Khaleej Times Online - 4 August 2004 | Mumbai Musings
4 August 2004
[India] Docu-lectures a new weapon to combat communalism
by Nithin Belle
ANHAD (Act Now for Harmony and Democracy), was set up about six months ago by activist Shabnam Hashmi, and a few others, as 'an inclusive institution' in which every one who stands for democracy, secularism, justice and peace could participate. The organisation works on issues related to communalism in India.
Shabnam, sister of playright-activist Safdar Hashmi (who was killed about 15 years ago while staging a play against corruption in Uttar Pradesh), has been travelling around India, conducting workshops and seminars on issues relating to communalism.
"We organised about 18 such five-day residential camps all over India," says Shabnam. "We found the response was tremendous. But the problem was that for every one camp we held, there were requests for 15 more from neighbouring cities and towns."
Unable to accede to all the requests, Anhad has compiled a package of 15 docu-lectures, four documentary films, and an audio CD, covering various issues revolving around the theme of communalism. "This is an excellent resource material to sensitise diplomats, activists, political workers and the youth about these issues," explains Shabnam. The lectures, covering various aspects of communalism, delivered by eminent intellectuals, were converted into lively documentaries of about 25-minutes duration, by Gauhar Raza, an eminent documentary filmmaker.
The IIT engineer-turned-activist has made documentaries like The Delicate Space-ship (on nuclear disarmament), In Dark Times (an anti-fascist documentary), and In Search of Love (a film on child rights). He also did a documentary on the Gujarat communal carnage - Evil Stalks the Land - conducting interviews of victims at the height of the riots.
The Anhad package - called In Defence of our Dreams - includes Evil Stalks the Land and another of Raza's documentary, In Dark Times. Two other documentaries include Final Solution a documentary on Gujarat by Rakesh Sharma, and Unheard Voices by Saeed Mirza.
These docu-lectures and documentaries are aimed at school and college students, and NGO activists, and focuses on the concept of secularism, and also fights hatred," says Shabnam.
Prominent contributors to the docu-lectures include Prof Mridula Mukherjee, Mihir Desai, Prof S.K. Thorat, Nivedita Menon, Prof Bipin Chandra, Rajdeep Sardesai, Harsh Mander, Rizwan Qaisar, Dr K.M. Shrimali, Ram Puniyani, Praful Bidwai, Pralay Kanungo, Sohail Hashmi, Digant Oza, and K.N. Panikkar.
According to Shabnam, the project was conceptualised by a few experts, creative artists, and individuals who aspire for a secular, democratic and harmonious Indian society. Anhad has already sold about 500 packages, including 200 abroad, mainly in the US and the UK.
Docu-lectures a new weapon to combat communalism
by Nithin Belle
ANHAD (Act Now for Harmony and Democracy), was set up about six months ago by activist Shabnam Hashmi, and a few others, as 'an inclusive institution' in which every one who stands for democracy, secularism, justice and peace could participate. The organisation works on issues related to communalism in India.
Shabnam, sister of playright-activist Safdar Hashmi (who was killed about 15 years ago while staging a play against corruption in Uttar Pradesh), has been travelling around India, conducting workshops and seminars on issues relating to communalism.
"We organised about 18 such five-day residential camps all over India," says Shabnam. "We found the response was tremendous. But the problem was that for every one camp we held, there were requests for 15 more from neighbouring cities and towns."
Unable to accede to all the requests, Anhad has compiled a package of 15 docu-lectures, four documentary films, and an audio CD, covering various issues revolving around the theme of communalism. "This is an excellent resource material to sensitise diplomats, activists, political workers and the youth about these issues," explains Shabnam. The lectures, covering various aspects of communalism, delivered by eminent intellectuals, were converted into lively documentaries of about 25-minutes duration, by Gauhar Raza, an eminent documentary filmmaker.
The IIT engineer-turned-activist has made documentaries like The Delicate Space-ship (on nuclear disarmament), In Dark Times (an anti-fascist documentary), and In Search of Love (a film on child rights). He also did a documentary on the Gujarat communal carnage - Evil Stalks the Land - conducting interviews of victims at the height of the riots.
The Anhad package - called In Defence of our Dreams - includes Evil Stalks the Land and another of Raza's documentary, In Dark Times. Two other documentaries include Final Solution a documentary on Gujarat by Rakesh Sharma, and Unheard Voices by Saeed Mirza.
These docu-lectures and documentaries are aimed at school and college students, and NGO activists, and focuses on the concept of secularism, and also fights hatred," says Shabnam.
Prominent contributors to the docu-lectures include Prof Mridula Mukherjee, Mihir Desai, Prof S.K. Thorat, Nivedita Menon, Prof Bipin Chandra, Rajdeep Sardesai, Harsh Mander, Rizwan Qaisar, Dr K.M. Shrimali, Ram Puniyani, Praful Bidwai, Pralay Kanungo, Sohail Hashmi, Digant Oza, and K.N. Panikkar.
According to Shabnam, the project was conceptualised by a few experts, creative artists, and individuals who aspire for a secular, democratic and harmonious Indian society. Anhad has already sold about 500 packages, including 200 abroad, mainly in the US and the UK.
|
August 06, 2004
PUCL Report: One more encounter for Modi's sake? (July 2004)
PUCL, July 2004
One more encounter for Modi's sake?
-A report of the all India fact finding team on the ‘encounter’ of four alleged terrorists by Gujarat police on June 15, 2004 at Ahmedabad
Fact Finding Team
PUDR, Delhi Svati Joshi
PUCL, Gujarat Kirit Bhatt, Chinnu Srinivasan and Manzoor Saleri
APCLC, Andhra Pradesh CHLN Moorthy
CPDR, Maharashtra Gopal, Haridas and Anand Teltumbde
URL: http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Religion-communalism/2004/ahmedabad-encounter.htm
One more encounter for Modi's sake?
-A report of the all India fact finding team on the ‘encounter’ of four alleged terrorists by Gujarat police on June 15, 2004 at Ahmedabad
Fact Finding Team
PUDR, Delhi Svati Joshi
PUCL, Gujarat Kirit Bhatt, Chinnu Srinivasan and Manzoor Saleri
APCLC, Andhra Pradesh CHLN Moorthy
CPDR, Maharashtra Gopal, Haridas and Anand Teltumbde
URL: http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Religion-communalism/2004/ahmedabad-encounter.htm
August 05, 2004
DU teachers protest cancellation of Geelani exhibition
The Times of India - August 5, 2004
DU teachers protest cancellation of Geelani exhibition
TIMES NEWS NETWORK[ THURSDAY, AUGUST 05, 2004 12:49:03 AM ]
NEW DELHI: Along with the rising mercury, tempers too arose at DU on Wednesday when 80-odd teachers decided to tackle the vice-chancellor at his office. They were protesting the scrapping of the exhibition on A R Geelani, organised by the All India Defence Committee for Syed A R Geelani.
Part of a group called DU Teachers for A R Geelani, the teachers went away furious when the V-C refused to meet them. Said Tripta Wahi, a member of the group, "This is the first time in DU's history that the V-C refused to meet anyone."
The exhibition was to start on August 2. "It was cancelled without informing us," said Wahi. Earlier, the head of the sociology department had reportedly given permission for hosting the exhibition, but later retracted, citing security threats.
Vibha Maurya, head of the Germanic and Romance Studies department, where a seminar on the same subject was scheduled, said, "I was given to understand that there could be a disruption." She maintained that the reason for the cancellation of the programme was on the advice of 'higher authorities'. On Monday, ABVP had staged a demonstration against the exhibition, saying that it was anti-national.
DU teachers protest cancellation of Geelani exhibition
TIMES NEWS NETWORK[ THURSDAY, AUGUST 05, 2004 12:49:03 AM ]
NEW DELHI: Along with the rising mercury, tempers too arose at DU on Wednesday when 80-odd teachers decided to tackle the vice-chancellor at his office. They were protesting the scrapping of the exhibition on A R Geelani, organised by the All India Defence Committee for Syed A R Geelani.
Part of a group called DU Teachers for A R Geelani, the teachers went away furious when the V-C refused to meet them. Said Tripta Wahi, a member of the group, "This is the first time in DU's history that the V-C refused to meet anyone."
The exhibition was to start on August 2. "It was cancelled without informing us," said Wahi. Earlier, the head of the sociology department had reportedly given permission for hosting the exhibition, but later retracted, citing security threats.
Vibha Maurya, head of the Germanic and Romance Studies department, where a seminar on the same subject was scheduled, said, "I was given to understand that there could be a disruption." She maintained that the reason for the cancellation of the programme was on the advice of 'higher authorities'. On Monday, ABVP had staged a demonstration against the exhibition, saying that it was anti-national.
Letter: VHP Gujarat President is felicited by Govt. of Gujarat
5 Aug 2004
The Editor,
The Times of India,
Ahmedabad
Dear Sir,
The Gujarat Government has felicitated
K.K.Shastri, the State President of the VHP, on his
entering the centenary year.
This is the same
gentleman who on March 4, 2002, praised those who
carried out the Naroda Patiya and Gulbarg society
massacres. In his words, as widely reported by the
media, including the Times of India " these were our
boys, from respected families, who were trained to do
this thing ".
This statement of his was never
retracted. As expected the Gujarat Government did not
even file a case against him, for incitement to murder
and rape. Note that the BJP has stalled Parliament for
many days demanding action against Shibu Soren for
inciting murder about 30 years ago.
But in the
K.K.Shastri case the State officially honours him,
with L.K.Advani in attendance.One wonders whether
there is any morality and ethics left in the BJP.
In truth the party just survives on Muslim hatred. In
that sense K.K.Shastri had to be honoured, for
afterall Muslims had to taught a lesson.
Sincerely Yours,
J.S.Bandukwala,
Vadodara
The Editor,
The Times of India,
Ahmedabad
Dear Sir,
The Gujarat Government has felicitated
K.K.Shastri, the State President of the VHP, on his
entering the centenary year.
This is the same
gentleman who on March 4, 2002, praised those who
carried out the Naroda Patiya and Gulbarg society
massacres. In his words, as widely reported by the
media, including the Times of India " these were our
boys, from respected families, who were trained to do
this thing ".
This statement of his was never
retracted. As expected the Gujarat Government did not
even file a case against him, for incitement to murder
and rape. Note that the BJP has stalled Parliament for
many days demanding action against Shibu Soren for
inciting murder about 30 years ago.
But in the
K.K.Shastri case the State officially honours him,
with L.K.Advani in attendance.One wonders whether
there is any morality and ethics left in the BJP.
In truth the party just survives on Muslim hatred. In
that sense K.K.Shastri had to be honoured, for
afterall Muslims had to taught a lesson.
Sincerely Yours,
J.S.Bandukwala,
Vadodara
August 04, 2004
Madhya Pradesh: "flying squads" of Shiv Sena, Bajrang Dal and Sewa Bharati.
Frontline
Volume 21 - Issue 16, Jul. 31 - Aug. 13, 2004
All for the cow
T.K. RAJALAKSHMI
ON JULY 10, a young man was done to death in full public view in a crowded weekly market of Barghat, about 20 km from Seoni. The incident went largely unnoticed, as it took place soon after the Bhomatola gang rape. But the one aspect common to the murder of 32-year-old Abdul Waaris Khan and the gang rape of the three Dalit women was that both were carried out publicly. Had there been any intervention by either the administration or the community, both the incidents could have been prevented. It was also the fear of reprisal that seems to have dissuaded bystanders from intervening in both the cases, though in the Barghat incident the fear appears to be more palpable.
July 10 was the day of the weekly market at Barghat. Waaris, a resident of Khari village, had come to sell his bull. Waaris was also unaware of the presence of the "flying squads" of the Shiv Sena, the Bajrang Dal and the Sewa Bharati. The main aim of these squads is to prevent the sale of cattle that they assume are being sold to slaughterhouses. As part of their cattle protection and rescue activities, the squads often "persuade" farmers and traders to part with their old and infirm animals, on the plea that the animals would be settled in a gaushala (cattle home).
Barghat has a sizable Muslim population. Soon after the Bharatiya Janata Party government led by Uma Bharati assumed office, one of the first pieces of legislation to be passed banned cow slaughter (this covers the entire bovine species). Ever since the government passed the law early this year, "cow rescue" activities have been on the rise. Barghat, a BJP stronghold, is represented in the Assembly by Transport and Forest Minister Dhal Singh Bhisen who has been winning from there since 1990. The Assembly constituency is sharply polarised in the communal sense.
According to a report compiled by a fact-finding team of the Jabalpur district committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), at the market Abdul Waaris was accosted by several persons who accused him of trying to sell his bull to butchers. An argument ensued, after which the group, mainly comprising eight persons, beat him to death with sticks. According to the post mortem report, his spleen was ruptured in the beating.
The Seoni administration was cautious about revealing the identity and political affiliations of the persons involved in the murder. "The intention was not to kill," said a senior police officer, almost defensively. The police registered a case of murder against the eight persons. According to the Superintendent of Police, D. Sreenivasa Rao, while four of them have been arrested, four are absconding.
A senior official in the administration confided that the dispute that led to the murder was communally motivated. It was learnt that all the eight persons involved were members of the Shiv Sena, Bajrang Dal and the Sewa Bharati. According to the CPI(M) fact-finding team's report, the accused persons were often spotted moving in a jeep with "Udan Dasta Sewa Bharati (Flying Squad of the Sewa Bharati)" inscribed on the vehicle. On July 10 too, they arrived at the marketplace in a similar vehicle.
It appeared that the administration was under great pressure over the Barghat episode. Officials appeared to be reluctant to crack down on the groups whose activities had the potential to fuel communal tensions. In fact, a senior official in Jabalpur threw up his hands and said: "What can we do? After all, are not these people supposed to bring about Ram Rajya?"
Waaris, who was the sole earning member in his family, leaves his wife, a two-year-old daughter, five unmarried sisters and old parents. It is significant that members of the minority community acted with great restraint. According to District Magistrate Faiz Kidwai members of the community did put up a protest, which delayed the post mortem. But the accused were arrested only because of the protest.
Volume 21 - Issue 16, Jul. 31 - Aug. 13, 2004
All for the cow
T.K. RAJALAKSHMI
ON JULY 10, a young man was done to death in full public view in a crowded weekly market of Barghat, about 20 km from Seoni. The incident went largely unnoticed, as it took place soon after the Bhomatola gang rape. But the one aspect common to the murder of 32-year-old Abdul Waaris Khan and the gang rape of the three Dalit women was that both were carried out publicly. Had there been any intervention by either the administration or the community, both the incidents could have been prevented. It was also the fear of reprisal that seems to have dissuaded bystanders from intervening in both the cases, though in the Barghat incident the fear appears to be more palpable.
July 10 was the day of the weekly market at Barghat. Waaris, a resident of Khari village, had come to sell his bull. Waaris was also unaware of the presence of the "flying squads" of the Shiv Sena, the Bajrang Dal and the Sewa Bharati. The main aim of these squads is to prevent the sale of cattle that they assume are being sold to slaughterhouses. As part of their cattle protection and rescue activities, the squads often "persuade" farmers and traders to part with their old and infirm animals, on the plea that the animals would be settled in a gaushala (cattle home).
Barghat has a sizable Muslim population. Soon after the Bharatiya Janata Party government led by Uma Bharati assumed office, one of the first pieces of legislation to be passed banned cow slaughter (this covers the entire bovine species). Ever since the government passed the law early this year, "cow rescue" activities have been on the rise. Barghat, a BJP stronghold, is represented in the Assembly by Transport and Forest Minister Dhal Singh Bhisen who has been winning from there since 1990. The Assembly constituency is sharply polarised in the communal sense.
According to a report compiled by a fact-finding team of the Jabalpur district committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), at the market Abdul Waaris was accosted by several persons who accused him of trying to sell his bull to butchers. An argument ensued, after which the group, mainly comprising eight persons, beat him to death with sticks. According to the post mortem report, his spleen was ruptured in the beating.
The Seoni administration was cautious about revealing the identity and political affiliations of the persons involved in the murder. "The intention was not to kill," said a senior police officer, almost defensively. The police registered a case of murder against the eight persons. According to the Superintendent of Police, D. Sreenivasa Rao, while four of them have been arrested, four are absconding.
A senior official in the administration confided that the dispute that led to the murder was communally motivated. It was learnt that all the eight persons involved were members of the Shiv Sena, Bajrang Dal and the Sewa Bharati. According to the CPI(M) fact-finding team's report, the accused persons were often spotted moving in a jeep with "Udan Dasta Sewa Bharati (Flying Squad of the Sewa Bharati)" inscribed on the vehicle. On July 10 too, they arrived at the marketplace in a similar vehicle.
It appeared that the administration was under great pressure over the Barghat episode. Officials appeared to be reluctant to crack down on the groups whose activities had the potential to fuel communal tensions. In fact, a senior official in Jabalpur threw up his hands and said: "What can we do? After all, are not these people supposed to bring about Ram Rajya?"
Waaris, who was the sole earning member in his family, leaves his wife, a two-year-old daughter, five unmarried sisters and old parents. It is significant that members of the minority community acted with great restraint. According to District Magistrate Faiz Kidwai members of the community did put up a protest, which delayed the post mortem. But the accused were arrested only because of the protest.
August 02, 2004
The BJP and its middle course
The Hindu
August 03, 2004
URL: http://www.thehindu.com/2004/08/03/stories/2004080305141100.htm
Opinion - News Analysis
The BJP and its middle course
By Neena Vyas
NEW DELHI, AUG. 2. Caught between the call of the Sangh Parivar and the threat of the National Democratic Alliance crumbling if it were to return to a "hard Hindutva" path, the Bharatiya Janata Party seems to have decided, for the moment, to take a middle course at its `chintan baithak' that concluded itsfour-day session in Goa today.
Summing up the discussions between the party's 30-odd top leaders in a "10-point conclusions" paper, the BJP said it would "focus on ideological orientation" even as it makes efforts to strengthen and expand its base while "continuing to work with its allies" in the NDA.
Twin commitments
There is hardly any doubt that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and a section of the party, led by the Leader of the Opposition, L.K. Advani, has been insisting that the future of the BJP lies in adopting Hindutva [even if under the different name of "nationalism"], as opposed to the former Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee's "development" plank. For the moment, the party simply stated that nationalism and development will be its "twin commitments," inseparable from each other.
It appears that the veiled threat held out by the Janata Dal (United) that it would have to rethink its tie-up with the BJP if the latter decided to embrace again the contentious issues it had put on the backburner for the last six years did have a salutary effect on the `chintan baithak.'
Hindutva by another name
While the word "Hindutva" was missing in the document, it appeared camouflaged as "integral humanism" [of Deen Dayal Upadhyaya] and "nationalism as an ideology." The document vowed to restore the "the primacy of ideology and idealism" at all levels in the party and work hard to ensure a smooth relationship between the party and the "nationalist organisations."
What emerged is a two-fold political strategy. One, to sharpen Hindutva and the other, to change the image of the BJP from that of a party of the urban rich and the upwardly mobile to that which has its feet firmly planted in poor and rural India. Under the first plan, the party would take up mass campaigns on several issues which would clearly serve to polarise society along communal lines — the document mentioned campaigns against reservations for Muslims [as announced by the Andhra Government but stayed by the courts], the alarming rise in "jehadi terrorism" and the "competitive pseudo-secularism" of the Congress and the Left. Curiously, the party also talked about winning over the minorities. Conscious that the Vajpayee Government had followed policies such as giving subsidies for Haj, the party is now planning to explain to its cadre "what is appeasement [of the minorities] and what is not."
'Voice of farmers'
Under the second point of its two-fold plan, it would campaign against the "anti-poor, anti-farmer, anti-worker and anti-rural" policies of the United Progressive Alliance Government. It would seem this has emerged from the results of the Lok Sabha elections and the perception that the Congress was effectively able to portray itself as the party of the "aam admi" (the common man), which cared for the poor farmer and the impoverished rural areas of the country. It also reflected the BJP's desire to expand its political base. It has talked about taking up issues such as "scarcity of water" and finding ways to make the BJP the authentic "voice of farmers."
Over the next three months, these issues will be discussed threadbare taking the "Tasks Ahead" paper, presented at the Mumbai national executive committee meeting, as the working paper and giving it a concrete shape.
August 03, 2004
URL: http://www.thehindu.com/2004/08/03/stories/2004080305141100.htm
Opinion - News Analysis
The BJP and its middle course
By Neena Vyas
NEW DELHI, AUG. 2. Caught between the call of the Sangh Parivar and the threat of the National Democratic Alliance crumbling if it were to return to a "hard Hindutva" path, the Bharatiya Janata Party seems to have decided, for the moment, to take a middle course at its `chintan baithak' that concluded itsfour-day session in Goa today.
Summing up the discussions between the party's 30-odd top leaders in a "10-point conclusions" paper, the BJP said it would "focus on ideological orientation" even as it makes efforts to strengthen and expand its base while "continuing to work with its allies" in the NDA.
Twin commitments
There is hardly any doubt that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and a section of the party, led by the Leader of the Opposition, L.K. Advani, has been insisting that the future of the BJP lies in adopting Hindutva [even if under the different name of "nationalism"], as opposed to the former Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee's "development" plank. For the moment, the party simply stated that nationalism and development will be its "twin commitments," inseparable from each other.
It appears that the veiled threat held out by the Janata Dal (United) that it would have to rethink its tie-up with the BJP if the latter decided to embrace again the contentious issues it had put on the backburner for the last six years did have a salutary effect on the `chintan baithak.'
Hindutva by another name
While the word "Hindutva" was missing in the document, it appeared camouflaged as "integral humanism" [of Deen Dayal Upadhyaya] and "nationalism as an ideology." The document vowed to restore the "the primacy of ideology and idealism" at all levels in the party and work hard to ensure a smooth relationship between the party and the "nationalist organisations."
What emerged is a two-fold political strategy. One, to sharpen Hindutva and the other, to change the image of the BJP from that of a party of the urban rich and the upwardly mobile to that which has its feet firmly planted in poor and rural India. Under the first plan, the party would take up mass campaigns on several issues which would clearly serve to polarise society along communal lines — the document mentioned campaigns against reservations for Muslims [as announced by the Andhra Government but stayed by the courts], the alarming rise in "jehadi terrorism" and the "competitive pseudo-secularism" of the Congress and the Left. Curiously, the party also talked about winning over the minorities. Conscious that the Vajpayee Government had followed policies such as giving subsidies for Haj, the party is now planning to explain to its cadre "what is appeasement [of the minorities] and what is not."
'Voice of farmers'
Under the second point of its two-fold plan, it would campaign against the "anti-poor, anti-farmer, anti-worker and anti-rural" policies of the United Progressive Alliance Government. It would seem this has emerged from the results of the Lok Sabha elections and the perception that the Congress was effectively able to portray itself as the party of the "aam admi" (the common man), which cared for the poor farmer and the impoverished rural areas of the country. It also reflected the BJP's desire to expand its political base. It has talked about taking up issues such as "scarcity of water" and finding ways to make the BJP the authentic "voice of farmers."
Over the next three months, these issues will be discussed threadbare taking the "Tasks Ahead" paper, presented at the Mumbai national executive committee meeting, as the working paper and giving it a concrete shape.
Eye on Gen-Next, RSS may drop its khaki chaddis
The Times of India - August 02, 2004
Editorial
Short-circuited
Eye on Gen-Next, RSS may drop its khaki chaddis
Clothing matters. The RSS brass seems convinced. The Sangh plans to shed its trademark khaki shorts for more trendy outfits. If things move as reports suggest, the knickerwalla may soon attend the shakha in white trousers, or even jeans. The starched white shirt could make way for T-shirts. News is awaited on the black topi and the danda . Also, on the discussion table is permission for senior swayamsevaks to get married. The shorts have a history that dates back to the pre-Independence days when K B Hedgewar set up the Sangh to instil in the 'timid' Hindu society the cohesion and discipline of the 'invaders' who had established their political and cultural hegemony over India. The paramilitary style it adopted parodied the law enforcers of the day — the oversized shorts were borrowed from the colonial police. Now, the chalaks want to check out a new uniform; they suspect that their sartorial backwardness is one of the reasons for Gen-Next's lack of interest in the RSS. Stagnant numbers in shakhas have been ascribed by many, including insiders, to the Sangh's refusal to change with times. RSS bosses in Nagpur now realise that austerity and celibacy have few takers in today's world of designer politics.
But is politics all about clothing? The Sangh seems to have stagnated because few are willing to risk their time and thought for agendas that refuse to recognise the plurality of the Indian experience. RSS politics revolves around the fear of the Other. In the immediate political context of Partition, divisive ideologies found supporters. With the passage of time and the emergence of lumpen Hindutva outfits like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal — which service hate without placing a premium on austerity — the RSS has lost its USP. Dropping its shorts will hardly enable the organisation widen its support base. The RSS's problem is not the chaddi but its chintan . Its political face, the BJP, managed to occupy office only after it agreed to shelve exclusivist agendas. Even Narendra Modi was reminded by the electorate that politics cannot be the prerogative of a communal ideology. The idea of India seeks a politics of pluralism and an ideology of accommodation. The Sangh needs to rethink its relevance and ideology rather than its dress code. Or else, as in the fable, Gen-Next will see through the emperor's new clothes.
Editorial
Short-circuited
Eye on Gen-Next, RSS may drop its khaki chaddis
Clothing matters. The RSS brass seems convinced. The Sangh plans to shed its trademark khaki shorts for more trendy outfits. If things move as reports suggest, the knickerwalla may soon attend the shakha in white trousers, or even jeans. The starched white shirt could make way for T-shirts. News is awaited on the black topi and the danda . Also, on the discussion table is permission for senior swayamsevaks to get married. The shorts have a history that dates back to the pre-Independence days when K B Hedgewar set up the Sangh to instil in the 'timid' Hindu society the cohesion and discipline of the 'invaders' who had established their political and cultural hegemony over India. The paramilitary style it adopted parodied the law enforcers of the day — the oversized shorts were borrowed from the colonial police. Now, the chalaks want to check out a new uniform; they suspect that their sartorial backwardness is one of the reasons for Gen-Next's lack of interest in the RSS. Stagnant numbers in shakhas have been ascribed by many, including insiders, to the Sangh's refusal to change with times. RSS bosses in Nagpur now realise that austerity and celibacy have few takers in today's world of designer politics.
But is politics all about clothing? The Sangh seems to have stagnated because few are willing to risk their time and thought for agendas that refuse to recognise the plurality of the Indian experience. RSS politics revolves around the fear of the Other. In the immediate political context of Partition, divisive ideologies found supporters. With the passage of time and the emergence of lumpen Hindutva outfits like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal — which service hate without placing a premium on austerity — the RSS has lost its USP. Dropping its shorts will hardly enable the organisation widen its support base. The RSS's problem is not the chaddi but its chintan . Its political face, the BJP, managed to occupy office only after it agreed to shelve exclusivist agendas. Even Narendra Modi was reminded by the electorate that politics cannot be the prerogative of a communal ideology. The idea of India seeks a politics of pluralism and an ideology of accommodation. The Sangh needs to rethink its relevance and ideology rather than its dress code. Or else, as in the fable, Gen-Next will see through the emperor's new clothes.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
