the grand project of erecting a magnificent statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, right in the Arabian Sea, across Nariman Point, about one kilometre away. The government has decided that the statue will be taller and more grand than the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbour.

The very idea of such a statue, mooted by the Congress-NCP four years ago, was welcomed by the whole Marathi people. Such a monument was the necessity of the hour, to announce to the world that Maharashtra is a state of warriors and patriots and the symbol of that spirit is Shivaji Maharaj. That is why Victoria Terminus was renamed as Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST). Instantly after the renaming, trains began to run on time, crowds could be managed, corruption disappeared, the local train journey became comfortable, like in the European suburban railway, and there were no accidents. Could this have happened without the glory of the name of Shivaji Maharaj that adorns the station now? Then the state and the people took the initiative to rename the domestic as well as international airport of Mumbai. Both are now renamed as Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj airport terminal. Like a magic wand, the airports became efficient, employees began to behave courteously, flights were punctual, take-offs and landings perfect, no more hovering in the sky looking for landing spots. Who would have believed this if it had not actually been experienced by the people? Was it possible without the miracle called Shivaji Maharaj?

Naturally, the government felt that having solved all the problems of the people, what remains to be done is to tell the whole world of the greatness of Shivaji. The government has decided to have more than one acre of land inside the sea acquired and filled so as to build the monument, which will attract all global tourists. All facilities will be given to the tourists. There will be a museum near the statue, artifacts of the 17th century, Shivaji's personal effects, swords and shields and attire. There will also be directives issued by the Maharaj to his administrators on how to govern and make the people happy. Along with the museum, there will be shopping malls, selling T-shirts with Shivaji's painting. There will be Shivaji key chains, Shivaji gift items, including cutlery.

Of course, there will be no beer bars. So obviously, there will be no dance bars, which the Deputy Chief Minister R.R. Patil detests so much. There will be perhaps wine, which according to the leader of NCP, Sharad Pawar, is not alcohol. So wine will be sold and served along with Coke and Pepsi and other soft drinks. There will be swadeshi McDonald's as well as vintage Marathi vada-pau, which has been renamed by Uddhav Thackeray as 'Shiv Vada-Pau'. There will also be 'pani puri' sold by the MNS activists of Raj Thackeray. No 'bhaiyyas' will be allowed to do business, only locals will be engaged.

The monument will inspire not only the people of the state but all those who visit Mumbai. The globe-trotters will go back to their respective countries with the message of Shivaji Maharaj, and the glory of the state called Maharashtra, where every person is happy and contented. It is the most ideal place on earth and anybody looking for a role model should look at the creation of Vilasrao Deshmukh-R.R. Patil. Did anyone else think of and visualise such a fantastic idea?

The monument would be ready soon. In the year 2010, on May 1, the state will be celebrating its golden jubilee. Could there have been a greater tribute to the image, symbol and glory of Shivaji Maharaj than such a statue, standing in the middle of the sea, warning all the terrorists to keep off Mumbai, and to keep away from India because the people of Maharashtra protect and promote the idea of a Great India?

[The piece originally appeared in Marathi. It has been translated into English by the writer]

Maharashtra daily competition to be pro-Shivaji

The Hindu
June 06, 2008


Breeding intolerance will delay development

by Kalpana Sharma

By endorsing a narrow, partisan agenda, the Congress and the NCP are reinforcing intolerance and violence that can only harm the future of Maharashtra.

Saffron flags, crowbar wielding men shouting pro-Shivaji slogans — you would be forgiven if you thought this was a group of Shiv Sainiks. But the group of around 70 men, who converged on the Thane home of Kumar Ketkar, Editor-in-Chief of the Marathi daily Loksatta and one of the most respected journalists in Maharashtra on Thursday morning, was an offshoot of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), part of the ruling coalition in Maharashtra.

With a television crew in tow, members of the Shiv Sangram Sangathana tried to kick open the front door. When that did not work they used crowbars to break the glass of the windows and above the door. All this while the television crew filmed them. They also arranged copies of Loksatta in a pile and set it alight. No one stopped them. After a while, satisfied with their handiwork, they left only after spilling a can of black paint on the wooden front door. Mr. Ketkar and his wife were inside the house when all this happened.

There was no sign of the police. The police intercepted members of the group some distance from the Ketkar residence, after they had already wreaked considerable damage. Their leader, Vinayak Mete, vice-president of the state unit of the NCP and a former MLC, told a television channel that he had only recently stepped down from his position as leader of the group and did not know of their plan to attack Mr. Ketkar’s house. At the same time, he said that in a democracy people had the right to express their anger when they felt that Shivaji had been insulted. That is what members of his group were doing, he claimed. Asked why he and members of his group were so upset, he said they did not like the tone of the editorial written by Mr. Ketkar in Loksatta about the proposed statue of Shivaji that the Maharashtra government out at sea, a la Statue of Liberty. Mr. Ketkar had questioned the expense that would be incurred to build the proposed 309-ft statue in a state facing many other problems. Mr. Mete said that this questioning tone showed disrespect towards Shivaji.

Attack on symbols of democracy

The Thane incident is just one in of several instances over the last years in Maharashtra where small groups like this have seen fit to attack journalists, newspaper offices, cultural centres, libraries and research institutes — in other words symbols of a modern and secular democracy. In 2004, the Sambhaji Brigade, another offshoot of the NCP vandalised the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) in Pune because the Institute had helped James Laine with the research for his controversial book on Shivaji.

What is disturbing about such incidents is that the state appears almost indifferent at best and complicit at worse. Little is done to stop such incidents or to prosecute those involved once they happen. Mr. Ketkar had apprehended the attack and alerted the Thane police. Yet nothing was done.

The incident on Thursday is also illustrative of a deeper insecurity that inflicts the NCP in particular and the ruling coalition in Maharashtra in general. With elections due at the end of next year, the Congress-NCP coalition appears to be flaying about looking for a way to hold on to its support.

The results of the Thane Lok Sabha by-election in May, in particular, must have come as a blow where a political novice like the Shiv Sena’s Anand Pranjape beat the NCP’s Sanjeev Naik, a former Sainik and son of NCP strongman Ganesh Naik by a whopping 90,000 votes. Thane has gained importance in Maharashtra post-delimitation as it will now have four Lok Sabha seats as opposed to the current one and its Assembly seats will almost double going up from 13 to 24. Hence the political message from Thane should give both NCP and Congress sleepless nights.

Instead of assessing what they should do to check the evident erosion in their political base, the NCP in particular seems hell bent on pursuing its old strategy of trying to woo the Marathi-speaking away from the Sena and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. So even as Raj Thackeray continues his attacks on north Indians unhindered, the State government has announced that it will insist on 80 per cent of jobs in new industries to be kept for locals.
Impact of fear

Already the impact of the fear injected in migrant workers from the North has become evident in the declining numbers of construction workers in a city like Pune, which is experiencing a construction boom. Infosys, for instance, has announced a delay of at least six months in the completion schedule for its campus in Hinjewadi. Others are also reporting similar problems in finding enough workers for their projects. None of this helps to project Maharashtra as an industry-friendly state.

The project of building a huge statute of Shivaji out at sea is part of this overall projection of being Shivaji-friendly and therefore Maharashtrian friendly. Earlier, in attempts to out-do the Sena, the Congress government renamed Victoria Terminus train station to Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus. The domestic and international airports also bear the same name, as does the Prince of Wales Museum.
Unjustified populism

Such populism might be justified if it is accompanied by actions that have more substance. But even as the State government tries to match the pro-Marathi campaigns of its opponents, it is doing precious little to deal with the urgent urban problems of cities like Mumbai and Pune or the rural distress that has resulted in the widely reported farmers’ suicides.

What is worse, by endorsing the narrow, partisan agenda of parties that have shown little commitment to democratic values, the Congress and the NCP are reinforcing intolerance and violence that can only harm the future of Maharashtra. Such a strategy will certainly not guarantee victory for them in future elections. On the contrary, they might well be writing their own script for an electoral defeat.

Delete 4 paras, SC 'suggests' to Shivaji author James Laine

Indian Express, 29 Feb 2008
Tannu Sharma

NEW DELHI, FEBRUARY 28: The Supreme Court has suggested that if certain “objectionable” portions were deleted from Shivaji: Hindu King of Islamic India by US academic James W Laine, “the interest of justice would be best served.” This suggestion from the bench, comprising Justices Dr Arijit Pasayat and P Sathasivam, came during the hearing of an appeal filed by the Maharashtra government that banned the book in 2004 fearing more of the protests and large-scale vandalism following its publication. The court clarified that this suggestion “shall not in any way affect the merits of the issues involved in the case” and said that it would wait for the author’s views on this.

Claiming that Laine’s book allegedly portrayed Shivaji in a bad light, there were wide protests in Pune by the Shambhaji Brigade. On January 5, 2004, a mob even ransacked the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. Apprehending more such violence, the state government came out with a notification dated December 28, 2006 declaring that every copy of the said book be forfeited to the Government.

In the last hearing on Tuesday, the apex court said: “We feel paragraphs 2, 5, 7 and 8 (four of the eight)...are omitted, interest of justice would be best served.”

These paragraphs comment on the attacks carried out by him, his parents and his secular credentials. For example, Para 2 questioned the killing of Afzal Khan in 1659: “...looking back from coronation, it was not simply an act of courage but a pre-mediated violence in the service of Brahaminic world order.”

Para 5 contains the quote: “...in other words, Shivaji’s secularism can only be assured if we see him as motivated less by patriotism than by simple quest of power.”

As there was no response to an earlier notice to Laine, who’s a professor of religious studies at Macalester College in the US, the bench ordered the Registry to serve a notice upon him along with the “suggestion.” On October 11, 2007, Laine was made a party in the case and was issued notice.

This time, the court also specifically asked him to consider as to “whether he is agreeable to the suggestion given for deletion of the aforesaid four paragraphs.” The other two paragraphs advised to be deleted, include one that comments on Shivaji’s “absentee father.”

While suggesting what it thought as an amicable solution to the entire controversy, the court took strong note of the violence that followed the book’s release as pointed out by Prashant Bhushan, advocate for Sangharaj Damodar Rupawate who filed petitions in the Bombay High Court questioning the notification and the ban it ensued.

“In the name of protecting the image of Shivaji, large scale violence was unleashed resulting in the destruction of properties, valuable books and damage to persons and properties physically. This issue shall be considered separately,” the Court agreed. However posting the matter after 10 weeks, the judges made it clear that they would look into it in detail only after receiving Laine’s response.

The state government had approached the apex court after the High Court on April 5, 2007, quashed the notification banning the book in the state.

Abusing Shivaji for Sectarian Goals

Abusing Shivaji for Sectarian Goals

Ram Puniyani

Early February one teacher of prestigious Engineering College in Mumbai, VJTI, was beaten up by the staff of same college. The staff members belonged to the labor wing of Shiv Sena. The pretext was that the teacher had recited a poem, Mee Kadhi Risk Ghet Naahin, in which Shivaji figures as a reference point. The attackers asserted that the poem has objectionable content. The incident does show the intolerant type of atmosphere developing in the academic institutions in our society. It is not for the first time that Shivaji’s pretext has been used to browbeat those having liberal political values or to intimidate others. In Maharashtra there have been innumerable such instances. The latest one was the attack on Bhandarkar Museum, which was attacked by hooligans, as a protest against those who helped in the research of James Laine book on Shivaji. This book through research had raised the doubt about paternity of the great Maratha warrior.

The earlier campaign of right wing forces to communalize the atmosphere was to give the call to demolish the memorial of Afzal Khan, on the ground that he was Shivaji’s enemy. This was done just prior to the general elections (2004) to polarize the section of Hindu votes. The move floundered, as it was brought to light that this structure was built by none other than Shivaji himself. Shivaji did not convert political enmity into human rivalry. Alas what a contrast from the present bunch of those resorting to his name as a political currency!

Another significant event where these forces went hammer and tongs was the targeting of a handbook by human rights activist Teesta Setalvad. This handbook had just mentioned the fact that since Shivaji was a Shudra the Brahmin priests refused to coronate him on the ground that he is not from a Kshtriya clan and so a priest was to be brought from north, who put the tilak on Shivaji’s forehead, and that too with his toe not with his thumb, as is the usual practice.

The symbol of Shivaji has been used by Shiv Sena and its associate intolerant, sectarian political tendencies, to bake their political bread time and over again. It has been abused in pursuance of their political goal of intimidating the liberals and minorities. An image of Shivaji has been constructed which suits their agenda, i.e. against Muslims, against the progressive political tendencies.

As such this is precisely what Shivaji was not. In contrast to the image of his as presented by Shiv Sena and its break way faction Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MANSE), he was not sectarian or parochial. It is well known that his personal secretary was none other than Maulana Hyder Ali. The supreme command of his navy was with Siddi Sambal, and Muslim Siddis were in his navy in large numbers. Interestingly his major battles were fought with the Rajput army lead by Mirza Raja Jaisingh on behalf of King Aurangzeb. When he was detained at Agra forte, of the two men on whom he relied for his eventual escape, one was a Muslim called Madari Mehtar. Also the chief of his cannon division was Ibrahim Gardi.
His respect for other religions was very clear and he respected the holy seers like 'Hazarat Baba Yaqut bahut Thorwale', whom he gave the life pension and also Father Ambrose, whose church was under attack in Gujarat. At his capital Raigad he erected a special mosque for Muslim devotees in front of his palace in the same way that he built the Jagadishwar temple for his own daily worship.

During his military campaigns Shivaji had issued strict instructions to his men and officers that Muslim women and children should not be subjected to maltreatment. Mosques and Dargah's were given due protection. He also ordered that whenever a copy of Koran came into the hands of his men, they should show it proper respect and hand it over to Muslim The story of his bowing to the daughter-in-law of Bassein's Nawab is well known to all. When she was brought as a part of the loot and offered to her he respectfully begged her pardon and asked his soldiers to reach her back from the place from where she was forcibly brought in. Sardesai in his book New History of Marathas writes "One thing is quiet clear that in defending the Hindu religion, Shivaji was in no way actuated by any hatred towards Muslims as a sect or towards their religion. …He revered Muslim saints like Baba Yakut of Kelsi to whose shrine he made a grant …"

Today most worrying thing is that while the communal forces have ‘succeeded’ in projecting Shivaji as intolerant to others, and created a sectarian image of his, the real Shivaji remains hidden in the cloud of myths deliberately created around him. The foundations of these myths are based on the communal historiography which was introduced by British rulers through their history books which were aimed at pursuing the divide and rule policies. James Mills’s history of India and Elliot and Dawson’s books did this trick; the notions created by them are the core foundations of Communalists today. The rational, national historians who tried to give a correct picture, that it’s not only religion which formed the base of Kings rule, that there were multiple other aspects, has remained a marginal understanding in the whole social scene.

It is surprising that a totally communal play on Shivaji, projecting him as anti Muslim, Janaata Raja (All Knowing King) is a rage amongst the section of society and by now its huge cast and huger budget enables it to spread the communal venom at various places. While the rational efforts in the form of book by Govind Pansare, Shivaji Kon Hota (Who was Sivaji?), Havavate’s book, Shivrayanche Nishthavant Muslaman Sainik (Shivaji’s Loyal Muslim Soldiers) and Jayant Gadkari’s enlightening in book on Shivaji, remain in the dusty libraries ignored and by passed by social thinking.

No wonder the followers of same intolerance, MANASE (it seems by Nirman, construction, they mean burning the property of non Marathis) are currently attacking other people from different states to polarize the society while the incompetent Government is a mute witness to the whole drama. The incompetence of Govt in protecting the lives and properties is so much visible that one suspects it may be hands in glove with the violators of the law. Again, the name of Shivaji is under abuse from a same break away political stream of Shiv Sena itself.

Incidentally the lecturer who has been attacked is also a progressive, liberal one sympathizing with the concept of human rights, and perhaps that may be the reason to rough him up by those who use historical symbols to crush the weaker sections of society.

Shiv Sainiks instructed to burn Laine's book

Bookshop owners won't stock Laine's Shivaji

By: Urvashi Seth
(Mid-Day, April 30, 2007) After Bal Thackeray’s announcement that he instructed Sainiks to burn the copies of the James Laine’s book, Shivaji — Hindu King in Islamic India, in public, book sellers have become apprehensive about stocking copies of the book.

On Thursday, the Bombay High Court lifted the ban on the book.

According to sources, the Bharatiya Vidhyarthi Sena (BVS) has warned bookshop owners not to keep copies of the book or face strict action.

“Being a part of the Sena, we have requested all bookshop owners not to stock James Laine’s book,” said Abhijeet Panse, president of BVS.

Mandar Nerulkar, owner of the Ideal Book Depot, Dadar, said they won’t be selling the book after Bal Thackeray’s comments.

“The book has many defaming statements against Shivaji. Even though the court has lifted the ban we won’t be selling it, especially after we heard that Shiv Sena has taken an aggressive stance on the issue.”

“It’s very likely that the book won’t be coming into the market. If it comes, we will decide whether to stock it,” said Rohit Tengle of Book Zone at CST

History and Hindu nationalism: Charges against James W. Laine dropped

http://www.salon.com/
April 11, 2007

History and Hindu nationalism: A call to arms

Andrew Leonard

On Monday, India's Supreme Court ordered the Maharashtra state police to drop all charges of inciting "racial hatred" against an American professor of religious studies, James W. Laine, author of a book about the 17th century Maharashtra warrior-king Shivaji. (Thanks to the wonderfully named Pass the Roti on the Left Hand Side blog for the alert.)

In Maharashtra, home to the Indian cities Mumbai and Pune and about 90 million people, Shivaji is a figure of near demi-god status, revered by Hindu nationalists for establishing an independent kingdom in a region dominated by Muslim rulers. His portrait is ubiquitous and his life story a staple of children's history textbooks.

The Oxford University Press published Laine's book, "Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India," in 2003. It was initially well-received, generating a few "bland and positive" reviews, according to Laine's own account. But then some Hindu nationalist firebrands, possibly seeking a campaign issue to rally voters around, seized upon one specific sentence, in which Laine recounted, presumably from his personal experience, that Maharashtrians occasionally joked about Shivaji's parentage, speculating as to whether the person historically known as Shivaji's father was in fact his biological parent.

It is no understatement to say that from that point on, all hell broke loose, kind of like the recent http://www.salon.com/opinion/walsh/misc/2007/03/29/chocolate_jesus/index.htmlchocolate Jesus debacle in New York, only amplified by about a trillion orders of magnitude. Laine's book became ammunition in a multifronted war that crossed caste, ethnic, political and religious lines. Scholars who had been thanked in Laine's acknowledgments were physically attacked by Hindu fundamentalist extremists -- one had his face blackened with tar. A group calling itself the Sambhaji Brigade ransacked the research library in Pune where Laine had spent years, destroying, in the process, irreplaceable historical documents and artifacts.

Laine's own account of the turmoil, published in the Los Angeles Times in 2004, stated, somewhat plaintively:

The vast majority of Indians are appalled at what happened in Pune. And yet no one has stepped forward to defend my book and no one has called for it to be distributed again. Few will read it for themselves. Instead, many will live with the knowledge that India is a country where many thoughts are unthinkable or, if thought, best kept quiet.

In this light, the decision of the Indian Supreme Court is to be applauded, at least by anyone who believes that scholarly inquiry should be combatted with battling footnotes, and not mob violence. But perhaps the most fascinating part of the whole story is how the reaction to Laine's book can be seen as an integral part of the very narrative he was trying to explicate.

Laine's goal was not a traditional biography, but a deconstruction of how "the Shivaji story" had evolved over 300 years; how the facts of his historically verifiable existence had been manipulated and massaged and morphed in ways that served emerging political, ideological and religious needs. It should go without saying that in a country where "communal" tensions are as intense as they are in India, such an investigation, by an outsider, of one of India's most legendary Hindu "heroes" could be inflammatory. Indeed, it seems almost as if Laine expected something to happen. Witness these words from the introduction to "Shivaji":

The task I have set myself is not that of providing a more accurate account of Shivaji's life by stripping away the legends attributed to him by worshipful myth makers or misguided ideologues, but rather to be a disturber of the tranquility with which synthetic accounts of Shivaji's life are accepted...

The italics are mine. Laine succeeded. Tranquility was disturbed. The reaction to the book serves as a perfect afterword flowing directly from the main narrative, as the very same cultural impulses that shaped the evolution of Shivaji's cultural significance also formed its critical reception.

For example: One pair of reviewers could barely contain a mounting sense of outrage as they deconstructed Laine's deconstruction. They called it "vicious," "willful, calculated sensationalism," and "an exercise in skullduggery" that "might well qualify as yet another attempt at fragmentation of the steadily developing strength of a society that is waking up to a realization of the many historical frauds perpetrated on itself for centuries."

For them, any attempt to recontextualize the popular conception of Shivaji betrayed a profound misunderstanding of how important the warrior king was to Hindu Maharashtrian identity.

The learned author, in spite of his protracted contact with the region since 1977, failed to realize that the "Shivaji story," as narrated in every Maharashtrian home, has far more significance and enjoys immensely greater credibility than all history taught in academia...

But another reviewer, revealing his own antipathy to the politics of Hindu fundamentalism by noting that Shivaji is "a key cultural idol in the chauvinistic repertoire of contemporary Hindu nationalism," applauded Laine for raising "fundamental questions about a range of identities -- religious, linguistic, economic, caste, moral, regional, national and political -- relevant to contemporary Maharashtra, India and Hindus." Moreover, the reviewer lambasted "a myopic state that has routinely created purist superhuman icons out of historical figures for the sake of particular populist ends. In the process, the state, in deference to the radical end of the citizenry, has produced a socio-political culture accommodative of violent public displays of disregard for scholarly plain-speak about those icons."

This is identity politics on a mind-boggling scale. The telling of history is often -- some cynics might say always -- an exercise in propaganda, shaped as much by the attitude and ideology the scholar brings to the archives as by the facts and data unearthed there. And it is certainly not unusual for a work of history that explores a politically and religiously fraught topic to be caught up in those currents itself.

But when scholars thanked in acknowledgments are physically attacked and research libraries are ransacked and historians are brought up on charges of inciting racial hatred, the stakes seem a bit greater than with your run-of-the-mill monograph. And that brings out its own moral imperative: The singular intensity of "the Laine controversy" is a call to arms, a clear mandate for the practice of more history, more deconstruction of how identity is inculcated and manipulated in the modern world, and more unraveling of the threads that make up the warp and woof of contemporary Indian society.