A PROTEST RALLY AGAINST THE FASCIST MOVE OF THE BJP GOVERNMENT ON 28
Posted by: "Pedestrian Pictures"
Sat Jun 26, 2010 8:13 pm (PDT)
Movement against “Karnataka Prevention of Slaughter and Preservation of
Cattle Bill – 2010”
A PROTEST RALLY AGAINST THE FASCIST MOVE OF THE BJP GOVERNMENT
On 28 June 2010, Monday at 10 am
Shivaji nagar Grounds, Behind Shivaji nagar Bus Stand, Bangalore
The BJP government of Karnataka has once again demonstrated that it will
continue to implement its fascist, communal agenda by obtaining the approval
of the Karnataka assembly for its bill on cow slaughter by using its
majority in the house. Now it wants to introduce the bill in the Legislative
Council on 28th June, 2010 for approval so that it could be imposed on the
people of the state.
The bill is out and out an anti people measure when it becomes a law all the
farmers and those with non-vegetarian food habits will be in trouble more
than the beef eaters. If at all any one has any right to speak of cattle it
is only the people who have been caring for them. These groups include the
Dalits, the Adivasis and other backward communities. They sell the cattle
when they find it difficult to maintain them in their old age. A federation
of all right-thinking, democratic, progressive people, and organizations has
been formed to oppose this anti-democratic, anti-people move of the
government in Karnataka to stop the government in through demonstrations and
public meetings throughout the state which will culminate in a state level
convention against the proposed bill. On 28th June 2010, the day the
government wishes to introduce the bill in the legislative council a huge
protest will be held at Shivajinagar Grounds, Bangalore
We appeal to all democratic forces and individuals to participate in the
protest and make the government know that it cannot go against the will of
the people.
|
June 27, 2010
All's Not Well with the Proposed Communal Violence Bill: A critique and ammendments from secular activists
http://www.anhadin.net/article104.html
Anhad
23, Canning Lane, New Delhi—110001, Tel.: 23070740/22
26 June 2010
While one wing of the government engaged the activists in negotiations on Communal Violence Bill (CV Bill) the other leaked out to the media that all the concerns have been incorporated in the CV Bill. It looked from the press reports on June 25 and 26, 2010 that a wonderful CV Bill is about to be passed. These are lies and unethical politics. Most of the civil society’s non negotiables are yet to be incorporated in the proposed CV Bill. Please see below the news reports of an urgent press conference that we held today. The Home Ministry is unaware of the extent of communal virus that has seeped at the ground level and it is no longer confined to Gujarat.
We are releasing to the media amendments submitted to NAC sub group on the proposed Communal Violence Bill [see PDF File enclosed below]
[read more . . .]
Anhad
23, Canning Lane, New Delhi—110001, Tel.: 23070740/22
26 June 2010
While one wing of the government engaged the activists in negotiations on Communal Violence Bill (CV Bill) the other leaked out to the media that all the concerns have been incorporated in the CV Bill. It looked from the press reports on June 25 and 26, 2010 that a wonderful CV Bill is about to be passed. These are lies and unethical politics. Most of the civil society’s non negotiables are yet to be incorporated in the proposed CV Bill. Please see below the news reports of an urgent press conference that we held today. The Home Ministry is unaware of the extent of communal virus that has seeped at the ground level and it is no longer confined to Gujarat.
We are releasing to the media amendments submitted to NAC sub group on the proposed Communal Violence Bill [see PDF File enclosed below]
[read more . . .]
Samjhauta Express blasts have footprints of a Hindu extremists
The Telegraph, June 27 , 2010
Hindu outfit link to blasts on Samjhauta
NISHIT DHOLABHAI
New Delhi, June 26: Investigators probing the 2007 Samjhauta Express blasts have found footprints of a Hindu extremist group blamed for the Malegaon explosion one-and-a-half years later, as fresh evidence hinted that the detonators used were similar.
The revelation coincided with Union home minister P. Chidambaram’s visit to Pakistan as the neighbours resumed peace talks
A senior official said the fresh evidence had prompted the home ministry to “reorganise” the investigation against Abhinav Bharat even as more leads on the Hindu outfit’s involvement in another blast emerged.
Sources said investigators had found that the triggering mechanism for the May 2007 Mecca mosque blast in Hyderabad was similar to that used to spark the train explosions three months earlier.
Sixty-eight people died in the February 19, 2007, explosions on the train that connects India and Pakistan. Although terror groups in Pakistan were initially suspected, the sources said the needle now pointed to Abhinav Bharat, a group also accused of involvement in the October 2007 blast at Rajasthan’s Ajmer dargah.
The sources said the home ministry would closely monitor the probe against the Hindu outfit to unravel the “complex web”.
The home ministry official said sleuths probing the train attack had found a bag whose cloth cover had been “traced” to Indore in Madhya Pradesh. “While the investigation had stopped there, now we have found that the detonators used in the Malegaon blasts were similar.”
Several of the suspects now in custody for the Malegaon attack — including Pragya Singh Thakur, who was a member of RSS student wing ABVP — are from Indore.
Recently, the CBI had announced a cash reward of Rs 10 lakh for any information leading to the arrest of two absconders — Sandeep Dange and Ramchandra Kalsangra — both residents of Indore.
The RSS is on a “rectification drive” to weed out members linked to organisations like the Abhinav Bharat, though the alleged militant outfit’s website www.abhinavbharat.org claims it is “open only to those who confirm that they ‘shall work towards a peaceful, plural, inclusive and just human society’.”
Officials said North Block, the seat of the home ministry, would “reorganise” the probe into cases against the Hindu group now being investigated by different agencies.
While the Ajmer blast is being probed by the anti-terrorist squad of Rajasthan police along with the CBI, the Hyderabad blast is being investigated by the CBI.
Two persons arrested in connection with the Ajmer blast were recently sent to judicial custody for the Mecca mosque blast in Hyderabad.
Another case against the outfit has been handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), which was formed after the 26/11 Mumbai attack. The train attack is being probed by Haryana railway police.
Home ministry sources said three “small cases” against the outfit in Madhya Pradesh could be brought under either the NIA or the CBI. The ministry, however, does not want to disturb the Rajasthan ATS investigation, said to be “on track”.
But the sources said the ministry would take a final call in the light of the new evidence.
Hindu outfit link to blasts on Samjhauta
NISHIT DHOLABHAI
New Delhi, June 26: Investigators probing the 2007 Samjhauta Express blasts have found footprints of a Hindu extremist group blamed for the Malegaon explosion one-and-a-half years later, as fresh evidence hinted that the detonators used were similar.
The revelation coincided with Union home minister P. Chidambaram’s visit to Pakistan as the neighbours resumed peace talks
A senior official said the fresh evidence had prompted the home ministry to “reorganise” the investigation against Abhinav Bharat even as more leads on the Hindu outfit’s involvement in another blast emerged.
Sources said investigators had found that the triggering mechanism for the May 2007 Mecca mosque blast in Hyderabad was similar to that used to spark the train explosions three months earlier.
Sixty-eight people died in the February 19, 2007, explosions on the train that connects India and Pakistan. Although terror groups in Pakistan were initially suspected, the sources said the needle now pointed to Abhinav Bharat, a group also accused of involvement in the October 2007 blast at Rajasthan’s Ajmer dargah.
The sources said the home ministry would closely monitor the probe against the Hindu outfit to unravel the “complex web”.
The home ministry official said sleuths probing the train attack had found a bag whose cloth cover had been “traced” to Indore in Madhya Pradesh. “While the investigation had stopped there, now we have found that the detonators used in the Malegaon blasts were similar.”
Several of the suspects now in custody for the Malegaon attack — including Pragya Singh Thakur, who was a member of RSS student wing ABVP — are from Indore.
Recently, the CBI had announced a cash reward of Rs 10 lakh for any information leading to the arrest of two absconders — Sandeep Dange and Ramchandra Kalsangra — both residents of Indore.
The RSS is on a “rectification drive” to weed out members linked to organisations like the Abhinav Bharat, though the alleged militant outfit’s website www.abhinavbharat.org claims it is “open only to those who confirm that they ‘shall work towards a peaceful, plural, inclusive and just human society’.”
Officials said North Block, the seat of the home ministry, would “reorganise” the probe into cases against the Hindu group now being investigated by different agencies.
While the Ajmer blast is being probed by the anti-terrorist squad of Rajasthan police along with the CBI, the Hyderabad blast is being investigated by the CBI.
Two persons arrested in connection with the Ajmer blast were recently sent to judicial custody for the Mecca mosque blast in Hyderabad.
Another case against the outfit has been handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), which was formed after the 26/11 Mumbai attack. The train attack is being probed by Haryana railway police.
Home ministry sources said three “small cases” against the outfit in Madhya Pradesh could be brought under either the NIA or the CBI. The ministry, however, does not want to disturb the Rajasthan ATS investigation, said to be “on track”.
But the sources said the ministry would take a final call in the light of the new evidence.
June 22, 2010
Police announce award to track down Hindutva fundamentalists for The Mecca Masjid Bombing in Hyderabad
The Times of India
Mecca Masjid blast case: CBI announces reward of Rs 10 lakh
PTI, Jun 22, 2010, 07.18pm IST
NEW DELHI: CBI announced a cash reward of Rs 10 lakh for providing information on each of the two accused, Sandeep Dange and Ramchandra Kalsangra, in the Mecca Masjid Blast in Hyderabad in 2007.
"The Central Bureau of Investigation has announced a cash reward of Rs 10 lakh to any person providing information leading to the arrest of each of the two absconding accused," CBI spokesperson Harsh Bhal said.
Both Dange alias Parmanand and Kalsangra alias Ramji alias Vishnu Patel are residents of Indore, Madhya Pradesh.
After registering the case on June 9, 2007, CBI took over the custody of two persons -- Devender Gupta and Lokesh Sharma, who are also accused in Ajmer Dargah blast case.
"Both these accused were earlier arrested by ATS Rajasthan in the said blast case," Bhal said adding that the names of Dange and Kalsangra figured during their interrogation.
Gupta is in CBI custody till June 30, 2010 while Sharma is in judicial custody.
The Mecca Masjid blast on May 18, 2007 had claimed nine lives, whereas five people were killed in subsequent police firing on protesters near the mosque.
"The name of the informant shall be kept secret," the official added.
Mecca Masjid blast case: CBI announces reward of Rs 10 lakh
PTI, Jun 22, 2010, 07.18pm IST
NEW DELHI: CBI announced a cash reward of Rs 10 lakh for providing information on each of the two accused, Sandeep Dange and Ramchandra Kalsangra, in the Mecca Masjid Blast in Hyderabad in 2007.
"The Central Bureau of Investigation has announced a cash reward of Rs 10 lakh to any person providing information leading to the arrest of each of the two absconding accused," CBI spokesperson Harsh Bhal said.
Both Dange alias Parmanand and Kalsangra alias Ramji alias Vishnu Patel are residents of Indore, Madhya Pradesh.
After registering the case on June 9, 2007, CBI took over the custody of two persons -- Devender Gupta and Lokesh Sharma, who are also accused in Ajmer Dargah blast case.
"Both these accused were earlier arrested by ATS Rajasthan in the said blast case," Bhal said adding that the names of Dange and Kalsangra figured during their interrogation.
Gupta is in CBI custody till June 30, 2010 while Sharma is in judicial custody.
The Mecca Masjid blast on May 18, 2007 had claimed nine lives, whereas five people were killed in subsequent police firing on protesters near the mosque.
"The name of the informant shall be kept secret," the official added.
Kashmiriyat Revisited
Kashmiriyat Revisited
Ram Puniyani
This 18th June, Friday (2010), nearly thousands of Kashmiri pandits, including women and children, visited the temple of Mata Kheer Bhavani in Tullamula, 20 Kilometers from Shrinagar. It was the sacred day of Zyeshtha Ashthami. Most of the Pandits were visiting the valley after nearly 20 years, since the time they left Kashmir due to various reasons like the separatist militancy and the way whole thing was handled by authorities. The spiritual zest to worship the Goddess Ragnya Devi, to whom this temple is dedicated, was in the air. There was a big congregation of local Muslims who greeted the visiting pandits with cold drinks and Kheer (a dessert made of milk and rice). The Kashmir CM Farooq Abdullah and many other Kashmir Ministers also turned up for this emotional occasion marked by reunion with many a pandits.
The local Muslims and the ministers said that all concerned should work for return of Pandits to the valley, as Kashmiiryat is incomplete without the pandits, who are integral part of the Kashmir’s culture and life. Many a pandits also promised to work towards such a goal, to over come the divides created by the militant and political forces. The return of pandits to the valley has already begun, though it is a trickle at the moment.
Kashmir issue has been seen by the two neighbors, Pakistan and India, more as an issue of ‘real estate’ only. Kashmir has been treated as the territory which has to be won over by any means. The Government of Pakistan has regularly used ‘Kashmir’ issue to retain their hold on the political power in Kashmir, while in India, for far too long the central Government ignored the aspirations of the local population. In this whole scenario the real essence of Kashmir, Kashmiriyat got undermined and the issue started being presented as a communal one and as the site of dispute between two neighboring countries.
The soul of Kashmir’s culture has been a thick interaction between different religious traditions, teachings of Buddha, Vedanta, and Sufi tradition of Islam. Kashmir was the place where Buddhism spread far and wide and most of the population, except the upper caste embraced Buddhism. With attacks on Buddhism in 8th Century the tide turned. Later many Sufis came to Kashmir and preached their version of Islam. The most famous of them has been Nooruddin Noorani, popularly known as Nund Rishi. He was influenced by Lal Dedh, who herself was influenced by the earlier Sufis. Her mystical verses have a Shaivite form. Today both Hindus and Muslims regard her as their own. Like the great Bhakti saint, Kabir, there is a story that when she died her body turned into a heap of flowers, half of which were consigned to flames by Hindus, while the remaining half was buried by Muslims.
Nund Rishi wrote in appreciation of Lal Dedh, about her syncretic spiritual values which taught that one should not differentiate between a Hindu and a Muslim, one should realize one’s own self and that’s what God is. On Similar lines Nund Rishi focused on purification of soul. He bitterly criticized Mullahs and Brahmins whose focus is more on rituals than on spirituality and morality of the religions. Nund Rishi’s was a sort of mass movement in Kashmir, which affected many Kashmiris and they embraced Islam as taught by him.
Such a rich heritage has come under the threat from last three decades in particular. The vexed Kashmir issue got the communal slant due to the intrusion of Al Qaeda type elements, once their work of driving away Russian forces from Afghanistan was over. The Kashmiri militancy assumed different form during the decades of 1990s, it was communalized during this period. Amongst many factors contributing to worsening of Kashmir situation, one was the worsening communal scenario in India in the decade of 80’s which added fuel to the fire of terrorism in Kashmir. Meanwhile, a communal angle was being given to the harmony prevalent between Kashmiri pandits and the local Muslim population. Terrorists took advantage of that distortion.
Due to the local dissatisfaction of people, their feeling of alienation, the evil designs of the Pakistan Mullah-Military complex; totally backed by US imperialist goals, the militancy changed its tune and Kashmiri pandits started being targeted. The matters became worse off due to the policies of Jagmohan, who was Governor of the state. While the delegation of Kashmir people was preparing to call upon pandits to request them not to leave the valley, the state Governor provided them the transport to leave the valley. Most local leaders of Muslim community opposed the move of sending pandits away from Kashmir, but encouraged by Jagmohan, the Pandits left the valley. Essentially a problem between two neighboring countries assumed a communal color.
The condition of pandits, living in refugee camps has been quiet pitiable and barring few of them, most of them had to face immense suffering. Surely apart from pandits many a Kashmiri Muslims also had to leave the valley due to the twin attack from the terrorist groups and high handedness of the Indian military, which behaved more like and occupation army. Its heavy presence coupled with long years of stay in the valley totally distorted the civic life in Kashmir. The communal forces in India selectively harped on the plight of Kashmiri pandits while the other victims of Kashmir violence were totally left out of their scheme of propaganda. The tragedy is that while communal forces kept talking of the plight of pandits, during six years of BJP led NDA rule hardly anything different was done for the victims of militancy, and the lop sided policies of the leadership, dominated by the policies of central Government continued.
The present developments are very healthy one. While still some left over of militant’s actions and more of the imprint of army highhandedness are still visible, it seems with democratization process increasing, with local political leadership coming out to express the Kashmiri people’s aspirations, and partly also due to the change in the policies of US, peace seems to be slowly retuning to Kashmir. This Kheer Temple congregation is a signal of revival of the spirit of Kashmiriyat, the heart and souls of Kashmir. One hopes and wishes this spirit will strengthen in times to come, aspirations of people of Kashmir will be expressed and implemented through the democratically elected Governments of Kashmir and India-Pakistan are able to cultivate the friendly relations, which is the best guarantee for peace in the region.
--
Ram Puniyani
This 18th June, Friday (2010), nearly thousands of Kashmiri pandits, including women and children, visited the temple of Mata Kheer Bhavani in Tullamula, 20 Kilometers from Shrinagar. It was the sacred day of Zyeshtha Ashthami. Most of the Pandits were visiting the valley after nearly 20 years, since the time they left Kashmir due to various reasons like the separatist militancy and the way whole thing was handled by authorities. The spiritual zest to worship the Goddess Ragnya Devi, to whom this temple is dedicated, was in the air. There was a big congregation of local Muslims who greeted the visiting pandits with cold drinks and Kheer (a dessert made of milk and rice). The Kashmir CM Farooq Abdullah and many other Kashmir Ministers also turned up for this emotional occasion marked by reunion with many a pandits.
The local Muslims and the ministers said that all concerned should work for return of Pandits to the valley, as Kashmiiryat is incomplete without the pandits, who are integral part of the Kashmir’s culture and life. Many a pandits also promised to work towards such a goal, to over come the divides created by the militant and political forces. The return of pandits to the valley has already begun, though it is a trickle at the moment.
Kashmir issue has been seen by the two neighbors, Pakistan and India, more as an issue of ‘real estate’ only. Kashmir has been treated as the territory which has to be won over by any means. The Government of Pakistan has regularly used ‘Kashmir’ issue to retain their hold on the political power in Kashmir, while in India, for far too long the central Government ignored the aspirations of the local population. In this whole scenario the real essence of Kashmir, Kashmiriyat got undermined and the issue started being presented as a communal one and as the site of dispute between two neighboring countries.
The soul of Kashmir’s culture has been a thick interaction between different religious traditions, teachings of Buddha, Vedanta, and Sufi tradition of Islam. Kashmir was the place where Buddhism spread far and wide and most of the population, except the upper caste embraced Buddhism. With attacks on Buddhism in 8th Century the tide turned. Later many Sufis came to Kashmir and preached their version of Islam. The most famous of them has been Nooruddin Noorani, popularly known as Nund Rishi. He was influenced by Lal Dedh, who herself was influenced by the earlier Sufis. Her mystical verses have a Shaivite form. Today both Hindus and Muslims regard her as their own. Like the great Bhakti saint, Kabir, there is a story that when she died her body turned into a heap of flowers, half of which were consigned to flames by Hindus, while the remaining half was buried by Muslims.
Nund Rishi wrote in appreciation of Lal Dedh, about her syncretic spiritual values which taught that one should not differentiate between a Hindu and a Muslim, one should realize one’s own self and that’s what God is. On Similar lines Nund Rishi focused on purification of soul. He bitterly criticized Mullahs and Brahmins whose focus is more on rituals than on spirituality and morality of the religions. Nund Rishi’s was a sort of mass movement in Kashmir, which affected many Kashmiris and they embraced Islam as taught by him.
Such a rich heritage has come under the threat from last three decades in particular. The vexed Kashmir issue got the communal slant due to the intrusion of Al Qaeda type elements, once their work of driving away Russian forces from Afghanistan was over. The Kashmiri militancy assumed different form during the decades of 1990s, it was communalized during this period. Amongst many factors contributing to worsening of Kashmir situation, one was the worsening communal scenario in India in the decade of 80’s which added fuel to the fire of terrorism in Kashmir. Meanwhile, a communal angle was being given to the harmony prevalent between Kashmiri pandits and the local Muslim population. Terrorists took advantage of that distortion.
Due to the local dissatisfaction of people, their feeling of alienation, the evil designs of the Pakistan Mullah-Military complex; totally backed by US imperialist goals, the militancy changed its tune and Kashmiri pandits started being targeted. The matters became worse off due to the policies of Jagmohan, who was Governor of the state. While the delegation of Kashmir people was preparing to call upon pandits to request them not to leave the valley, the state Governor provided them the transport to leave the valley. Most local leaders of Muslim community opposed the move of sending pandits away from Kashmir, but encouraged by Jagmohan, the Pandits left the valley. Essentially a problem between two neighboring countries assumed a communal color.
The condition of pandits, living in refugee camps has been quiet pitiable and barring few of them, most of them had to face immense suffering. Surely apart from pandits many a Kashmiri Muslims also had to leave the valley due to the twin attack from the terrorist groups and high handedness of the Indian military, which behaved more like and occupation army. Its heavy presence coupled with long years of stay in the valley totally distorted the civic life in Kashmir. The communal forces in India selectively harped on the plight of Kashmiri pandits while the other victims of Kashmir violence were totally left out of their scheme of propaganda. The tragedy is that while communal forces kept talking of the plight of pandits, during six years of BJP led NDA rule hardly anything different was done for the victims of militancy, and the lop sided policies of the leadership, dominated by the policies of central Government continued.
The present developments are very healthy one. While still some left over of militant’s actions and more of the imprint of army highhandedness are still visible, it seems with democratization process increasing, with local political leadership coming out to express the Kashmiri people’s aspirations, and partly also due to the change in the policies of US, peace seems to be slowly retuning to Kashmir. This Kheer Temple congregation is a signal of revival of the spirit of Kashmiriyat, the heart and souls of Kashmir. One hopes and wishes this spirit will strengthen in times to come, aspirations of people of Kashmir will be expressed and implemented through the democratically elected Governments of Kashmir and India-Pakistan are able to cultivate the friendly relations, which is the best guarantee for peace in the region.
--
June 17, 2010
Years go by and no will to probe Hindutva terror outfits in India
Mail Today
Hindutva terror probe wallows in official lethargy
Krishna Kumar
Mumbai, June 15, 2010
How serious are the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Mumbai anti-terrorism squad (ATS) about cracking bomb blast cases with a Hindutva terror imprint? The Nanded blasts probe is a perfect indicator.
It's been four years since the terror strike, but the investigators have yet to trace the retired Intelligence Bureau (IB) officer who allegedly trained Bajrang Dal cadre and exhorted them to carry arms and ammunition.
The role of this former IB officer was revealed by merchant navy captain Sadanand Bhate, who had given a statement to the Nanded police after the blast in 2006. Bhate was also invited to train the saffron outfit's members in Nagpur for 10 days.
But he claimed to had left immediately because he felt the youths were being misguided. Before his hasty exit, he saw one 'Mr Singh' telling the cadre to carry firearms and take revenge on members of the minority community.
On April 6, 2006, a blast in the house of a retired executive engineer of the irrigation department claimed two lives and left three seriously injured.
ATS officers for their part claim that they have been hampered by the scope of the investigations in the Nanded case and later, the 2008 Malegaon blasts, and hence couldn't unravel the whole conspiracy.
"The problem is that the whole conspiracy was not hatched in one state. There have been numerous meetings between various accused spread across several states, which have taken place over a number of years," an officer said. The conspiracy was so large that ATS sleuths had a tough time probing the involvement of a huge number of people.
When asked specifically about the former IB officer, the ATS officer said it was the job of central intelligence agencies to investigate his role.
"While we are not absolving him, we didn't find his name in the Nanded blast plot, nor did we find his involvement in the 2008 Malegaon conspiracy. However, he could be involved in a bigger way. But again it was for the central intelligence agencies to find out as to who this Singh was. We are a state agency and hence cannot ask the IB to provide us with the names of its retired officers having surname of Singh," the officer added.
He said if the IB had been more vigilant, it could have prevented the Malegaon blast conspiracy well in advance. "The conversations recorded in Dayanand Pandey's laptop clearly show that on one instance, there was an IB officer who was present in one of the meetings. On seeing this officer, others were told to keep quiet and not to discuss their plans. We had passed this information to other agencies concerned. They should have found out who this IB officer was and why he didn't reveal the conspiracy to the police," the ATS officer said.
The Maharashtra ATS claims that it doesn't have the wherewithal to unravel the whole conspiracy spread across the country. It now insists that it knew about the network that was behind the blasts in Mecca Masjid, Ajmer and Malegaon.
"We always knew that Asimanand, now named by the CBI in the Mecca Masjid blast case, was involved in some way in the Malegaon blasts, too. He is absconding since Pragya Singh's arrest," an officer said.
Asimanand, like the ex- IB officer, is also at large ever since the blast. He was in close contact with Pragya and a few others.
According to the ATS officer, Asimanand is important as the anti- terror agency had come to know that he had attended a few meetings where the conspiracy to carry out a series of blasts was hatched. He had also provided training to some of the men in his ashram in Gujarat. So why did the ATS not declare him as an absconder or chargesheet him?
"We need stronger evidence against him. We have not given him a clean chit. However, we need evidence that could withstand scrutiny in the court," the ATS officer asserted.
Interestingly, he claimed that the department had not given up on Asimanand. A few teams of the ATS are still making frequent trips to Gujarat and the border areas near Nepal to apprehend him.
The ATS believes that it would have more information on Asimanand if it manages to arrest three of the alleged bomb planters. They are Ramji Kalsangra from Indore, Pravin Mutalik from Bangalore and one Sandeep Dange from Maharashtra.
ATS officials claimed that these three, especially Dange and Kalsangra, know a lot more about the involvement of Asimanand and others in the case.
The officer refused to accept the blame that the ATS was not able to crack the whole case.
"We were a bit overwhelmed by the scope of the investigation. We have been keeping the CBI and other intelligence agencies in the loop from the beginning. We gave them important leads." the officer said.
Hindutva terror probe wallows in official lethargy
Krishna Kumar
Mumbai, June 15, 2010
How serious are the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Mumbai anti-terrorism squad (ATS) about cracking bomb blast cases with a Hindutva terror imprint? The Nanded blasts probe is a perfect indicator.
It's been four years since the terror strike, but the investigators have yet to trace the retired Intelligence Bureau (IB) officer who allegedly trained Bajrang Dal cadre and exhorted them to carry arms and ammunition.
The role of this former IB officer was revealed by merchant navy captain Sadanand Bhate, who had given a statement to the Nanded police after the blast in 2006. Bhate was also invited to train the saffron outfit's members in Nagpur for 10 days.
But he claimed to had left immediately because he felt the youths were being misguided. Before his hasty exit, he saw one 'Mr Singh' telling the cadre to carry firearms and take revenge on members of the minority community.
On April 6, 2006, a blast in the house of a retired executive engineer of the irrigation department claimed two lives and left three seriously injured.
ATS officers for their part claim that they have been hampered by the scope of the investigations in the Nanded case and later, the 2008 Malegaon blasts, and hence couldn't unravel the whole conspiracy.
"The problem is that the whole conspiracy was not hatched in one state. There have been numerous meetings between various accused spread across several states, which have taken place over a number of years," an officer said. The conspiracy was so large that ATS sleuths had a tough time probing the involvement of a huge number of people.
When asked specifically about the former IB officer, the ATS officer said it was the job of central intelligence agencies to investigate his role.
"While we are not absolving him, we didn't find his name in the Nanded blast plot, nor did we find his involvement in the 2008 Malegaon conspiracy. However, he could be involved in a bigger way. But again it was for the central intelligence agencies to find out as to who this Singh was. We are a state agency and hence cannot ask the IB to provide us with the names of its retired officers having surname of Singh," the officer added.
He said if the IB had been more vigilant, it could have prevented the Malegaon blast conspiracy well in advance. "The conversations recorded in Dayanand Pandey's laptop clearly show that on one instance, there was an IB officer who was present in one of the meetings. On seeing this officer, others were told to keep quiet and not to discuss their plans. We had passed this information to other agencies concerned. They should have found out who this IB officer was and why he didn't reveal the conspiracy to the police," the ATS officer said.
The Maharashtra ATS claims that it doesn't have the wherewithal to unravel the whole conspiracy spread across the country. It now insists that it knew about the network that was behind the blasts in Mecca Masjid, Ajmer and Malegaon.
"We always knew that Asimanand, now named by the CBI in the Mecca Masjid blast case, was involved in some way in the Malegaon blasts, too. He is absconding since Pragya Singh's arrest," an officer said.
Asimanand, like the ex- IB officer, is also at large ever since the blast. He was in close contact with Pragya and a few others.
According to the ATS officer, Asimanand is important as the anti- terror agency had come to know that he had attended a few meetings where the conspiracy to carry out a series of blasts was hatched. He had also provided training to some of the men in his ashram in Gujarat. So why did the ATS not declare him as an absconder or chargesheet him?
"We need stronger evidence against him. We have not given him a clean chit. However, we need evidence that could withstand scrutiny in the court," the ATS officer asserted.
Interestingly, he claimed that the department had not given up on Asimanand. A few teams of the ATS are still making frequent trips to Gujarat and the border areas near Nepal to apprehend him.
The ATS believes that it would have more information on Asimanand if it manages to arrest three of the alleged bomb planters. They are Ramji Kalsangra from Indore, Pravin Mutalik from Bangalore and one Sandeep Dange from Maharashtra.
ATS officials claimed that these three, especially Dange and Kalsangra, know a lot more about the involvement of Asimanand and others in the case.
The officer refused to accept the blame that the ATS was not able to crack the whole case.
"We were a bit overwhelmed by the scope of the investigation. We have been keeping the CBI and other intelligence agencies in the loop from the beginning. We gave them important leads." the officer said.
June 09, 2010
Shabnam Hashmi Resigns From NIC
National Integration: The Way Forward
Ram Puniyani
National Integration Council (NIC) is the apex body deliberating on the issues pertaining to overcoming the divisive tendencies in the nation. The divisive tendencies prevail on the basis of language, region and religion. NIC has recently been in the news as one of its members, Shabnam Hashmi resigned from the council. Hashmi is one of the foremost activists engaged in fighting the evil of communalism; she also is the secretary of ANHAD (Act Now for Harmony and Democracy). This NGO has been active from last several years undertaking campaigns to fight divisive politics, it also organizes cultural programs and political training camps for promoting the values of secularism and diversity.
Hashmi resigned in the aftermath of appointment of Shiv Sena Executive President Uddhav Thackeray on the council. Thackeray has been appointed as the leader of a regional party. Hashmi states that, “The news of Mr. Uddhav Thakre being included in the National Integration Council today has left me quite shocked. Mr. Udhav Thakre's whole political life is based on divisive and hate politics. His entry into NIC is a cruel oxymoron. His brand of communal politics is against the secular and plural value system that the Council upholds. It was bad enough to have highly communal people on the NIC by virtue of being Chief Ministers. Udhav Thakre's entry into the Council will further derogate the high credentials and stature of the body forever.”
There are multiple issues involved in this. To begin with the NIC was formed in 1961, in the aftermath of Jabalpur violence. Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of the country was very shaken by the communal violence in Jabalpur and decided to form this council to combat the evils of Communalism, casteism and regionalism. It was meant to be a broad forum with representation from political parties, Chief Ministers, Central Cabinet ministers and representatives from the civil society. It was not much in news most of the times. Two major points one remembers regarding the council are, one when Kalyan Singh the UP Chief Minister, then belonging to BJP, promised to the Council that the Babri Masjid will be protected at all the cost. Same Kalyan Singh later took pride in being part of the process of demolition of the mosque.
Later, when BJP led NDA came to power and ruled the country for six years the NIC was not constituted at all. The signal was that the BJP does not care for national integration as it believes in the Hindu Rashtra. That apart even in the present scheme of things NIC has a very limited advisory role to play. During the previous UPA I regime, the NIC met only twice. The UPA II is in power from last one year but not a single meeting of the body has taken place. All said and done it is a national forum which can give vent to the voice of those who are victims of communalism in one form or the other.
By its very nature the council has to have all the Chief ministers as the member of NIC. So naturally, Narendra Modi, the one who presided over Gujarat carnage, is also the member of the same. One recalls that during UPA I, in the first meeting of NIC, he was probably the only one who managed to make his presence felt in the media, with his claim that minorities are safe in Gujarat! One is sure that members of NIC like Shabnam Hashmi, Swami Agnivesh and Asghar Ali Engineer, amongst others, have been articulating the pain and anguish of the victims of communal violence and communal politics in this forum. One also guesses that they must have been countering the falsities propagated by the likes of Modi.
The questions Hashmi’s resignation raises are what should be the composition and functioning of such bodies. The question is being asked that while people like Narendra Modi and many of his ilk are already the members of this august body, in what way will Uddhav Thackeray being there make it worse?
One recalls that Shiv Sena has been the major party accused by Srikrishna Commission report for its role in Mumbai violence. It is precisely because of this that Shiv Sena first discontinued the commission when it came to power, then it sat on the report on the ground that it will reopen the wounds of Mumbai violence. Lately Shiv Sena has been playing the divisive politics in the name of language and region. In the competitive divisiveness with MNS, it is devising new ways to put the wedge between Marathi speaking and non Marathi speaking people. So surely people like Thackeray will add to the communal elements in the council.
BJP-Shiv Sena are communal by their very goals and agenda. While theoretically Hashmi has raised very important question, what a sorry state of things we have come to, that people like Thackeray, and Narendra Modi, who are blatantly communal are the members of this council meant to combat communalism! The other point is, can things be better by keeping these communal elements out from the Council?
One concedes the point that some political streams have communal agenda deep in their core, and one cannot expect non-sectarian policies from them. Still there are some questions and dilemmas associated with this too. One is that if the likes of Modi-Thackeray are part of the ‘formal’ democratic process, how can you keep them out? And secondly by leaving such platform, NIC, one is loosing the little, whatever limited opportunity it gives, to intervene for plural ethos, against the divisive politics. Boycott versus dialogue is the question. Her move as a protest is worth registering and appreciating but the need of the hour is to use every available millimeter of space to propagate democratic views, to seize every single opportunity to strive for the goals of plural India, as already the democratic space has shrunk very badly.
It is a message to the authorities that they should keep Thackeray type elements to the minimum obligatory level. At the same time they can make this council more active and dynamic and ensure that the voice of victims of divisive politics is heard more often than at present and that remedial measures are implemented in all seriousness.
Ram Puniyani
National Integration Council (NIC) is the apex body deliberating on the issues pertaining to overcoming the divisive tendencies in the nation. The divisive tendencies prevail on the basis of language, region and religion. NIC has recently been in the news as one of its members, Shabnam Hashmi resigned from the council. Hashmi is one of the foremost activists engaged in fighting the evil of communalism; she also is the secretary of ANHAD (Act Now for Harmony and Democracy). This NGO has been active from last several years undertaking campaigns to fight divisive politics, it also organizes cultural programs and political training camps for promoting the values of secularism and diversity.
Hashmi resigned in the aftermath of appointment of Shiv Sena Executive President Uddhav Thackeray on the council. Thackeray has been appointed as the leader of a regional party. Hashmi states that, “The news of Mr. Uddhav Thakre being included in the National Integration Council today has left me quite shocked. Mr. Udhav Thakre's whole political life is based on divisive and hate politics. His entry into NIC is a cruel oxymoron. His brand of communal politics is against the secular and plural value system that the Council upholds. It was bad enough to have highly communal people on the NIC by virtue of being Chief Ministers. Udhav Thakre's entry into the Council will further derogate the high credentials and stature of the body forever.”
There are multiple issues involved in this. To begin with the NIC was formed in 1961, in the aftermath of Jabalpur violence. Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of the country was very shaken by the communal violence in Jabalpur and decided to form this council to combat the evils of Communalism, casteism and regionalism. It was meant to be a broad forum with representation from political parties, Chief Ministers, Central Cabinet ministers and representatives from the civil society. It was not much in news most of the times. Two major points one remembers regarding the council are, one when Kalyan Singh the UP Chief Minister, then belonging to BJP, promised to the Council that the Babri Masjid will be protected at all the cost. Same Kalyan Singh later took pride in being part of the process of demolition of the mosque.
Later, when BJP led NDA came to power and ruled the country for six years the NIC was not constituted at all. The signal was that the BJP does not care for national integration as it believes in the Hindu Rashtra. That apart even in the present scheme of things NIC has a very limited advisory role to play. During the previous UPA I regime, the NIC met only twice. The UPA II is in power from last one year but not a single meeting of the body has taken place. All said and done it is a national forum which can give vent to the voice of those who are victims of communalism in one form or the other.
By its very nature the council has to have all the Chief ministers as the member of NIC. So naturally, Narendra Modi, the one who presided over Gujarat carnage, is also the member of the same. One recalls that during UPA I, in the first meeting of NIC, he was probably the only one who managed to make his presence felt in the media, with his claim that minorities are safe in Gujarat! One is sure that members of NIC like Shabnam Hashmi, Swami Agnivesh and Asghar Ali Engineer, amongst others, have been articulating the pain and anguish of the victims of communal violence and communal politics in this forum. One also guesses that they must have been countering the falsities propagated by the likes of Modi.
The questions Hashmi’s resignation raises are what should be the composition and functioning of such bodies. The question is being asked that while people like Narendra Modi and many of his ilk are already the members of this august body, in what way will Uddhav Thackeray being there make it worse?
One recalls that Shiv Sena has been the major party accused by Srikrishna Commission report for its role in Mumbai violence. It is precisely because of this that Shiv Sena first discontinued the commission when it came to power, then it sat on the report on the ground that it will reopen the wounds of Mumbai violence. Lately Shiv Sena has been playing the divisive politics in the name of language and region. In the competitive divisiveness with MNS, it is devising new ways to put the wedge between Marathi speaking and non Marathi speaking people. So surely people like Thackeray will add to the communal elements in the council.
BJP-Shiv Sena are communal by their very goals and agenda. While theoretically Hashmi has raised very important question, what a sorry state of things we have come to, that people like Thackeray, and Narendra Modi, who are blatantly communal are the members of this council meant to combat communalism! The other point is, can things be better by keeping these communal elements out from the Council?
One concedes the point that some political streams have communal agenda deep in their core, and one cannot expect non-sectarian policies from them. Still there are some questions and dilemmas associated with this too. One is that if the likes of Modi-Thackeray are part of the ‘formal’ democratic process, how can you keep them out? And secondly by leaving such platform, NIC, one is loosing the little, whatever limited opportunity it gives, to intervene for plural ethos, against the divisive politics. Boycott versus dialogue is the question. Her move as a protest is worth registering and appreciating but the need of the hour is to use every available millimeter of space to propagate democratic views, to seize every single opportunity to strive for the goals of plural India, as already the democratic space has shrunk very badly.
It is a message to the authorities that they should keep Thackeray type elements to the minimum obligatory level. At the same time they can make this council more active and dynamic and ensure that the voice of victims of divisive politics is heard more often than at present and that remedial measures are implemented in all seriousness.
June 03, 2010
Strong Religion, Zealous Media: Christian Fundamentalism and Communication in India
(Hardcover)
~ Pradip N. Thomas (Author)
Hardcover: 228 pages; Publisher: Sage Publications Pvt. Ltd (July 1, 2008); Language: English
http://tinyurl.com/39t2kxp
----------
[SEE ALSO: A Book Review]
thaindian.com
Looking at Christianity’s handshake with media in India (Book Review)
July 22nd, 2008 - 10:45 am ICT by IANS -
By Papri Sri Raman
Book: “Strong Religion, Zealous Media”; Author: Pradip Ninan Thomas; Publisher: Sage Publications; Pages: 207 The book is a result of a two-year study done in Chennai by Pradip Ninan Thomas, an associate professor at the School of Journalism and Communication at the University of Queensland, and naturally an academic point of view.
“(It was) inspired by a comment about conversions and riots in Gujarat by the historian William Dalrymple in an article several years ago,” Thomas told IANS.
“It suddenly opened my eyes to the fundamentalism that is getting entrenched in Christianity across the world, in Brazil, (South) Korea, Africa and also in India.”
One of the reasons why Thomas took up the study of modern-day Christian fundamentalism in Tamil Nadu is because as many as 62 million people in the southern state follow the religion.
“Chennai is today considered the fastest-growing hub of Christianity in South Asia,” he says.
His study is preceded by Lionel Caplan’s 1987 work “Fundamentalism as a Counter-Culture: Protestants in Urban South India” and Susan Bayly’s 1994 study in southern Tamil Nadu and Kerala, “Christians and Competing Fundamentalism in South Indian Society”.
Thomas has left himself open to criticism that he is playing directly into the hands of rising Hindu and Islamic fundamentalism by choosing to investigate how neo-Christian camps in India use the media and its audio-visual power to hypnotise their constituencies with “good news”, miracles and blessings.
Thomas writes that “Christian fundamentalists”, like Islamic fundamentalists, “belong to a global umma and harbour real and perhaps imagined…longings directed towards making all of god’s people Christian”.
Thomas says he himself is a practicing Christian, but that it is time “mainstream churches” begin looking at “Christianity in India and begin going to the media more” to halt what he calls “Karaoke” Christianity.
His concern is delivered in his critique of the media-supported Joshua project, the Christian Broadcasting Network and the evangelism of GOD TV, the 700 Club, Num TV of the Chennai-based organisation Jesus Calls, the Rede Record TV Network belonging to Brazil’s Pentecostal movement and such other mass followed sects.
He fears that more and more the “worship experience on a Sunday” is being overtaken by rallies like those organised by Benny Hinn Inc (in the US).
“Politics of mis-recognition certainly applies to Christian broadcasting in India,” Thomas notes.
The book takes a close look at India’s Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal movements, their use of radio, television, merging church space with multi-media.
Thomas says his is a “wake-up call” to the traditional church in India to recognise the danger of fundamentalist incursions into a faith that is largely seen as beneficial and peaceful, surviving for several thousand years in a multicultural, multi-religious space, which this subcontinent has provided.
Warning against “evangelic spectacles” and various “brands of exclusive Christianity”, Thomas gives the example of “militantly pro-conversion events” like the “Every Tribe, Every Tongue” convention in 2006, attended by political bigwigs like P. Chidambaram and from the self-proclaimed atheist Dravidian party the DMK and 20,000 others who had gathered in Chennai from all across tribal India.
The event was supported by the International Living Mission; the stated objective of this group is: “In India itself there are more than 500,000 villages who have never heard about Jesus. There is neither a church nor has any missionary been in these parts. Our responsibility as the chosen one of god is to make an opportunity for these people so that they too can hear the word of god.”
Such events generate “new meaning for religion and politics, simultaneously mixing the religious with business and finance, creating spectacular events and media personalities”, Thomas points out.
“Liberal Christians…along with many others in India certainly have serious misgivings about” this kind of aggressive proselytisation, Thomas says.
“The traditional church is, however, reluctant to admit it and take action against this, especially in the face of rising Hindu and Islamic fundamentalism.”
The traditional church “keeps quiet” because it “feels the need to maintain unity” among Christians of all denomination, Thomas says, advocating that traditional religion, including traditional Christianity, should search for a media model like Canada’s “Vision TV” to reach out to India’s pluralist multitude.
~ Pradip N. Thomas (Author)
Hardcover: 228 pages; Publisher: Sage Publications Pvt. Ltd (July 1, 2008); Language: English
http://tinyurl.com/39t2kxp
----------
[SEE ALSO: A Book Review]
thaindian.com
Looking at Christianity’s handshake with media in India (Book Review)
July 22nd, 2008 - 10:45 am ICT by IANS -
By Papri Sri Raman
Book: “Strong Religion, Zealous Media”; Author: Pradip Ninan Thomas; Publisher: Sage Publications; Pages: 207 The book is a result of a two-year study done in Chennai by Pradip Ninan Thomas, an associate professor at the School of Journalism and Communication at the University of Queensland, and naturally an academic point of view.
“(It was) inspired by a comment about conversions and riots in Gujarat by the historian William Dalrymple in an article several years ago,” Thomas told IANS.
“It suddenly opened my eyes to the fundamentalism that is getting entrenched in Christianity across the world, in Brazil, (South) Korea, Africa and also in India.”
One of the reasons why Thomas took up the study of modern-day Christian fundamentalism in Tamil Nadu is because as many as 62 million people in the southern state follow the religion.
“Chennai is today considered the fastest-growing hub of Christianity in South Asia,” he says.
His study is preceded by Lionel Caplan’s 1987 work “Fundamentalism as a Counter-Culture: Protestants in Urban South India” and Susan Bayly’s 1994 study in southern Tamil Nadu and Kerala, “Christians and Competing Fundamentalism in South Indian Society”.
Thomas has left himself open to criticism that he is playing directly into the hands of rising Hindu and Islamic fundamentalism by choosing to investigate how neo-Christian camps in India use the media and its audio-visual power to hypnotise their constituencies with “good news”, miracles and blessings.
Thomas writes that “Christian fundamentalists”, like Islamic fundamentalists, “belong to a global umma and harbour real and perhaps imagined…longings directed towards making all of god’s people Christian”.
Thomas says he himself is a practicing Christian, but that it is time “mainstream churches” begin looking at “Christianity in India and begin going to the media more” to halt what he calls “Karaoke” Christianity.
His concern is delivered in his critique of the media-supported Joshua project, the Christian Broadcasting Network and the evangelism of GOD TV, the 700 Club, Num TV of the Chennai-based organisation Jesus Calls, the Rede Record TV Network belonging to Brazil’s Pentecostal movement and such other mass followed sects.
He fears that more and more the “worship experience on a Sunday” is being overtaken by rallies like those organised by Benny Hinn Inc (in the US).
“Politics of mis-recognition certainly applies to Christian broadcasting in India,” Thomas notes.
The book takes a close look at India’s Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal movements, their use of radio, television, merging church space with multi-media.
Thomas says his is a “wake-up call” to the traditional church in India to recognise the danger of fundamentalist incursions into a faith that is largely seen as beneficial and peaceful, surviving for several thousand years in a multicultural, multi-religious space, which this subcontinent has provided.
Warning against “evangelic spectacles” and various “brands of exclusive Christianity”, Thomas gives the example of “militantly pro-conversion events” like the “Every Tribe, Every Tongue” convention in 2006, attended by political bigwigs like P. Chidambaram and from the self-proclaimed atheist Dravidian party the DMK and 20,000 others who had gathered in Chennai from all across tribal India.
The event was supported by the International Living Mission; the stated objective of this group is: “In India itself there are more than 500,000 villages who have never heard about Jesus. There is neither a church nor has any missionary been in these parts. Our responsibility as the chosen one of god is to make an opportunity for these people so that they too can hear the word of god.”
Such events generate “new meaning for religion and politics, simultaneously mixing the religious with business and finance, creating spectacular events and media personalities”, Thomas points out.
“Liberal Christians…along with many others in India certainly have serious misgivings about” this kind of aggressive proselytisation, Thomas says.
“The traditional church is, however, reluctant to admit it and take action against this, especially in the face of rising Hindu and Islamic fundamentalism.”
The traditional church “keeps quiet” because it “feels the need to maintain unity” among Christians of all denomination, Thomas says, advocating that traditional religion, including traditional Christianity, should search for a media model like Canada’s “Vision TV” to reach out to India’s pluralist multitude.
Hindutva terror Lies and deception
Hard News, June, 2010
Editorial
Hardnews Bureau
The violent world of bloodthirsty terrorists and their equally bloodthirsty, covert pursuers can always be built on a body of lies and deception. For couple of years now, we find with unerring regularity that earlier police investigations showing the hand of Islamic militants in the blasts in Malegaon, Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad, Ajmer Sharif Dargah and the Samjhauta Express are proving to be a monumental lie. The earlier 'probe' had buttressed the dominant narrative about Islamic radicals subverting a secular India till the palimpsest of evidence was revisited. As layers of falsehood were slowly peeled off, it became apparent that in the name of investigation, doctored evidence was created and innocents were tortured, brutalised and made to languish in jails.
The credit for this path-breaking investigation goes to former head of Maharashtra's anti-terror squad, Hemant Karkare, who was killed in the Mumbai terror attack. He managed to cut through the haze of deceit, lies and orchestrated hype to prove that the perpetrators of the Malegaon blast were not Muslim, but fanatic Hindu radicals who want India to become a muscular Hindu rashtra. Karkare and his team found a vast network of militant Hindu organisations that had disturbingly infiltrated the army and were working on a plan for a violent, terrorist putsch. Karkare's findings had met with a howl of protests from the BJP leadership and the RSS. The arrest of a Hindu sadhvi, Pragya Thakur, for her involvement had made the BJP leadership dub it as an attack on Hindu faith. The Malegaon investigation was a watershed event, but after Karkare's mysterious killing on the fateful night of November 26, 2008, the investigation into the case meandered into nothingness. Karkare's successor, KP Raghuvanshi's past association with one of the co-accused in the Malegaon case did not help the cause.
However, recently, Rajasthan police found the needle of suspicion in the Ajmer blast pointing towards Hindutva outfits again. Since then, the pieces in the jigsaw puzzle are falling in place. The last few blasts, including the one in Samjhauta Express, are all falling in a pattern. It is to the credit of the Union home ministry and the Intelligence Bureau that they are disowning much of the earlier conclusions to emerge with outcomes that are diametrically opposite to what was peddled earlier. Many of those who were arrested due to the earlier investigations continue to languish in jails even when the trajectory of probe has shifted. This is transparent injustice.
When the BJP was in power, the police showed great alacrity in putting young Muslims behind bars and blaming it all on Islamic terror outfits. Evidence was planted, dubious witnesses presented, and, through selective media leaks, innocents were shown as masterminds. Afzal Guru, who is on death row for allegedly helping the attackers of Indian Parliament in 2001, has claimed that he has been 'fixed' by his intelligence handlers.
It would be a travesty of justice if indeed he is a little pawn in this dirty power play and is hanged to satisfy the blood lust of fanatics who believe that is the only way to exact revenge. Fighting terror is a tricky business when so many different agendas are warping the truth. To ensure that the Indian State does not feed a grievance by twisting facts and hanging an innocent, it would not be wrong to reopen cases where there is even an iota of doubt, including the Batla House encounter case - widely perceived to be a fake encounter, the view ratified by a senior Congress leader.
JUNE 2010
Editorial
Hardnews Bureau
The violent world of bloodthirsty terrorists and their equally bloodthirsty, covert pursuers can always be built on a body of lies and deception. For couple of years now, we find with unerring regularity that earlier police investigations showing the hand of Islamic militants in the blasts in Malegaon, Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad, Ajmer Sharif Dargah and the Samjhauta Express are proving to be a monumental lie. The earlier 'probe' had buttressed the dominant narrative about Islamic radicals subverting a secular India till the palimpsest of evidence was revisited. As layers of falsehood were slowly peeled off, it became apparent that in the name of investigation, doctored evidence was created and innocents were tortured, brutalised and made to languish in jails.
The credit for this path-breaking investigation goes to former head of Maharashtra's anti-terror squad, Hemant Karkare, who was killed in the Mumbai terror attack. He managed to cut through the haze of deceit, lies and orchestrated hype to prove that the perpetrators of the Malegaon blast were not Muslim, but fanatic Hindu radicals who want India to become a muscular Hindu rashtra. Karkare and his team found a vast network of militant Hindu organisations that had disturbingly infiltrated the army and were working on a plan for a violent, terrorist putsch. Karkare's findings had met with a howl of protests from the BJP leadership and the RSS. The arrest of a Hindu sadhvi, Pragya Thakur, for her involvement had made the BJP leadership dub it as an attack on Hindu faith. The Malegaon investigation was a watershed event, but after Karkare's mysterious killing on the fateful night of November 26, 2008, the investigation into the case meandered into nothingness. Karkare's successor, KP Raghuvanshi's past association with one of the co-accused in the Malegaon case did not help the cause.
However, recently, Rajasthan police found the needle of suspicion in the Ajmer blast pointing towards Hindutva outfits again. Since then, the pieces in the jigsaw puzzle are falling in place. The last few blasts, including the one in Samjhauta Express, are all falling in a pattern. It is to the credit of the Union home ministry and the Intelligence Bureau that they are disowning much of the earlier conclusions to emerge with outcomes that are diametrically opposite to what was peddled earlier. Many of those who were arrested due to the earlier investigations continue to languish in jails even when the trajectory of probe has shifted. This is transparent injustice.
When the BJP was in power, the police showed great alacrity in putting young Muslims behind bars and blaming it all on Islamic terror outfits. Evidence was planted, dubious witnesses presented, and, through selective media leaks, innocents were shown as masterminds. Afzal Guru, who is on death row for allegedly helping the attackers of Indian Parliament in 2001, has claimed that he has been 'fixed' by his intelligence handlers.
It would be a travesty of justice if indeed he is a little pawn in this dirty power play and is hanged to satisfy the blood lust of fanatics who believe that is the only way to exact revenge. Fighting terror is a tricky business when so many different agendas are warping the truth. To ensure that the Indian State does not feed a grievance by twisting facts and hanging an innocent, it would not be wrong to reopen cases where there is even an iota of doubt, including the Batla House encounter case - widely perceived to be a fake encounter, the view ratified by a senior Congress leader.
JUNE 2010
Hindutva terror Lies and deception
Hard News, June, 2010
Editorial
Hardnews Bureau
The violent world of bloodthirsty terrorists and their equally bloodthirsty, covert pursuers can always be built on a body of lies and deception. For couple of years now, we find with unerring regularity that earlier police investigations showing the hand of Islamic militants in the blasts in Malegaon, Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad, Ajmer Sharif Dargah and the Samjhauta Express are proving to be a monumental lie. The earlier 'probe' had buttressed the dominant narrative about Islamic radicals subverting a secular India till the palimpsest of evidence was revisited. As layers of falsehood were slowly peeled off, it became apparent that in the name of investigation, doctored evidence was created and innocents were tortured, brutalised and made to languish in jails.
The credit for this path-breaking investigation goes to former head of Maharashtra's anti-terror squad, Hemant Karkare, who was killed in the Mumbai terror attack. He managed to cut through the haze of deceit, lies and orchestrated hype to prove that the perpetrators of the Malegaon blast were not Muslim, but fanatic Hindu radicals who want India to become a muscular Hindu rashtra. Karkare and his team found a vast network of militant Hindu organisations that had disturbingly infiltrated the army and were working on a plan for a violent, terrorist putsch. Karkare's findings had met with a howl of protests from the BJP leadership and the RSS. The arrest of a Hindu sadhvi, Pragya Thakur, for her involvement had made the BJP leadership dub it as an attack on Hindu faith. The Malegaon investigation was a watershed event, but after Karkare's mysterious killing on the fateful night of November 26, 2008, the investigation into the case meandered into nothingness. Karkare's successor, KP Raghuvanshi's past association with one of the co-accused in the Malegaon case did not help the cause.
However, recently, Rajasthan police found the needle of suspicion in the Ajmer blast pointing towards Hindutva outfits again. Since then, the pieces in the jigsaw puzzle are falling in place. The last few blasts, including the one in Samjhauta Express, are all falling in a pattern. It is to the credit of the Union home ministry and the Intelligence Bureau that they are disowning much of the earlier conclusions to emerge with outcomes that are diametrically opposite to what was peddled earlier. Many of those who were arrested due to the earlier investigations continue to languish in jails even when the trajectory of probe has shifted. This is transparent injustice.
When the BJP was in power, the police showed great alacrity in putting young Muslims behind bars and blaming it all on Islamic terror outfits. Evidence was planted, dubious witnesses presented, and, through selective media leaks, innocents were shown as masterminds. Afzal Guru, who is on death row for allegedly helping the attackers of Indian Parliament in 2001, has claimed that he has been 'fixed' by his intelligence handlers.
It would be a travesty of justice if indeed he is a little pawn in this dirty power play and is hanged to satisfy the blood lust of fanatics who believe that is the only way to exact revenge. Fighting terror is a tricky business when so many different agendas are warping the truth. To ensure that the Indian State does not feed a grievance by twisting facts and hanging an innocent, it would not be wrong to reopen cases where there is even an iota of doubt, including the Batla House encounter case - widely perceived to be a fake encounter, the view ratified by a senior Congress leader.
JUNE 2010
Editorial
Hardnews Bureau
The violent world of bloodthirsty terrorists and their equally bloodthirsty, covert pursuers can always be built on a body of lies and deception. For couple of years now, we find with unerring regularity that earlier police investigations showing the hand of Islamic militants in the blasts in Malegaon, Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad, Ajmer Sharif Dargah and the Samjhauta Express are proving to be a monumental lie. The earlier 'probe' had buttressed the dominant narrative about Islamic radicals subverting a secular India till the palimpsest of evidence was revisited. As layers of falsehood were slowly peeled off, it became apparent that in the name of investigation, doctored evidence was created and innocents were tortured, brutalised and made to languish in jails.
The credit for this path-breaking investigation goes to former head of Maharashtra's anti-terror squad, Hemant Karkare, who was killed in the Mumbai terror attack. He managed to cut through the haze of deceit, lies and orchestrated hype to prove that the perpetrators of the Malegaon blast were not Muslim, but fanatic Hindu radicals who want India to become a muscular Hindu rashtra. Karkare and his team found a vast network of militant Hindu organisations that had disturbingly infiltrated the army and were working on a plan for a violent, terrorist putsch. Karkare's findings had met with a howl of protests from the BJP leadership and the RSS. The arrest of a Hindu sadhvi, Pragya Thakur, for her involvement had made the BJP leadership dub it as an attack on Hindu faith. The Malegaon investigation was a watershed event, but after Karkare's mysterious killing on the fateful night of November 26, 2008, the investigation into the case meandered into nothingness. Karkare's successor, KP Raghuvanshi's past association with one of the co-accused in the Malegaon case did not help the cause.
However, recently, Rajasthan police found the needle of suspicion in the Ajmer blast pointing towards Hindutva outfits again. Since then, the pieces in the jigsaw puzzle are falling in place. The last few blasts, including the one in Samjhauta Express, are all falling in a pattern. It is to the credit of the Union home ministry and the Intelligence Bureau that they are disowning much of the earlier conclusions to emerge with outcomes that are diametrically opposite to what was peddled earlier. Many of those who were arrested due to the earlier investigations continue to languish in jails even when the trajectory of probe has shifted. This is transparent injustice.
When the BJP was in power, the police showed great alacrity in putting young Muslims behind bars and blaming it all on Islamic terror outfits. Evidence was planted, dubious witnesses presented, and, through selective media leaks, innocents were shown as masterminds. Afzal Guru, who is on death row for allegedly helping the attackers of Indian Parliament in 2001, has claimed that he has been 'fixed' by his intelligence handlers.
It would be a travesty of justice if indeed he is a little pawn in this dirty power play and is hanged to satisfy the blood lust of fanatics who believe that is the only way to exact revenge. Fighting terror is a tricky business when so many different agendas are warping the truth. To ensure that the Indian State does not feed a grievance by twisting facts and hanging an innocent, it would not be wrong to reopen cases where there is even an iota of doubt, including the Batla House encounter case - widely perceived to be a fake encounter, the view ratified by a senior Congress leader.
JUNE 2010
June 01, 2010
Retrograde Fatwas and Media
Projecting Retrograde Fatwas: Reinforcing Stereotypes
Ram Puniyani
The Islamic seminaries issue fatwas by the dozen, day in and day out. It is only on few occasions that these get media publicity, and the quantum of media publicity is also not uniform. Some fatwas are really projected very much hogging all the lime light ; some others are hidden on the back pages in small column centimeters while few others never taken note of. Which are these one’s where media interest and curiosity is maximum? This is the question which media pundits can introspect and debate but few observations are in order.
One such fatwa, which was in the lime light recently (May 2010) related to women working outside, there income being haram (immoral) and it being obligatory on them to wear burqa. All major commentators wrote on this, all papers carried banner headlines on this and the chat show anchors had a gala time mediating between warring guests on their interpretation of this retrograde fatwa. To begin with one must point out that this fatwa was issued in response to a question, “Can Muslim women in India do Government or private jobs? Shall their salary be Halal or Haram or Prohibited?” Answer published on April 4th, 2010 simply put it as: “It is unlawful for Muslim women to do job in government or private institutions where men and women work together and women have to talk with [to] men frankly and without veil.”
Interestingly this fatwa got very sensational headlines, picking on one or the other aspect of the opinion of the Mufti. The headlines ran like, “Women’s earning haram”, “It is illegal to work for women to support the family, “Fatwa against working women”, Fatwa to Working women, don’t talk to male colleagues” etc. There are two important points here. One is that this fatwa which shows the height of conservatism was flashed powerfully and second the headlines picked up the part of the whole and sensationalized it further. The outcome of media projection was uniform, it reinforced the stereotypes about Muslims. The associated points about fatwas did not get prominent projection.
True, these opinions should have no place whatsoever in the present times, but there is more to these projections than meets the eye. Some fatwas get heavy projection, while some other but more important ones’ do not get enough coverage. This can be said more so because of the recent observation about undermining of another fatwa. That fatwa was issued by two congregations of thousands of Maulanas. In these congregations which were historic in more ways than one, the fatwa was issued against violence, against terrorism in the name of Islam. Needless to say this fatwa was historic as it aimed to nail down the popular misconception, carefully grafted by the US administration, US media and local communal forces that Islam is the religion of violence, Muslims are violent community and all terrorists are Muslims. This misconception prevails even at a time when the terrorists of the ilk of Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur, Swami Assemanand and those related to Santan Sanstha etc. have been under the heavy cloud of suspicion and some of them are now behind the bar also.
As such fatwa is an opinion by a mufti, given in response to the question sought by laity, on the same issue there can be different fatwas, they are not biding on the seeker of fatwa. As such the community is largely divided about following the fatwa’s. While some stick to these opinions, hook line and sinker, others ignore them as ravings of some outdated old maulanas, cut off from the modern society. Javed Akhtar, the renowned multifaceted writer came out strongly against this fatwa. More interestingly he pointed out that these fatwas are not taken seriously by the community at large. Overall he is just partly right, as there still are some elements in the community, who prefer to be guided by these Muftis, irrespective of the fact that there is no formal hierarchy in Islam. Akhtar is partly undermining the fact that many retrograde elements amongst Muslim community make these fatwas as a crutch to implement their anti-women and other regressive attitudes.
The broader point is how come such a serious fatwa, one related to terrorism, which has a big impact on the totality of social perception was not given as much importance as it deserves? One recalls that there were many a fatwa’s which did affect the lives of people, like the one against Salman Rushdie and Taslima Nasreen. One concedes that the fatwa’s need to be looked at in the particular context and highlighted accordingly. Today the scenario is a bit different. The media is looking for sensation; it is flowing with the stream, and is not much concerned about fathoming deep to unravel the truth. Unfortunately once news is flashed in a powerful way, its counters the next day get buried in the din of hysteria, popular opinion created by the headline the previous day.
Currently whatever reinforces the prevalent stereotypes against Muslims are a hot favorite with large section of media. Since the global superpower had decided to pursue its goals of control of oil wealth, it did create “consent” for its lust of oil by popularizing the image of Islam which was totally conservative. It deliberately promoted those tendencies within Muslim World, which talked of insane interpretations of the words Jihad and Kafir. After 9/11 the matters became worse off when the word ‘Islamic terrorism’ was propped up by US media and was lapped up by the global media in general. One also recalls that US media also dragged Islam in the murkier world of politics when US stooge, Raza Shah Pehlvi, was overthrown in a revolution and Ayatollah Khomeini captured power. The political phenomenon was given religious veneer.
While media partly has also played a positive role in social transformation, standing with the deprived, occasionally, broadly its role has been supplementary to the role of the rulers, the global and national ones’. Nationally it has mostly gone with the perception devised and popularized by communal forces. These popular perceptions are the base of ruling politics and the vehicle of the political actions of dominant sections of society. While ignoring these Muftis, we do need a proper mechanism of media, communication and cultural mechanism of progressive values to propagate the voice of weaker sections of society.
Today while this fatwa got a particular projection in the media, the case of espionage by Madhuri Gupta was underplayed, while any real or alleged terrorist with a Muslim name is a permanent front page news, the involvement, allegations against the likes of Swami Assemanand are bypassed on the ground that this is a conspiracy of a particular government or political party. Even today when the media focuses a lot on these irrelevant retrograde fatwa’s, lot of poor Muslims suffer due to physical insecurity and lack of social opportunities, which is not given adequate attention by media. Lot of anti Dalit atrocities is going on but they hardly find prominent place in the media.
From within the Muslim community more voices are coming up against these fatwas and there is need that that more voices, including those of women should be projected against such retrograde fatwas. While the majority of the people of the country must realize that the fatwas do not represent a homogenous community waiting to lap them up. It is obligatory on the part of media to give equal projection of those Muslims who are opposed to the cult of such fatwas. These fatwas do come from the section of Muslim community/Muftis, most of who are fairly insulated from the vagaries of the World, and are becoming more important due to the insecurity into which Muslim community has been pushed all around. And media has to answer as to why fatwas like the one against violence and terrorism were grossly underplayed?
Ram Puniyani
The Islamic seminaries issue fatwas by the dozen, day in and day out. It is only on few occasions that these get media publicity, and the quantum of media publicity is also not uniform. Some fatwas are really projected very much hogging all the lime light ; some others are hidden on the back pages in small column centimeters while few others never taken note of. Which are these one’s where media interest and curiosity is maximum? This is the question which media pundits can introspect and debate but few observations are in order.
One such fatwa, which was in the lime light recently (May 2010) related to women working outside, there income being haram (immoral) and it being obligatory on them to wear burqa. All major commentators wrote on this, all papers carried banner headlines on this and the chat show anchors had a gala time mediating between warring guests on their interpretation of this retrograde fatwa. To begin with one must point out that this fatwa was issued in response to a question, “Can Muslim women in India do Government or private jobs? Shall their salary be Halal or Haram or Prohibited?” Answer published on April 4th, 2010 simply put it as: “It is unlawful for Muslim women to do job in government or private institutions where men and women work together and women have to talk with [to] men frankly and without veil.”
Interestingly this fatwa got very sensational headlines, picking on one or the other aspect of the opinion of the Mufti. The headlines ran like, “Women’s earning haram”, “It is illegal to work for women to support the family, “Fatwa against working women”, Fatwa to Working women, don’t talk to male colleagues” etc. There are two important points here. One is that this fatwa which shows the height of conservatism was flashed powerfully and second the headlines picked up the part of the whole and sensationalized it further. The outcome of media projection was uniform, it reinforced the stereotypes about Muslims. The associated points about fatwas did not get prominent projection.
True, these opinions should have no place whatsoever in the present times, but there is more to these projections than meets the eye. Some fatwas get heavy projection, while some other but more important ones’ do not get enough coverage. This can be said more so because of the recent observation about undermining of another fatwa. That fatwa was issued by two congregations of thousands of Maulanas. In these congregations which were historic in more ways than one, the fatwa was issued against violence, against terrorism in the name of Islam. Needless to say this fatwa was historic as it aimed to nail down the popular misconception, carefully grafted by the US administration, US media and local communal forces that Islam is the religion of violence, Muslims are violent community and all terrorists are Muslims. This misconception prevails even at a time when the terrorists of the ilk of Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur, Swami Assemanand and those related to Santan Sanstha etc. have been under the heavy cloud of suspicion and some of them are now behind the bar also.
As such fatwa is an opinion by a mufti, given in response to the question sought by laity, on the same issue there can be different fatwas, they are not biding on the seeker of fatwa. As such the community is largely divided about following the fatwa’s. While some stick to these opinions, hook line and sinker, others ignore them as ravings of some outdated old maulanas, cut off from the modern society. Javed Akhtar, the renowned multifaceted writer came out strongly against this fatwa. More interestingly he pointed out that these fatwas are not taken seriously by the community at large. Overall he is just partly right, as there still are some elements in the community, who prefer to be guided by these Muftis, irrespective of the fact that there is no formal hierarchy in Islam. Akhtar is partly undermining the fact that many retrograde elements amongst Muslim community make these fatwas as a crutch to implement their anti-women and other regressive attitudes.
The broader point is how come such a serious fatwa, one related to terrorism, which has a big impact on the totality of social perception was not given as much importance as it deserves? One recalls that there were many a fatwa’s which did affect the lives of people, like the one against Salman Rushdie and Taslima Nasreen. One concedes that the fatwa’s need to be looked at in the particular context and highlighted accordingly. Today the scenario is a bit different. The media is looking for sensation; it is flowing with the stream, and is not much concerned about fathoming deep to unravel the truth. Unfortunately once news is flashed in a powerful way, its counters the next day get buried in the din of hysteria, popular opinion created by the headline the previous day.
Currently whatever reinforces the prevalent stereotypes against Muslims are a hot favorite with large section of media. Since the global superpower had decided to pursue its goals of control of oil wealth, it did create “consent” for its lust of oil by popularizing the image of Islam which was totally conservative. It deliberately promoted those tendencies within Muslim World, which talked of insane interpretations of the words Jihad and Kafir. After 9/11 the matters became worse off when the word ‘Islamic terrorism’ was propped up by US media and was lapped up by the global media in general. One also recalls that US media also dragged Islam in the murkier world of politics when US stooge, Raza Shah Pehlvi, was overthrown in a revolution and Ayatollah Khomeini captured power. The political phenomenon was given religious veneer.
While media partly has also played a positive role in social transformation, standing with the deprived, occasionally, broadly its role has been supplementary to the role of the rulers, the global and national ones’. Nationally it has mostly gone with the perception devised and popularized by communal forces. These popular perceptions are the base of ruling politics and the vehicle of the political actions of dominant sections of society. While ignoring these Muftis, we do need a proper mechanism of media, communication and cultural mechanism of progressive values to propagate the voice of weaker sections of society.
Today while this fatwa got a particular projection in the media, the case of espionage by Madhuri Gupta was underplayed, while any real or alleged terrorist with a Muslim name is a permanent front page news, the involvement, allegations against the likes of Swami Assemanand are bypassed on the ground that this is a conspiracy of a particular government or political party. Even today when the media focuses a lot on these irrelevant retrograde fatwa’s, lot of poor Muslims suffer due to physical insecurity and lack of social opportunities, which is not given adequate attention by media. Lot of anti Dalit atrocities is going on but they hardly find prominent place in the media.
From within the Muslim community more voices are coming up against these fatwas and there is need that that more voices, including those of women should be projected against such retrograde fatwas. While the majority of the people of the country must realize that the fatwas do not represent a homogenous community waiting to lap them up. It is obligatory on the part of media to give equal projection of those Muslims who are opposed to the cult of such fatwas. These fatwas do come from the section of Muslim community/Muftis, most of who are fairly insulated from the vagaries of the World, and are becoming more important due to the insecurity into which Muslim community has been pushed all around. And media has to answer as to why fatwas like the one against violence and terrorism were grossly underplayed?
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