Mainstream - August 7, 2004
Videshi and Swadeshi Fascism
by B.N. Arora
It is a historical coincidence that two of the most dangerous philosophies or doctrines or phenomena, whichever way we may call them, took shape in Europe and in the Indian subcontinent almost at the same time. Fascism in Europe and communal fascism nearer home led to immeasurable death and destruction, the former at the world scale and latter in a restricted sense in our subcontinent. Both have proved to be hydra-headed.
Videshi Fascism
No doubt, fascism—its twin ‘National Socialism’ in Germany—assumed a classic form in Italy and Germany in particular. It should not, however, be forgotten, as Professor Aijaz Ahmad opines, that it was a generalised phenomenon, rearing its ugly head in various parts of the world, from Norway to Argentina, and from Austria to Japan.1 Interestingly, it came to power through a minority, Mussolini having roughly 10 per cent seats in Parliament and Hitler commanded a third of the Reichstag. In Italy, fascists won the 1923 elections after much intimidation and stuffing of the ballot boxes.
Fascism had arisen as a result of socio-economic turmoil following the First World War and had no well-knit systematic philosophy. In an article written in 1924 Mussolini said:
We fascists have had the courage to discard all traditional political theories, and we are aristocrats and democrats, revolutionaries and reactionaries, proletarians and anti-proletarians, pacifists and anti-pacifists. It is sufficient to have a single fixed point: the nation. The rest is obvious.2
Its main characteristics were irrationalism, authoritarianism, chauvinism, terrorist propaganda and manufacturing of lies. In Mein Kampf, Hitler wrote,
The receptivity of the great masses is very limited, their intelligence is small, but their power of forgetting is enormous. In consequence of these facts, all effective propaganda must be limited to a very few points and must harp on these slogans until the last number of the public understands what you want him to understand by your slogan.
As a brief digression, it is very interesting to note that the USA supported Mussolini, the American ambassador describing imposition of fascism as a “fine young revolution”. A decade later, President Roosevelt praised the “admirable Italian gentleman”. Fascist atrocities were legitimate because they blocked the threat of second Russia, the State Department explained. In 1937, it saw fascism as the natural reaction of “the rich and middle classes in self-defence”, when the “dissatisfied masses, with the Russian Revolution before them, swing to the Left”. Nazim and fascism elsewhere “must succeed or the masses, this time reinforced by the disillusioned middle classes, will again turn to the Left”.3
The most dangerous aspect of fascism was of course chauvinism and the mysticism of the State. The fascist concept of the State was totalitarian, its motto being “everything for the State, nothing against the State, nothing outside the State”.4 The authority of the State was absolute; all values of liberalism thrown to the winds. As pointed out by Professor George H. Sabine,
Government may, indeed, must, control every act and every interest of every individual or group in order to use it for enhancing national strength. Every interest and value—economic, moral, and cultural—being part of the national resources were to be controlled and utilised by government. Except by permission of government there could be neither political parties, labour unions, industrial or trade associations.5
Erich Fromm called the phenomenon “the totalitarian flight from freedom”. Morever, Mussolini took the personality cult to its highest pedestal reminiscent of the French monarch Louis XIV who said, “I am the State.” No wonder in Italy Mussolini’s picture was in all classrooms with the caption “Mussolini is always right”.
In a bid to obtain popular support, mimicking a democratic stance—fascists sought to manufacture popular consent by a mixture of propaganda and terror. Ostensibly, to provide countervailing force to the winds of socialism blowing across Europe after the Great October Revolution in Russia, fascists cunningly borrowed—or we may say stole—some anti-capitalist slogans to attract the working class. However, regarding its social background, both Prof Sabine and Prof William Ebenstein more or less hold the same views. For instance, Prof Ebenstein elaborating on this point wrote:
...Fascism has particularly appealed to two groups: first, a numerically small group of industrialists and landowners who are willing to finance fascist parties in the hope of thereby getting rid of free trade unions and radical political movements; second, the numerically much more important lower middle classes that dread the prospect of proletarianisation and look to fascism for the salvation of their status and prestige.6
Obviously, the economic policy of fascists was highly ambivalent and it is difficult to say it they had any definite economic creed. Masquerading to care for the welfare of workers, they used cunning to influence the working classes. Quoting Prof Sabine again, in respect of economic organisation, fascism took the form of what we called the “corporate state”. It purportedly envisaged that workers and owners should cooperate for the purpose of increasing production and should negotiate wage contracts rather than resort to strikes or lockouts. However “the supposed equality of labour and management (read owners) was never actual”.7 Prof Ebenstein comes down heavily on this phenomenon of state chicanery thus:
Officially, the fascist state is impartial between capitalists and workers; yet the cemeteries of fascist countries are filled with victimised bodies of trade unionists rather than bankers and industrialists.8
Surely fascists were anti-labour.
The predominantly chauvinistic tendency of fascism militated against establishing a New World Order based on good neighbourly relations and mutual respect for sovereignty of states as envisioned by political thinkers. Also racism and imperialism became the important components of the fascist philosophy leading to aggrandisement and aggression in the international field. Mussolini said:
... war alone brings up to their highest tension all human energies and puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have the the courage to meet it.9
War-mongering being the ugly face of fascism was later clearly demonstrated during the Second World War leading to untold misery for humankind.
No doubt fascist forces that threatened the world were defeated in the Second World War with a significant contribution by the Soviet Union. But it was simplistic to think that fascist tendencies would not raise their ugly read again. In fact these tendencies came into play ominously in different parts of the world after the Second World War, unabashedly aided and abetted by the imperialist powers, which fostered dictatorial and authoritarian regimes around the world to promote their narrow selfish interests. The process continues insidiously or covertly now by and at the behest of the only superpower, the USA and its cohorts. There is an urgent need to muster and consolidate all democratic forces to fight the growing menace of fascism.
Discussion of fascism per se would be incomplete without talking about the racial character of the German fascism (Nazism). Prof Sabine has adequately dealt with this aspect. According to him, anti-Semitism in Germany is as old as the times of Martin Luther. The standard charges against the Jews were that capitalism and Marxism were Jewish and that a Jewish conspiracy existed to gain world power. A Germanised Englishman Houston Steward Chamberlain and his father-in-law popularised the Aryan myth in Germany. But it was Hitler who idolised the Aryan myth of purity of race. This theory implied the concept of survival of the fittest, and claimed that Aryans created all institutions of art, science and great political systems. This racial theory led to anti-Jewish legislations of 1935 and 1938, aimed at perpetuating the purity of race. Marriages between Germans and persons of Jewish ancestry were prohibited; the property of the Jews was expropriated; Jews were excluded from professions and business and were reduced to an inferior civil status as “state subjects”, as distinct from citizenry.10 Ultimately, this pernicious phenomenon resulted in extermination of the Jewish population in concen-tration camps and over six million Jews were killed. The seeds of anti-Semitism sown by Hitler produced fruits of future disasters all over the world.
‘Swadeshi Fascism’
What an irony that proponents of Indianness or Swadeshi movement, namely, the leaders of the Hindu Right who had floated the Swadeshi Jagaran Manch to reject foreign ideas and products forget, albeit deliberately, that their forerunners had borrowed from and leaned on the foreign philosophy of Mussolini’s fascism. As stated above, both European fascism and its Indian version came into being around the same time in early twentieth century. Interestingly, B.S. Moonje, Hedgewar’s mentor, adopted Mussolini’s ideas for application and replication in India through the RSS. During his European tour, he met Mussolini at 3 PM on March 19, 1931. He records:
... I am interested in the military training of boys and have been visiting the Military Schools of England, etc. I saw just his morning and afternoon the Balilla and the Fascist Organisations and I was much impressed..... I have already started an organisation of my own conceived independently with similar objectives. I shall have no hesitation to raise my voice from the public platform both in India and England when occasion may arise in praise of your Balilla and Fascist organisations.
He added:
But the point is that this ideal cannot be brought to effect unless we have our own swaraj with a Hindu as a dictator like Shivaji of old or Mussolini or Hitler of the present day in Italy and Germany.11
The intimate connection between Moonje and RSS and the fascist character of the latter is confirmed by an intelligent report of the British Indian Govern-ment which said “It is perhaps no exaggeration to assert that the Sangh hopes tobe in future India what the Fascists are to Italy and the Nazis to Germany.” We may also note that starting a contro-versy with Nehru, Savarkar openly defended the authoritarian powers of the day, particularly Italy and even more so Germany. He said:
Surely Hitler knows better than Pandit Nehru does what suits Germany best. The very fact that Germany or Italy has so wonderfully recovered and grown so powerful as never before at the touch of Nazi or Fascist magical wand is enough to prove that those political “Isms” were the most congenial tonics their health demanded.12
The fascist dimension of the RSS was suggested by its paramilitary style; Hedgewar, the founder of the RSS, introduced a uniform—consisting of khaki shorts, khaki (later white) shirts and black forage caps. On some occasions such as the Dussehra festival, they marched through the streets holding their lathis to demonstrate the strength of the movement. These elements suggest that the RSS should be regarded as ‘an Indian version of fascism’. (Nehru quoted in Link, May 24, 1970, p. 15)13
Furthermore, symptoms of ethnic cleansing that we witnessed in the case of genocide against Muslims in Gujarat were inherent in the philosophy of racial purity of Nazis from which Savarkar borrowed heavily. Golwalkar continued this tradition articulating it in his We, or Our Nationhood Defined. Here is what Golwalkar said:
To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic Races—the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by.... The foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no ideas but those of glorification of the Hindu race and culture..... or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment—not even citizen’s rights.14
In this context, it is very interesting to refer to what Swami Karapatriji, the great exponent of Hinduism and Hindu scriptures, who founded Ram Rajya Parishad and worked with the RSS. Veerbhadra Mishra, the mahantha of Sankata Mochan, who published Karpatriji’s book Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Dharma, said in his note appended to the book:
His Holiness Swami Karapatriji after looking at it (his experience of working with the RSS) from all angles and on the basis of the writings of Golwalkarji, has come to the conclusion that rashtravad of the RSS has nothing to do with Hindu religion. In fact, it is a variety of Western Nazism or Hilterism.15
Randhir Singh, Professor Emeritus, Delhi University, opined that with the deepening socio-economic and moral crises afflicting Indian society and politics, communalism might come to contribute to the rise of a specifically Indian form of fascism. (Mainstream, Annual 1992) This is what has really happened. And that is why Professor Aijaz Ahmad, Visiting Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University has commented that Hindutva communalism in general and organisations of the RSS and Shiv Sena in particular are not expressions of the familiar kind of Rightwing politics, but the specifically Indian forms of fascism.16 Realising this growing menace the eminent columnist Khuswant Singh has recently remarked:
Fascism of the Indian brand is at our doorstep. The chief apologist of Indian fascism is Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani. He read Hitler’s Mein Kampf while in jail during the Emergency. We are largely illiterate people and it is much easier to sway our masses by rousing their basest instincts.
Similarly, the noted historian K.N. Panikkar, asserting that fascism has arrived, has said that it is only “waiting to cross the doorsteps”.17
Professor Panikkar has made some other important points: (1) The BJP, despite its coalition agenda, has steadily unfolded its communal and fascist programmes. (2) The Aims of the Hindu communal fascists have been expressed in their choice of the colour of flag, distribution of trishuls, Ram Shila Puja, Advani’s rath yatra and instigation of riots, etc. (3) They have simultaneously mounted an unprecedented attack on the minorities, vilification and even physical assaults on secular artists and intellectuals. (4) Gujarat is a political marker heralding a new stage of fascism, so that Indian democracy never had such a body blow in its history.18
It would now be in order to recall some of the important incidents of assaults indulged in by the fascist elements of the Sangh Parivar and Shiv Sena activists for realisation of the grave danger these pose to the stability and cohesion of Indian society and for pondering over how to fight this destructive tendency. These are summarised below.
(1) Apart from communal riots since independence, for most of which the members of the Sangh Parivar have been arraigned by successive Commissions of Inquiry headed by judicial luminaries, demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992 was the deadliest attack so far the Indian fascists mounted on the minority community. The demolition was preceded by a rath yatra undertaken by L.K. Advani, who along with leaders like Dr M.M. Joshi, Uma Bharti, Ashok Singhal, Vinay Katiyar and Swami Chinmayananda, was present at Ayodhya during the operation and provoked the mob with inflammatory speeches. (Hindustan Times, October 17, 2003)
(2) The second fierce fascist onslaught of early 1990s came during the Bombay riots of December 1992 and January 1993. The Justice B.N. Srikrishna Commission found that the Shiv Sena led by Bal Thackeray was responsible for organising the riots. The Commission noted:
The attitude of the Shiv Sena as reflected in the Time magazine interview given by Bal Thackeray and its doctrine of ‘retaliation’, as expounded by Shri Sarpotdar and Shri Manohar Joshi, together with the thinking of Shiv Sainiks that ‘Shiv Sena’s terror was true guarantee of the safety of citizens’ were responsible for the vigilantism of Shiv Sainiks.19
(3) Christians, together with Muslims and Communists, had been the staple or traditional enemies of the Hindu fundamentalists. The turn of Christian bashing now came with some regularity. The most gruesome incident was the burning alive of a Chritian missionary Graham Staines and his minor sons in a jeep on January 23, 1999. Then followed Brother George being beaten to death in Mathura. The only witness, his cook Vijay Ekka who watched this in horror, was hauled off to the police station and died in police custody following torture and violence on him. (Editorial, The Statesman, June 21, 2000) Many churches were attacked across the country and Christian nuns raped at many places.
(4) The RSS chief, K.S. Sudarshan, repeatedly asks Indian Muslims to Indianise and take pride in accepting the ‘country’s culture’ and its ancestors as theirs and reiterates the need for Christians to Indianise their churches. His recent authoritarian assertion:
India does not have any minorities as 99 per cent of the people who live here have their ancestors belonging to this land. (The Hindu, March 14, 2004)
(5) Saffronisation or Talibanisation of education was another tool used by these fundamentalists to influence and pervert the young minds to advance their agenda of creating a fascist state. The instances are:
(a) In the textbook of Standard X of the Gujarat Board submitted at the Parliamentary Standing Committee by Mr Eduardo Faleiro, “achievements” of Nasim were portrayed, like this, “Hitler lent dignity and prestige to the German government within a short time by establishing a strong administrative set up...” (The Statesman, April 1, 2000)
(b) Hitler was glorified in one of the textbooks brought out by the NCERT. His portrayal as a ‘hero’ and a ‘nationalist’ and as a man who stood for socialism and nationalism in NCERT books. (Mainstream, May 24, 2003)
(c) The NCERT, with the full support of the BJP led government, deleted from history books portions not to the liking of the Sangh Parivar, which had been there without any opposition for decades. Dr M.M. Joshi went to the extent of describing works of historians of international repute who had authored these books, as “intellectual terrorism” more dangerous than the other “cross-border terrorism”. Even the great liberal intelletual and Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen was constrained to express his ‘horror’ and outrage at this, adding: “It is difficult to think how anyone could have made a remark of that kind, least of all the Minister in charge of education.” (Outlook, January 21, 2002)20
(d) One of the atrocities committed by the Sangh Parivar was the deletion of the great Indian writer Munshi Prem Chand from the school syllabus supplanting it by a non-entity called Mridula Sinha, a BJP MP.
(6) The fascist forces (some call them neo-fascists) led by Dr M.M. Joshi attempted to take over the prestigious educational institutions like the NCERT, NIEPA, ICHR, UGC etc. as well as science institutions by stuffing them with RSS men.
(7) In the aftermath of the tehelka exposé of corruption in the high echelons of the BJP-led government and its party leaders in early 2001, the government pounced upon the entire establishment of the organisation like vultures and destroyed their entire infrastructure, exposing them to near bank-ruptcy. Even the Central Vigilance Commissioner, N. Vittal, averred that spy cameras played a preventive and curative role in fighting corruption. Also Justice P.B. Sawant, the Press Council of India Chairman, gave a clean chit to the journalists behind the exposé, adding that the means used to unearth the scandal were totally justified and there was no breach of media ethics or infringement in right to privacy.
(8) A pamphlet, published with the title hathon mein talwaren, seene mein hai toofan; raksha kare deshki, Bajrang Dal ke jawan, containing provocative and offensive material, which could pose a threat to communal harmony was confiscated by the Rajasthan Government. (The Hindu, November 13, 2001)
(9) See another fascist outrage. An RSS pracharak and self-confessed “murderer” of a “young and beautiful Muslim woman”, Dr K.G. Rastgoi, was appointed a member of the two committees of the Departmental Advisory Board. In an auto-biographical book, preface K.S. Sudarshan, the RSS chief, Dr Rastogi, while describing his life as an RSS soldier, wrote that during a riot when some of them were attacking Muslim households, “the crowd of which he was a part was distracted by the sight of a young and beautiful Muslim woman, they began fighting among themselves to establish control over her, he mended matters by gunning her down, ‘us yuvati ko goli maar di’ for ‘na rahega baans na bajegi bansuri’. (The Hindu, May 2, 2002)
(10) The fanatics have always been on rampage. On December 21, 2001, the VHP and Bajrang Dal were stopped from performing a puja at the Qutab Minar claiming that ‘it was built after demolishing Jain and Hindu temples’. (The Hindu, December 27, 2002) Again the Delhi Police on January 21, 2003 thwarted an attempt by the “Hindu Sena” activists to perform Puja inside the monument complex, claiming that an ancient idol of Lord Ganesha existed there. (The Hindu, January 22, 2003)
(11) One could not also forget physical attacks on M.F. Hussain’s paintings, Deepa Mehta’s films, Habib Tanvir’s play, Ponga Pandit and Jamadarin, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute at Pune, Praful Shah’s Garden Art Gallery at Surat and more recently on the “Youth For Peace Aman Caravan” in Baroda on April 11 this year, comprising 27 school children. (The Hindu, April 12, 2004)
(12) Another fascist measure of the Central Government was the unjustified, undemocratic and chauvinistic restrictions imposed on intellectuals/academicians from foreign countries, especially from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, China, Pakistan and Sri Lanka to take part in seminars/conferences in India which had nothing to do with politics.
(13) After the inhuman carnage at Godhra, what followed in Gujarat was the ugliest demonstration of majoritarian attacks on Muslims. It was, in the words of Praveen Swami, “a fascist pogrom conducted by organised death squads of the Hindu Right with the entire State apparatus at their disposal”. (Frontline, March 19, 2002) The State Health Minister (should be called the Death Minister), Ashok Bhatt, facing charges of having incited a mob that murdered a police constable on April 25, 1985 during the communal riots, sat in the Police Control Room at Ahmedabad to monitor the programme of systematic mass killings of Muslims. Professor Badri Raina of the Delhi University very aptly said: “Every respectable theory of fascist politics tells us that the beast flourishes best when in State power.” (Hindustan Times, April 15, 2004) The State Chief Minister, Narendra Modi, used the entire State machinery in this genocide against the Muslims, reminiscent of the holocaust of the 1930s in Germany when thousands of Jews were killed in ethnic cleansing. The fact that these attacks were not spontaneous reactions to the Godhra incident but had been planned weeks/months ahead stands convincingly documented.
The greatest tragedy is that the hotheads of the Hindu fundamentalists, who have been universally condemned and indicted by the NHRC, independent investigative teams, including those headed by retired judges of the Supreme Court and many reports filed by foreign agencies, including the Amnesty International as well as by the Supreme Court itself, continue to have their leader, Narendra Modi, occupy the seat of the Chief Minister of the State, albeit after elections. More importantly, this fascist outburst was so ferocious that members of the media or even persons of some reckoning who dared to raise their voice against it, were attacked into silence or had to leave the State.
(14) Last but not the least, one shudders to confront the Togadia factor. A few samples of his most virulent statements: (1) He thundered: “We will repeat Gujarat all over the country, making the whole country a laboratory to establish its ‘supremacy’ in India. This is our promise and our resolve.” (2) Muslims alone were not the target of his ire. All those who opposed Hindutva, and these certainly included secularists, would get the “death sentence”. The eminent social scientist, Rajni Kothari, saw it as a “phenomenon triggering an onslaught on the full panorama of democratic institutions and party politics, replacing it by a clearly fascist restructuring of the policy and the nation”.21 Hopefully, Togadia’s ferocious march on this destructive track was halted a bit when, for instance, the Supreme Court upheld the ban imposed on his entry into Karnataka in the interest of communal and social harmony in its order of March 31, 2004.
The catalogue of fascist attacks on individuals, groups and institutions would be very long to complete. But the alarming aspect of this Hindu communal fascism is that it had the support, tacit or otherwise, of the highest in the land, who covertly and occasionally overtly, encouraged fascist actions of the hotheads of the Sangh Parivar. Their silence and wilful inaction at times when murderous hordes of the VHP and Bajrang Dal went on the rampage establishes their culpability.
Even the utterances of these top leaders are frequently in a fascist mode. A glaring example is furnished by the response to the no-confidence motion moved by the Leader of the Opposition in the previous Lok Sabha, Sonia Gandhi. The Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, expressing anguish at the very moving of the motion, did not touch upon a single issue raised by Sonia Gandhi during an hour-long speech. Instead he thundered: “Who has made you the judge? You are not prepared for a show of strength here, then wait for the Assembly elections and see who emerges the winner.” His Deputy L.K. Advani fulminated that the motion was against “India and Indians”, adding: “Do not insult India and Indians by levelling such charges....”22 This bullying tenor of their speeches in Parliament clearly exposes their fascist mindset.
Italian and German fascism (the latter also known as ‘National Socialism’) spelt disaster for humankind. The fascism of the Hindu Right with its accompani-ment of religious fanaticism is perhaps more dangerous as is clear from the incidents enumerated above. These fascist elements would not merely oppose those who do not meet their standards or disagree with what they impose but would destroy or kill them. This dangerous trend must be opposed and halted by educating people and starting strong people’s movement throughout the country as the State may fail to stop the rot. I.K. Shukla holds that
Theocratic fascism seeks extinction of diversity, exile of creative imagination, and extermination of enquiry. It turns the nation into a ghetto both literally and mentally.
He goes to the extent of disenfranchising communal facists and adds that
If they are not debarred and disqualified, for the reported monstrous crimes, it would be violative of the intent and import of the Constitution...23
The BJP-led government at the Centre, which aided and abetted the fascist outfits like the VHP, Bajrang Dal and Shiv Sena in their criminal acts against minorities or those secular elements who refused to call their tune, has been shown the door in the recent general elections. Can we hope the new coalition that is now in place will undo the damage done by the fascist forces and take measures in pre-emption of recurrence of the savagery perpetrated by them in recent years?
Footnotes
1. Frontline, February 4, 2000.
2. A History of Political Theory by George H. Sabine, George G. Harrap & Co. Ltd., London, 1954, p. 709.
3. World Orders: Old and New by Noam Chomsky, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2003, p. 41.
4. Political Ideas and Institutions by Amal Ray and Mohit Bhattacharya, The World Press Private Ltd., 1989, p. 561.
5. Sabine, op. cit., p. 745.
6. Great Political Thinkers by William Ebenstein, Oxford & IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, pp. 596-97.
7. Sabine, op. cit., p. 748.
8. William Ebenstein, op. cit., p. 599.
9. Ibid., p. 600.
10. Sabine, op. cit., p. 739.
11. Economic and Political Weekly, January 22, 2000, p. 220 [Source: Moonje’s Diary (Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Moonje Papers)]
12. Ibid., p. 221.
13. The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics, 1925-1990s by Christopher Jaffrelot, Penguin Books, 1999, pp. 51-52.
14. Ibid., pp. 55-56.
15. Mainstream, April 3, 2004, p. 8.
16. Economic and Political Weekly, June 1, 1996, p. 1335.
17. Before the Night Falls by K.N. Panikkar, Books for Change, Bangalore, 2003, p. 142.
18. Ibid., pp. 10, 60, 65 and 142.
19. Damning Verdict—Report of the Srikrishna Commission, Sabrang Communications and Publications Pvt. Ltd., Mumbai, p. 22.
20. Outlook, January 21, 2003.
21. The Hindu, January 10, 2003.
22. Frontline, September 12, 2003, pp. 25-26.
23. Hindutva—An Autopsy of Fascism As A Terrorist Cult by I.K. Shukla, Media House, Delhi, 2003, p. 172.
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