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Showing posts with label anti-migrant. Show all posts
Showing posts with label anti-migrant. Show all posts

October 03, 2021

Why fears over rising Muslim population share, immigration unfounded | Swaminathan Aiyar in Times of India +

Why fears over rising Muslim population share, immigration unfounded October 2, 2021, 9:49 PM IST SA Aiyar in Swaminomics, India, TOI The rise of communal tension in recent years owes much to the BJP’s stress on two themes. One is high Muslim fertility that supposedly threatens the majority status of Hindus. The second is the threat to India from Muslim immigrants from Bangladesh, who have been called “termites” by Home Minister Amit Shah. Both themes have been torpedoed by recent analysis of India’s own data by the Pew Research Centre, a non-partisan US think tank. [ . . . ] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/Swaminomics/why-fears-over-rising-muslim-population-share-immigration-unfounded/

February 06, 2020

‘Can you identify Bangladeshi by looking at face’: Karnataka HC slams state

The News Minute
The BBMP demolished many huts in a settlement in Bengaluru over suspicions that illegal Bangladeshi immigrants stayed there.
news Court Monday, February 03, 2020 - 19:47
"By looking at the face of a person, can one be identified as being a Bangladeshi national?” questioned Karnataka High Court Chief Justice Abhay Shreeniwas Oka, slamming the state over the demolition of settlements in Bengaluru over suspicions that illegal Bangladeshi immigrants stayed there. 
The High Court bench comprising Chief Justice Abhay Oka and Justice Hemant Chandangoudar told that state that it will have to rehabilitate those affected by the demolitions.
The court was hearing the plea filed by the People's Union for Civil Liberties which challenged the demolition of migrant settlements in Bellandur and Whitefield in the city on January 18 and 19.
In a previous hearing, the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP) distanced itself from the demolitions. On Monday, the state, which was represented by Advocate-General Prabhuling K Navadgi also maintained that it did not have anything to do with the demolition.
Further, he questioned the misuse of power at multiple levels during the process through which the demolition was carried out — the police officer who wrote to the landowners, as well as the BBMP carrying out the demolition. “On the suspicion that they are Bangladeshi, will the police take law into its own hands and write to the owner, and the BBMP act?” he asked.It had turned out that many residents in the migrant settlement were from states like Assam, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and even Karnataka.
CJ Oka also questioned why the police officer is still in service. “The fact that the state has protected the officer shows that all is not well,” he quipped.
He stated that since the problem began with the state, it must take measures to rehabilitate them — either monetarily or otherwise.
He also tore into the authorities, questioning them as to on what basis the people were declared to be Bangladeshi. He stated that nothing seemed to indicate that the police officer visited the site to identify Bangladeshi immigrants.
“Door-to-door survey by a competent authority must be done. Proper verification needs to be carried out,” he said.
“No date was set by the BBMP for demolition. The stand of the state government is that they have not done it. Prima facie, it is impossible to accept that the occupants vacated on their own,” the CJ said.
Lawyers representing the owners of the land where the shanties were razed maintained that those who were squatting on the property left after they “politely requested” them. “Who will believe that people left because they were politely requested to?” the CJ quipped.
The court will pass its final order in the case on February 7.
Read: Who demolished migrant huts claiming Bangladeshi infiltration? BBMP says it didn't
After video claims 'Bangladeshi immigrant' settlement in Bengaluru, BBMP razes 100 huts

September 26, 2019

NRC: Fear and dismay at ‘India-Bangladesh border’ in Bengaluru | Sudipto Mondal

The Federal

NRC: Fear and dismay at ‘India-Bangladesh border’ in Bengaluru

Sudipto Mondal

6:59 AM, 26 September, 2019

[Photo] Mahima Begum and Mohammed Kabir Khan hailing from Khulna district of Bangladesh live in the Kaali Khaata area of Thubarahalli where they segregate garbage for a living. Civic conditions are far worse in Kaali Khaata than in the areas inhabited by Indian Bengali Muslims. All photos by Sudipto Mondal

“That side of the road is Bangladesh, this side is India. We don’t go there and they don’t come here,” says Jamaal Hassan (43), sounding panicky. “The police should go after them, not us. We are Indians, it’s our birthright to live and work here.”

Hassan is one of the 5,000 Bengali-speaking Muslim labourers who live in a confusing maze of tarpaulin and tin shanties in Thubarahalli village located along the tech corridor of East Bengaluru.

The Bengalis have their own names for the clusters in Thubarahalli. The ‘Bangladeshi side’ is called ‘Kaali Khaata’ (Bengali slang for the waste recycling) because garbage segregation is their main occupation. The ‘Indian side’ is called Laal Maati (red earth) where most are employed in the construction sector.

The actual Indo-Bangladesh border is at least 2,000 kilometers away. But the situation in Thubarahalli is as grim as in India’s border states, particularly Assam, where the National Register of Citizens (NRC) was recently updated to identify illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.

The reason for Jamaal’s anxiety in faraway Thubarahalli’s ‘mini-Bengal’ is that a similar scenario is set to unfold in Karnataka where tens of thousands of Bengali Muslims are employed across the informal sectors of construction, waste recycling and agriculture.

The state government, following orders of the central home ministry, is weeks away from opening a detention centre for illegal foreigners in the city with a special focus on nabbing illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.

The detention centre for illegal foreigners in Bengaluru is weeks away from opening and will focus on illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.
It will make Karnataka the the second Indian state, after Assam, to have such an exclusive facility to hold people declared as illegal foreigners by the courts.

The BJP’s national vision

The Bengaluru detention centre is apparently just the first step towards the larger vision of the BJP, which said in its 2019 election manifesto that it would compile NRCs across the country and deport undocumented immigrants, particularly those from Bangladesh.

Addressing Parliament in July, Union Home Minister Amit Shah had said, “We want to stop infiltration and also push every single infiltrator out of the country. As far as Hindu refugees are concerned, we are bringing the Citizenship Amendment Bill to give them Indian citizenship.”

Assam was plunged into chaos in July 2018 when four million people, mostly Bengali-speaking Muslims ostensibly, were left out of the first draft of the citizens register. The large-scale exclusions led rights groups to accuse the Hindu nationalist BJP state and central governments of carrying out an anti-Muslim purge.

The state, with a 35 per cent Muslim population, has been on the edge after 1.9 million names were left out of the final NRC list published on August 31.

As in Assam, so also in Thubarahalli, it is difficult to tell which Bengali Muslim is from Bangladesh. Only the residents know the difference between Kaali Khaata and Laal Maati.

They speak the same Urdu and Sylheti-infused dialect of Bengali that is spoken in districts on both sides of the 4,156-km international border. The minor variations are hard to tell apart even for a native Bengali speaker like this reporter.

Women’s ornaments and fabrics, men’s sarongs and hairdos, children’s games, the cuisine, the music blasting in the carrom clubs where the men unwind in the evening — all reflective of a common culture that is influenced as much by Islam as by an amorphous pan-Bengali consciousness.

Bengali Muslim workers hailing from West Bengal’s border districts such as Malda, Murshidabad and Dinajpur unwind after a hard day’s work in carrom clubs like this which are spread across Laal Maati.
Why Thubarahalli, why Karnataka?

Senior Kannada language journalist and political commentator, Irshad Uppinangady says that trouble has been brewing for Bengali Muslim labourers in Karnataka ever since Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government came to power in the country in 2014 on the back of a right-wing surge.

“Like for Donald Trump and hardline Republicans in the US, who want to build a wall on the Mexican border, anti-Bangladeshi xenophobia and Islamophobia are central themes in the Hindutva narrative of Modi and BJP,” Irshad tells The Federal.

Even as the humanitarian crisis triggered by the NRC in Assam was making international headlines, Irshad says BJP leaders in Karnataka and regional big media outlets sympathetic to the party started raising the pitch against Bengali Muslims in the state.

“There were centre-spread features and prime time debates in right-wing news outlets. Bengali Muslims were openly described as a terrorist threat in the media by senior journalists and BJP leaders,” he says.

BJP MP from Bengaluru, PC Mohan is one of the party’s flag-bearers on the issue and described by many as the man behind the idea of the Bengaluru detention centre.

Speaking to The Federal, he describes himself as a “humble servant” of the party and says, “I am only implementing the vision of our leaders Narendra Modi and Amit Shah.” He warns that the detention centre in Bengaluru is only the beginning.

“We will work towards building such facilities in other districts too. There are thousands of illegal Bangladeshis in the coffee plantations of Kodagu and Chikmangalur districts, many more in the farms of north Karnataka,” he says.

Irshad, however, argues out that the Bengaluru detention centre would not have been possible without the support of leaders from the so-called secular Congress party, which was in power in the state until recently.

“It has been a feature of the Congress to be on the back foot and tread a soft-Hindutva line every time the BJP intensifies a campaign based on religious polarisation.”

Senior state Congress leaders Ramalinga Reddy and G Parameshwara, Irshad adds, matched the BJP’s anti-Bangladeshi and anti-Muslim rhetoric step for step. “They both held the post of home minister (in-charge of law and order) and played a key role in encouraging the police against Bengali Muslims by making public statements against the community,” he says.

Reddy and Parameshwara, however, refused to speak to The Federal on the issue.

Harassed and discriminated

R Kaleemullah, from the city-based NGO Movement for Justice, says that in the past five years, Bengali Muslim labourers in Bengaluru have been harassed endlessly by the city’s civic officials and the police.

“For the BJP and the police, using the Bangladeshi tag is just an excuse to target Muslims. There have been dozens of cases in the last five years where people with authentic Indian IDs have been falsely implicated as illegal foreigners,” he says.

Many of these cases fell flat in the courts, Kaleemullah says, thanks to the efforts of the city’s human rights lawyers. “When they realised it wasn’t going to be easy to fix people in such cases, the police, at the instance of BJP leaders, started filling false cases of theft, prostitution and drug trafficking against them.”

Kaleemullah says most of the energy of human rights activists and lawyers is concentrated in Thubarahalli. “There are much larger Bengali Muslim settlements in Sarjapur, Bellandur, Hosur and other parts of the city’s outskirts where we have not been able to do much work. The situation there and in other parts of the state is much worse,” he says.

Kaleemullah is careful to point out that he and the other activists are only working to rescue genuine Indian citizens. “In Modi’s India, as a Muslim, I can very easily be bracketed as a Bangladeshi supporter or even a terrorist sympathiser. Our struggle is only to ensure that no Indian suffers. The Bangladeshis are extremely poor people but we can’t save them,” he says.

Areas like Kaali Khaata are where the city’s garbage gets segregated. The unsanitary conditions and the heaps of garbage make for a post apocalyptic picture.

Bangladeshis: The backbone of Bengaluru’s garbage management

In Thubarahalli’s Kaali Khaata, the residents are surprisingly candid about being from Bangladesh.

“I am from Khulna district of Bangladesh. I have been living here for 12 years and before that I was in Delhi for 20 years. What is there to hide? I’m here because there’s work. I’m not stealing or murdering people for money,” says Mahima Begum (40).

She is also open about the fact that she and her family got voter IDs made through a broker for a bribe of ₹2,000 a piece and Aadhaar cards for ₹1,000 each.

Mahima and her husband Mohammad Kabir Khan (48) say that there are at least 2,000 Bangladeshis among the 5,000 Bengali Muslims in Thubarahalli. “This is still a small settlement, the ones in Sarjapur and Hosur are double this size. Everybody is in the Kaali Khaata business,” Kabir says.

Confirming this, former Bengaluru city council member M Paari says, “Bangladeshis are the backbone of the garbage recycling industry in the city. Earlier it would be Telugu-speaking Dalits, but they slowly moved away into construction where wages are better and more likely to be paid.”

According to Paari, contractors hired by the city corporation to transport garage to the recycling centres are notorious for underpaying, delaying and defaulting on payments to workers. “Bangladeshis are the only ones who are desperate enough to do this inhuman work. They depend on money from selling scrap not on the wages from contractors,” he says.

Kabir confirms this and says that he is supposed to be paid ₹10,000 per month to transport dry waste to the outskirts of the city but has been paid only ₹3,000 for the last one year.

Mahima insists that things are still not as bad as back home in Bangladesh where, according to her, essentials are more expensive and wages lower. “We make around ₹12,000 from selling the garbage that he collects,” she says and trails off, “copper, aluminum, iron, paper, plastic, bottles, human hair, mattresses, shoes and jackets.”

About the drive to oust Bangladeshis from Bengaluru, she says, “We have all the Indian ID cards.” Asked what she plans to do if the police discover that her ID is fake, she says, “There’s nobody here to speak for us. If they don’t want us here, we will go back. They can’t shoot us, can they? But if we go, who will do this work?”

What would they do in Bangladesh if things are as bad as they say? “Same work, maybe work in the ship-breaking yards in Chittagong. We don’t know any other work, this is our skill. That’s why contractors all the way from Bengaluru come to hire us,” Kabir says.

The couple, whose hut is overrun by heaps of dry garbage, thinks that life is better on the other side of the road in Laal Maati. “They have proper IDs; that’s why they can fight the police. They can work in any field but we cannot because we are always afraid of being caught.”

As things go, those in Laal Maati think that the people of Kaali Khaata have it better.

“There’s a lot of money in garbage. A kilo of human hair sells for ₹3,000,” says Jamal dismissively when asked about the terrible living conditions in Kaali Khaata. “Can people like you and me sit for days and pluck hair out of heaps of garbage? No, but the Bangladeshis can,” he says condescendingly.

He resents their presence in the area and blames them for Laal Maati’s troubles with the police. “We will be more than willing to show the police who the Bangladeshis are but they are only after us just because we are Muslim,” he says.

The residents of Laal Maati went the extra mile to prove their love for India. They celebrated the country’s Independence Day by hoisting the Indian flag in Laal Maati. “We invited the police also for the flag hoisting,” Jamal says, “But they did not come.”

[Photo] Bengali Muslim residents of Lala Maati celebrating india’s independence to prove their patriotism.
Responding to fears that innocents might suffer as a result of the drive against undocumented Bangladeshis in Karnataka, the state’s additional director general of police for law and order (ADGP-L&O), Kamal Pant says that the police will do its job professionally.

“They are being hired because Bangladeshi labour is cheaper. The department will make contractors aware of the security and legal implications of hiring illegal foreigners,” he says.

May 11, 2019

India: In the Guise of Protest Music, Assamese Artists Churn out Hate Speech

In the Guise of Protest Music, Assamese Artists Churn out Hate Speech

Many popular songs have references to violence and blame "immigrants" for a range of Assam's problems.


October 10, 2018

Anti migrant violence in Gujarat - A report in Times of India, 10 Oct 2018

‘Mobs were hunting for people from Bihar, UP’

TNN | Oct 10, 2018, 01.05 AM IST
‘Mobs were hunting for people from Bihar, UP’
NEW DELHI: The Sabarmati Express chugged into Lucknow’s Charbagh station. It was past Monday midnight and most passengers were groggy. But not Raj Kumar Nishad. Memories of his life in Gujarat had kept him awake.

Sitting on the floor in the general compartment, Nishad wept. “I was punished for no fault of mine,” he said. “I lived with my wife and two children, one 10 and the other 12, in Vadodara. After the attacks began, mobs of men started patrolling the lanes and bylanes of the city, hunting for people from UP and Bihar. I first had to stop my kids from going to school. On Saturday, my factory in-charge announced that migrant workers should leave and wait for the situation to normalise. I came back home, packed my bags and ran.” Many other passengers shared similar stories.

Migrants Story Quote


Packed in buses, trucks and trains, Hindi-speaking people working in Gujarat have begun returning to their native places in MP, Bihar and UP following attacks on them sparked by the rape of a toddler on September 28 by an “outsider”. Hounded and persecuted, some 50,000 are believed to have already left places like Ahmedabad, Vadodara, Himmatnagar, Mehsana, Anand, Panchmahals and Sanand.

Sonu Kumar, 19, said even cops these days advise workers from outside to return home. “If those who are supposed to protect us ask us to flee, it’s hopeless,” he said.

Far away in Bihar, Suresh Sahni, who has to get down at Khagaria, said he had booked train tickets for November 10 to celebrate Chhath. “But what’s there to feel happy about now, ’’ he asked. “I have no job, no salary. I took the first train I got to Patna.”

Mohammad Karim, 37, said his body still hurts from the blows a group of men rained on him. “I had never been so afraid before,” he said. “On Saturday, as I was returning from the factory in Mehsana where I worked, a mob surrounded me and asked about my native place and language. When I said ‘I’m from Bihar’, they thrashed me and asked me to leave Gujarat before October 12.”

Migrants under suspicion and attack in India - Cartoon in the Times of India, 10 October 2018 | Sandeep Adhwaryu

Cartoon in the Times of India, 10 October 2018 | Sandeep Adhwaryu

August 26, 2018

India: A day in the life of suspected ‘foreigners’ in Assam

 A day in the life of suspected ‘foreigners’ in Assam: ‘He said mai, I said baba, we both just cried’
NRC row: Tears flow, hope strains, and separated by bars, family members and inmates cling on to gifts pushed through a grille.
Written by Tora Agarwala | Kokrajhar/tezpur | Updated: August 26, 2018https://indianexpress.com/article/north-east-india/assam/assam-nrc-citizenship-detention-centres-5324867/

June 04, 2018

India - Shillong: Khasis versus Dalit Sikhs - a Communal Spat Fuelled by Whatsapp rumours | report in Scroll.in

scroll.in

Shillong: Why a tiff between Sikhs and Khasis escalated into violence, fuelled by Whatsapp rumours

Members of the Dalit Sikh community claim that the attacks are aimed at getting them to leave their homes in the heart of the city and move to the outskirts.



Since Thursday evening, the residents of Shillong’s Punjabi Line have barely eaten or slept. The 500 or so inhabitants of this slum have mainly been confined to the area since it was besieged by scores of members of the dominant Khasi community, who are demanding that the long-time Punjabi settlers be moved to an area on the outskirts of the city.
The trouble was sparked on Thursday morning by an altercation between a Sikh woman who lives in the colony and a Khasi bus driver over the parking spot for a Meghalaya State Transport Corporation bus. Matters escalated later that day, leading to curfew being imposed in the city early on Friday morning. On Sunday, the restrictions were relaxed for seven hours .
On the ground, there are two versions about the incident that set off the violence. Some members of the Sikh community in Punjabi Line said that after a Sikh woman was harassed by Khasi men, she and four other women living in the settlement beat them up. The Khasis say that after the argument about parking, they were assaulted by men from the Punjabi Line colony.
The Meghalaya police have arrested one man from Punjabi Line in connection with the assault.
Despite the competing claims, the feuding parties reached a formal compromise at the local Cantonment Board police station on Thursday afternoon. The agreement, written by the bus driver in Khasi, stated that he had no hard feelings towards the Sikh woman and man accused in Thursday’s altercation. “I feel no anger or bitterness,” the statement reads. “And they have given us money [Rs 4,000] for medicines for the conductor and the two passengers.”
But on Thursday night, fake news soon spread on Whatsapp that a group of Punjabi people from the colony had decapitated two Khasi boys. A mob soon gathered near the colony, intent on violence. The mob clashed with personnel of the Central Reserve Police Force and state police, resulting in injuries on both sides. Superintendent of Police (City) Stephan Rynjah was injured after he was hit by a rod. The police had to fire tear gas shells to disperse the crowd.
Curfew was imposed in several parts of Shillong early on Friday morning. In other places, restrictions on the assembly of more than four people were also put in place. Internet and text messaging services were also shut down across the city to prevent rumours from spreading. The Army was put on standby. On Friday night, the Army carried out a flag march in areas where curfew had been imposed. The Army also fed and housed more than 300 civilians from the “disturbed areas” in the cantonment, according to a release from the Press Information Bureau.

Asha Kaur stands outside her house in Shillong's Punjabi Line. Kaur, her husband and children have taken refuge in the local gurdwara since violence broke out on Friday.
Asha Kaur stands outside her house in Shillong's Punjabi Line. Kaur, her husband and children have taken refuge in the local gurdwara since violence broke out on Friday.

‘They want to build a mall on our land’

At 11 am on Saturday, a disquieting calm hung in the air in Punjabi Line, which is located near Bara Bazaar in the heart of Shillong. There were few people to be seen in the cordoned-off colony.
On a street strewn with vegetable waste leading to the colony, a group of men stood guard against possible attackers. Others were building barriers of brick and wood to restrict entry to the colony’s gurdwara. Contrary to news reports, the gurdwara was not attacked on Friday. However, as the mob hurled petrol bombs and stones at houses in one section of Punjabi Line, a fire started in a nearby salon, residents say.
Since the violence broke out, almost half of the colony’s residents have moved out of their homes taking refuge in the gurdwara.
Garo tribal Dalri Sangma, who married a Punjabi from the colony just two months ago, was among those who had taken refuge in the shrine, along with her distraught mother-in-law, and sister-in-law and her children. “I have been in Shillong since my childhood but I never thought these people would be so dangerous,” said Sangma. “My sister-in-law’s husband from Guwahati cannot come and take her, nor can my own parents visit because of the curfew.” Sangma’s father works in the Shillong police department.
While the men stood guard outside, the women worked in the gurdwara’s langar, the community kitchen, on which the colony’s residents have depended for their meals these past few days. “When the fire started, it could have easily spread to houses where women and kids were sleeping,” said Asha Kaur, a homemaker who born in Shillong and lived here all her life. “We removed our gas cylinders and put out the fire ourselves. After we had handled everything, then the fire brigade came.”

Shillong has a reputation for being safe for women. But Kaur said this only applied to tribal women. “They [the Khasi men] came and harassed our women,” she alleged. “Are we supposed to just do nothing? Are our women not entitled to the same courtesies as Khasi women?”
Gurjit Singh, secretary of the village panchayat council, acknowledged that men from Punjabi Line were involved in assaulting the Khasi men, but said that the matter had initally been resolved with the signing of the compromise in the police station. The fact that the violence took place despite the agreement indicated that it was aimed at driving members of the Punjabi community out of their homes, he alleged.
Asha Kaur claimed that the authorities want the residents of the colony to relocate to Nongmenson, on the outskirts of the city. However, the community is not keen on moving since their jobs and their children’s schools are in the city.

On Friday night, a mob threw petrol bombs and stones over the walls of the Sweepers Colony, which set this hair-cutting salon on fire.
On Friday night, a mob threw petrol bombs and stones over the walls of the Sweepers Colony, which set this hair-cutting salon on fire.

Brought in by the British

Dalits from Punjab first moved into Shillong over 160 years ago, when the British brought them to Meghalaya to work in the hill station town as sweepers and “manual scavengers” cleaning excreta from toilets. “Our people have been living here before 1853 when the Syiem of Mylliem [village] donated this land to us saying we could live here as long as we want,” said Gurjit Singh. The Syiem is the traditional chieftain who acts as a public authority on local judicial and administrative matters within the jurisdiction of the Khasi Hill Autonomous District Council.
As proof, Singh said that he has a letter issued by the Syiem of Mylliem in 2008 to the chairman of the Meghalaya State Electricity Board in which the village chief acknowledges that his predecessors had alloted the Dalit community a plot of land after the Raja of Mylliem entered into an agreement with the British government on December 10, 1863, to establish Civic and Military Sanitaria in the area.
After Independence, members of the community continued to be employed as sweepers and toilet cleaners by the Shillong Municipal Board, state government offices, hospitals, Cantonment Board and the police. “No one objected to us living here during the time when we were engaged in manual scavenging work after nightfall,” said Singh. “That time they needed us since no one else would do it.”
He added that there have been attempts to evict the community from Punjabi Line since the practice of cleaning toilets manually was stopped here in the 1980s.

Dalri Sangma, a Garo woman, married a Punjabi man from Shillong’s Punjabi Line colony two months ago, and is expecting their first child. She has taken refuge in the gurdwara, along with her in-laws.
Dalri Sangma, a Garo woman, married a Punjabi man from Shillong’s Punjabi Line colony two months ago, and is expecting their first child. She has taken refuge in the gurdwara, along with her in-laws.

‘Illegal settlement’

Many Khasi residents of Shillong view Punjabi Line as an illegal settlement – and believe that some of its residents are involved in criminal activities.
As panchayat council secretary Gurjit Singh noted, there have been previous attempts to evict the Dalit Sikh community from Punjabi Line, which is also known as Sweepers’ Colony. In the 1970s, the district commissioner had issued members of the settlement an eviction order. But this was stayed in 1986 by the Meghalaya High Court. Over the years, groups like the Khasi Students’ Union and the Federation of Khasi Garo Jaintia People have often called for the Punjabi settlers to be evicted from this part of town.
In past years, the community has approached the National Commission of Scheduled Castes and the National Commission for Minorities against attempts to evict them. It also filed a public interest appeal in the High Court, citing the Constutional right of Indian citizens to move freely through the country and live wherever they choose to.
Singh alleged that the residents of the colony have faced discrimination for years. He said that the colony did not receive basic amenities from any of the local MLA’s schemes until residents appealed to the state governor in 2009. Moreover, the colony’s residents are unable to get electricity connections without a no-objection certificate from the municipal board, even though the original owner of the land – the village of Mylliem – has no problem with this.
“The [municipal] board says it is a disputed area,” said Singh. He claimed that it was absurd that the colony’s residents were being asked to get a document from the municipal board when the area falls under a village panchayat. This, said Singh, is harassment.

Residents of Punjabi Line have attempted to barricade the entrance of the local gurdwara.
Residents of Punjabi Line have attempted to barricade the entrance of the local gurdwara.

‘No help from MLA’

The Punjabi Line colony is part of the North Shillong Assembly constituency whose MLA is Adelbert Nongrum of the Khun Hynniewtrep National Awakening Movement or KHNAM. Kaur says that the Sikh community does not expect any help from him. “Since he was elected [in February], this situation has started,” said Kaur. “A few years back, he had said that if he came to power, he would have this line [Punjabi Line] removed. We called him for help when this [the trouble] started, and he told us that he was in Delhi. We later get to know through Facebook that he is giving speeches here.”
Scroll.in made several attempts to reach Nongrum for a comment but he was not available.
According to Gurjit Singh, in 2009, land documents were issued to the Guru Nanak School, the gurdwara and temples in the colony. However, 218 colony residents were not issued land titles even though the district commissioner at the time had assured the National Commission for Scheduled Castes that the allotments would be made.
Homemaker Asha Kaur said that she had heard that the state government planned to build a mall at the site of the colony to serve the city’s increasing tourist arrivals. “We have been here since our childhood and are raising children of our own now,” said Kaur. “But they want to drive us out at all costs. Yesterday, I heard them sloganeering outside, ‘Either you die or you give us this place.’”


‘Simmering anger’

Representatives of the Khasi community, however, say that the protests against the residents of Punjabi Line are the result of the eruption of pent-up anger among the local tribal residents, and not because of the parking altercation, as the media has been reporting.
Donald V Thabah, a Khasi Students’ Union spokesperson, claimed that residents of the colony – who his organisation claims are squatters – have assaulted Khasi youth several times in the past. “These people who have taken to the streets have been holding their anger for too long, especially those who conduct business in the Mawlonghat market area,” he said. “People in Sweepers’ Lane assault and attack villagers coming from the Khasi and Jaintia hills.”
However, he was unable to explain the possible reasons for these attacks, since he does not know “the background of these people and the kind of records they have”.
Thabah also alleged that some groups were trying to gain political leverage from the violence, but declined to identify those groups.
Although the Khasi Students’ Union denied having any hand in orchestrating the protest, Thabah admitted that some of its members participated in it.
The Khasi Students’ Union contends that the colony is situated in a commercial area owned by the Mawlonghat market. “It [the colony] is expanding at a pace that soon the whole market will become a residential area,” said a member of the union.
The students’ body maintains that the current protests are unlike the agitation in Shillong in 2013, during which residents resorted to violence to demand the introduction in Meghalaya of an inner line permit system to restrict the entry of outsiders in the state. Those protests were backed by 14 civil society groups with the Khasi Students’ Union – which has a reputation of being hostile to non-tribal outsiders ­ – at the forefront.
However, during a joint press briefing on Saturday along with its old allies – the Federation of Khasi-Jaintia and Garo People and the Hynniewtrep National Youth Front – the Khasi Students’ Union demanded stringent punishment for the people accused of assaulting the Khasi men, government compensation for the victims and the eviction of residents from Punjabi Line.

Women make chapatis at the community kitchen in the gurdwara.
Women make chapatis at the community kitchen in the gurdwara.
Khasi Students’ Union president Lambok Starwell Marngar alleged that the police was responsible for the current situation. “The victim did not want to compromise but the police convinced them to compromise,” he claimed.
Donald Thabah of the Khasi Students Union claimed that Khasi protestors had faced the maximum wrath of the police, with over 80 people being treated in hospital for injuries sustained from tear gas shells. When told that the mob had used petrol bombs, he said that the mob had started to disperse on Thursday, after the magistrate asked them to maintain the peace and return home. But anger was reignited when the Sikh residents of the locality then started laughing and jeering at them, he said.
Thabah told Scroll.in that there were reports that Home Minister James Sangma had agreed to the demands of the agitators. But Chief Minister Conrad Sangma told Scroll.in: “We have asked for a status report on the situation and will take a decision based on it. However, the issue will be taken seriously by the government.”
All photographs by Makepeace Sitlhou.

June 03, 2018

India: Khasi-Punjabi clashes of earlyJune 2018 in Meghalaya has the undertone of 'outsiders' / 'anti-migrant' vs natives

The Indian Express

Khasi-Punjabi clashes: Why there is unrest in Meghalaya capital

Shillong violence: The tension between the two communities stems from a long-standing demand from sections of the Khasi society to evict "illegal settlers" from the area.

By: Express Web Desk | New Delhi | Updated: June 3, 2018 1:38:02 pm
Khasi-punjabi clash: Shillong stays tense, night curfew in place Securitymen stand guard a street during curfew in Shillong on Saturday, Jun02,2018. (PTI Photo)
 
Shillong remained tense on Sunday, two days after protests and violent clashes were reported from several localities following an altercation between a Khasi boy and Punjabi women. Curfew was imposed in several parts of the city till this morning. Mobile internet and SMS services were snapped to prevent violence from flaring up again.
The tension between the two communities stems from a long-standing demand from sections of the Khasi society to evict alleged “illegal settlers” from the area.
As reported by The Indian Express, according to multiple sources including police officers, district officials and residents, the violence began when a boy, who was on a government-run bus that was being driven by a relative, was assaulted by some residents of Them Iew Mawlong following an altercation with a woman. One account said the altercation was over the manner in which the bus had been parked in the locality, obstructing residents from fetching water from a public tap.
Also read | Khasi-Punjabi clash: Shillong stays tense, night curfew in place
The altercation on Thursday had led to violent clashes the next day during which a mob torched a shop, a house and damaged at least five vehicles, besides injuring at least 10 people, including a senior police officer.
The police has arrested ten people in connection with the clashes.
Khasi-punjabi clash: Shillong stays tense, night curfew in place Shops remained shut near the spot where clashes broke out in Shillong on Thursday night. (Express Photo by Abhishek Saha) Late Friday night, the Army conducted a flag march in the restive areas after protesters set a house near the Them Iew Mawlong locality on fire and threw stones and petrol bombs at security personnel, following rumours on social media. “Requisitioned by the state government, Army troops held flag marches and rescued about 500 people, including 200 women and children,” Defence spokesperson Ratnakar Singh told news agency PTI.
Calling the residents of Punjabi Lane “trouble-mongers who often harass Khasi people”, KSU general secretary Donald Thabah said, “We demand that the illegal settlers in that area are immediately evicted.” Chief Minister Conrad K Sangma, who chaired a high-level meeting with the Home Minister, had appealed for calm and urged the people to help bring back normalcy in the capital.
Policemen came under intense attack in Motphran area of the city by stone pelters, after which the authorities resorted to firing teargas shells to disperse them. A senior officer, who did not wish to be named, said: “Stones were pelted and petrol bombs were thrown at policemen who were preventing angry youth of one community from attacking people of another community. Several rounds of tear gas shells were also fired.” The officer said social media-fuelled rumours about three deaths that never happened.
Punjab CM Amarinder Singh expresses concerns 
Punjab CM Amarinder Singh had expressed concerns over the developments in Meghalaya and hoped that the situation will not escalate further. He requested his Meghalaya counterpart to keep him informed of the situation and offered any help needed to defuse the tension.
The Meghalaya CM later called up Singh to assure him of the safety of people from the northern state and their religious institutions following the communal clashes. He said there was no damage to any religious place or other institutions belonging to the people from Punjab in Meghalaya.
(With inputs from PTI)

July 13, 2017

India's prejudced minds - NEFOMA — an umbrella body of resident welfare associations in Noida and Greater Noida — issued a statement about the “terror of Bangladeshis in Noida”

Domestic help beaten: New chorus after clashes; ‘keep the Bangladeshis out’

“As a protocol of the RWA, I would advice that all RWAs ban entry of all Bangladeshi workers in our RWA with immediate effect. They are encashing our need and thinking it to be our weakness, they will all come down on their knees in a week (sic).”

Written by Aditi Vatsa | Noida | Updated: July 13, 2017 4:23 am
domestic help beaten, noida domestic help beaten, mahagun morderne maid beaten, maid beaten, noida sector 78 protest, maid protest, indian express news, delhi news
Police clash with protesters in Noida’s Sector 78, Wednesday. Around 100-150 people hurled stones at Mahagun Moderne society over the ‘disappearance’ of domestic help Zohra Bibi. Express photo by Gajendra Yadav

The rent here is Rs 500 a month. There are no toilets, just some porta cabins. The roads overflow with garbage and most houses manage with tin roofs. The only benefit of living here — for this community dominated by migrants from Cooch Behar in north Bengal — is the proximity to housing societies and construction sites that offer employment.
The settlement might not have an official name, but those who live nearby in Noida’s Sector 78 refer to it as ‘Bangladeshi Colony’ — a bias reflected in WhatsApp forwards that spread in the area after Wednesday’s violence, demanding that “colonies and societies stop employing Bangladeshi workers”.
In a WhatsApp group of residents in the area, one person suggested, “As a protocol of the RWA, I would advice that all RWAs ban entry of all Bangladeshi workers in our RWA with immediate effect. They are encashing our need and thinking it to be our weakness, they will all come down on their knees in a week (sic).”
NEFOMA — an umbrella body of resident welfare associations in Noida and Greater Noida — issued a statement about the “terror of Bangladeshis in Noida” and suggested similar preventive measures before hiring ‘Bangladeshis’.
Zohra Bibi, the domestic help at the centre of the row, lives in the settlement and worked nearby at Mahagun Moderne society in Noida’s Sector 78. After she didn’t return home on Tuesday night, the settlement nearly emptied, with 100-150 from the close-knit community gathering at the society’s gate, pelting stones and forcing their way inside.

Most of the residents here moved from Cooch Behar to Noida in the last decade, mirroring the boom in real estate in the area. Zohra’s family, for instance, moved to Noida when she was 14. Speaking to The Indian Express, she said, “I have always considered Noida my home, as much as Bengal. We have never thought ourselves as anything but Indians, which is why allegations that we are Bangladeshi hurt so much.”
Love Kumar, SSP Gautam Buddha Nagar, also rebutted allegations that Zohra is an illegal immigrant.
“There are two versions of events and the matter is being investigated. But claims that she is an illegal Bangladeshi migrant are completely false. She has all necessary documents.”
Officers added that they are scouring through the CCTV footage to ascertain the exact sequence of events.

November 01, 2016

India: Maharashtra Chief Minister Fadnavis isn't the first ruler to prop up Far Right's Raj Thackeray for petty political gains - he is following in the footsteps of his Congress predecessors

scroll.in

History revisited: Fadnavis isn't the first ruler to prop up Raj Thackeray for petty political gains

In inviting Thackeray home over the issue of Pakistani artists in 'Ae Dil Hai Mushkil', Fadnavis was following in the footsteps of his Congress predecessors.

Six months before Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis brokered a deal between Raj Thackeray and filmmaker Karan Johar at his residence, the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief had, at a public meeting, ordered his followers to burn new auto rickshaws.
The reason was that licenses for these new vehicles had been issued to non-Marathi-speaking residents of Mumbai, according to Thackeray. No one who could have taken action – the police, the home minister or the chief minister – bothered to ensure that an offence was registered against Thackeray for this criminal utterance.
The next night, March 10, a new auto-rickshaw was indeed set on fire by five persons shouting Maharashtra Navnirman Sena slogans. Had the police wanted to, they could have traced these arsonists. But they had already made up their mind about who they were. The Amboli police in suburban Mumbai, under whose jurisdiction this act of arson was committed, told the press that it would check if the incident was a deliberate act of mischief by those against the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena.
By inviting this politician home earlier this fortnight to placate him over the issue of Pakistani artistes being used in Johar’s new release Ae Dil Hai Mushkil, the first-time chief minister of Maharashtra was only following in the footsteps of his more experienced Congress predecessors.

Larger than life?

The politics of the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena has been limited to anti-outsider violence. Its chief makes no bones about his contempt for the law, the judiciary and for democracy, and dares the police to arrest him. Raj Thackeray has been allowed to become larger than life thanks to three forces – the ruling parties in Maharashtra, the police, and the media.
Thackeray broke away from the Shiv Sena in 2006. In 2008, he directed attacks on North Indians in Mumbai and Maharashtra. He blamed them for taking away jobs of locals, for their alleged refusal to respect Marathi culture, and for what he referred to as their “dadagiri”. Two people were killed in these attacks. One of them was a Marathi-speaking young man in Nashik. Maharashtra Navnirman Sena activists also allegedly chopped off the hands of a Bihari vendor in Pune. Almost 50,000 North Indians fled Pune and Nashik, resulting in losses to industry estimated at more than Rs 700 crores. Information Technology major Infosys diverted 3,000 posts from Pune to Chennai.
Yet, Vilasrao Deshmukh, the Congress chief minister at the time, and Home Minister RR Patil did nothing. The Lok Sabha and Assembly elections were due in 2009. They wanted Raj Thackeray’s party to split the Marathi vote, which had traditionally gone to their political rival, Bal Thackeray’s Shiv Sena.
Their strategy paid off. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena ate into the Shiv Sena’s votebank, restricting the number of seats won by the Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party alliance. Raj Thackeray’s party did not win any seat, but it helped boost the national tally of the Congress.
A similar strategy was adopted in the 2009 Assembly elections, where the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena won 13 seats, damaged the Sena-BJP alliance in more than 50 constituencies, and helped the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party combine return to power.
This demagogue received similar treatment from Prithviraj Chavan, who took over as Maharashtra chief minister in November 2010.
Two months after Thackeray’s followers vandalised a number of toll booths across the state in 2012 claiming that travel should be free, Chavan granted the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief an audience on the toll tax issue. Along with Thackeray went Shishir Shinde, the MLA leading some of those attacks.
But Chavan probably gave Thackeray the biggest boost of his political career in August 2012 when he transferred Mumbai Police Commissioner Arup Patnaik two days after the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief called for his ouster at a public rally for which Patnaik had denied permission. The rally was ostensibly to show support for Mumbai’s policemen, who had been attacked at a gathering of Muslims at Mumbai’s Azad Maidan but were restrained by Patnaik from retaliating. The police firing was restricted to the violent section of the gathering. Two protestors were killed. But a major riot was prevented.
The police force was seething at having been ordered to hold their fire after being attacked. At Raj Thackeray’s rally, people shouted slogans hailing the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief as the saviour of the police. But in his speech, Thackeray did not take up cudgels for the police as such. Instead, he expressed anger that Marathi policemen and women had been attacked by “Bangladeshi Muslims who flock here from UP, Bihar and Jharkhand”.
This was not the first time that the state's professional force was being categorised on sectarian lines in Mumbai.

History repeats itself

Raj Thackeray’s uncle and mentor Bal Thackeray had often publicly asked Mumbai’s policemen not to act against “their own men”, a reference to Shiv Sainiks, and instead, turn their guns on those he deemed to be “traitors”, a reference to Muslims. The police had largely obeyed him, and got away with doing so. Now, his nephew was making an even narrower classification of Mumbai’s police force.
Like his uncle, Raj Thackeray not only got away with this speech, which would surely have attracted Section 153 A of the Indian Penal Code (promoting enmity on grounds of religion, place of residence, language, etc), but his demand that the Police Commissioner be transferred was also granted immediately. Ironically, the tough and incorruptible Patnaik was said to be a special appointee of the equally tough and incorruptible Prithviraj Chavan. Obviously, politics mattered more than principle.
But it is not just the notoriously cynical Congress that has encouraged Thackeray. On the eve of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, BJP heavyweight Nitin Gadkari appealed to Thackeray not to contest the polls and thereby split the Marathi vote.
Gadkari, like Fadnavis, is a proud member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh that has always favoured a nationalist Hindu identity rather than regional chauvinist identities. But neither his organisation’s ideology, nor the anger of the BJP’s electoral ally, Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray, deterred Gadkari from declaring: “We want Raj as our partner.”
That is how important Raj Thackeray has been in Maharashtra politics.

Upcoming BMC elections

But today, both the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena and its chief are has-beens. The party was rejected in both the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, where all its candidates lost their deposits, and in the Assembly elections that followed, in which only one of its candidates won. That sole MLA has now floated his own party. Maharashtra Navnirman Sena corporators have been defecting so rapidly that the party chief recently threatened them not to force him “to revert to my original aggressive stance”.
But, elections to the country’s richest municipal body – the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation – are just three months away. Unlike in Maharashtra, the Shiv Sena rules the corporation and the BJP is the subordinate partner. BJP-Sena relations have been rocky ever since they tied up after the 2014 Assembly polls. If an alternative to the Sena can be built, even if that requires the BJP to blow up a hollow demagogue, so be it. In this, the media will be of help.
At the height of his popularity in 2010, Thackeray thanked the media for having “conveyed to people across the state what we were saying, thereby motivating people to trust us”. After the attacks on North Indians, the Maharashtra Times had given him almost a full page to spell out his stand. Similarly, his anti-Patnaik rally was televised live by all news channels except NDTV and CNN-IBN (now CNN-News18). The media’s fascination with this rabble rouser, who is always willing to be used by one party or another, has not dimmed even though the people’s has.

July 13, 2016

India: The road to saffron - A brief history from Assam (Rupam Sindhu Kalita)


by Rupam Sindhu Kalita

The venue of the BJP national executive meeting in Allahabad blazed with the red flowers of the Axomiya gamosa as the party celebrated it’s first-ever victory in Assam. Party leaders claimed that the choice to congratulate the national executive members with the Axomiya gamosa was a symbolic gesture to express their gratitude to the people of Assam. But there was more in store for Assam apart from the merely symbolic. The resolution adopted by the national executive on the final day had eight paragraphs on Assam, which is one-third of the document. The resolution repeatedly stresses the singular importance of the electoral victory in the state- “The mandate of Assam calls for a very special mention. Assam holds an important place in the minds and hearts of millions of BJP karyakartas across the country.” “It signifies a major ideological victory for the Party.” “This victory is hard-earned one for the Party.” The resolution underlines another factor- the threat posed to Axomiya identity by the relentless infiltration of Bangladeshis. The illegal flow of Bangladeshis into the state, according to the resolution, has reached “Himalayan proportions” and the threat of an impending demographic convulsion is very much real.
The support that propelled BJP to power in Assam merits an analysis because the distribution of political allegiance ahead of the election defied the conventional logic of communal polarisation. The Muslim population of the state is a divided house, which is why the normative Hindu-Muslim binary that operates in other parts of India fails to explain the relation between the two communities in Assam. The parties representing the indigenous Assamese Muslims (the first such Muslim was Ali Mech, a native of Kamrup who converted to Islam during Bakhtiyar Khilji’s military expedition to the region in early thirteenth century) – Sadou Asom Goriya Moriya Desi Jatiya Parishad, Sadou Asom Goriya Yuba Chatra Parishad, Khilongia Asomiya Musalman Unnayan Parishad, Khilongia Musalman Suraksha Mancha, Ujoni Asom Muslim Kalyan Parishad and Asomiya Muslim Kalyan Parishad reposed their faith in the BJP’s Vision Document in the run-up to the election. The Muslim groups also clarified their opposition to Badaruddin Ajmal’s All-India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) and described Ajmal as a ‘threat.’ While the indigenous Muslims of Assam are scattered throughout the state, the descendents of the Bengali Muslim immigrants of East Bengali origin are concentrated in the lower and middle Assam districts of the Brahmaputra valley and parts of Barak valley. The latter category of Muslims living in the state today trace their origin to the Bengali Muslim settler-peasants from East Bengal who were brought to inhabit and cultivate the wastelands of Lower Assam by the colonial state with the complicity of the Axomiya middle-class starting from the latter half of the nineteenth century. The settlers were poor, hardy peasants who soon turned the wastelands into revenue-generating assets. At the same time, they also activated a creative process of assimilation with the Axomiyas. Their decision to state their mother-tongue as Axomiya played a major role in Axomiya becoming the majority language of the state for the first time in the 1951 census. The community also threw their weight behind the Axomiyas during the language movements in 1960 and 1972. But the process of assimilation received a jolt during the Assam movement when the Muslims of East Bengali origin found themselves at the receiving end of a frenzied demand to expel the illegal foreigners residing in the state. There was growing anxiety among the members of the community and the massacre at Nellie on February 18, 1983 convinced them that their fear was indeed real. On the contrary, the composition of the leadership of the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU), key constituent of the Gana Xangram Parikhad which led the movement, reflected the strong support the movement had among the indigenous Muslims. The Vice-President of AASU and the Presidents of the Kamrup and Jorhat unit of the AASU were indigenous Muslims of Assam. A section of the Muslims in the state were however sceptical of the intentions of the AASU and the All Assam Minority Students’ Union (AAMSU) was formed in May 1980 to counter the AASU. AAMSU won the trust of the Muslims of East Bengali origin and organised rallies against the anti-foreigner upsurge in Lower Assam. [. . .]

FULL TEXT AT:  http://raiot.in/the-road-to-saffron-a-brief-history-from-assam/

March 23, 2016

India - Assam: New Election Old Scars [The Illegal migrant ,'the foreigner' and ambiguities of citizenship] (Sanjib Baruah)

The Indian Express, March 23, 2016

New election, old scars
Veterans of the Assam Movement now fight polls. But the bitterness — and the issues — linger on.

Written by Sanjib Baruah

A remarkable number of candidates fielded by various political parties in Assam are veterans of the Assam Movement — the protests against the entry and enfranchisement of “foreigners” that dominated the state’s politics for six long years from 1979 to 1985. Four elected ministries collapsed during that period and there were three spells of president’s rule. Even the census of 1981 could not be conducted in Assam during that period. Post-Independence India’s most violent elections are also part of this history, including the horrendous Nellie massacre.

Assam Movement veterans feature not only on the list of candidates of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), the regional party that grew out of the movement and now an ally of the BJP. They are also among the candidates of the two major national parties:

The BJP as well as the Congress. Prominent among them are the BJP’s chief ministerial hopeful, Sarbananda Sonowal, and a number of former AGP heavyweights, as well as the Congress party’s Zoiinath Sarma, who led the volunteer force of the All Assam Students Union during the movement.

Then there are the politicians who made the transition to national political parties a long time ago such as the Congress party’s Bharat Narah. The Guwahati MP, Bijoya Chakraborty of the BJP, is also an Assam Movement veteran. This time, her daughter, Suman Haripriya, is the BJP candidate for the Hajo constituency.

In retrospect, the Assam Movement turned out to be the school and recruiting ground for a major segment of the next generation of Assam’s political leaders. And the Congress and the BJP appear to have succeeded in remaking themselves as national parties with a regional orientation — as the former chief minister, the late Hiteswar Saikia, had promised the Congress would become.

This story can easily be told as a warm and fuzzy self-congratulatory narrative of the inclusiveness and resilience of India’s democratic institutions. But the picture gets more complicated when one tries to take stock of the goals of the Assam Movement. How successful was it?

A novice may be excused for thinking that with so many veterans of the Assam Movement now part of the political establishment, the central issue of the movement must have been settled a long time ago. But that is not the case. From the perspective of the thousands who responded to the calls of the movement’s leaders and came out to the streets during those six years, what has transpired in the three decades since then is a story of bitter disappointment and betrayal.

It is not only supporters of the Assam Movement who are disappointed. Even the Supreme Court has expressed similar views. When in July 2005, it declared the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act unconstitutional, it spelt out the dangers to Assam from the continued unauthorised immigration from Bangladesh using a language that was reminiscent of that used by the leaders of the Assam Movement. There can be “no manner of doubt,” said the apex court, that Assam is facing “external aggression and internal disturbance” because of large-scale unauthorised immigration from Bangladesh. In July 2008, the Gauhati High Court said a “large number of Bangladeshis” play “a major role in electing the representatives both to the legislative assembly and Parliament and consequently, in the decision-making process towards building the nation”.

Such pronouncements by authoritative institutions cannot but eat away at the legitimacy of elected governments. It is not surprising that the failure of the Assam Movement created the ground for the rise of the United Liberation Front of Assam (Ulfa) that argued in favour of an extra-constitutional path for defending Assam’s historical identity and wellbeing.

In recent years, the ambiguities of citizenship that the Assam Movement sought to address have been a potent source of civil strife in various parts of the state. When violence between Bodos and Bengali-speaking Muslims broke out in the summer of 2012, a number of media reports and commentaries blamed it on the influx of “illegal Bangladeshi migrants” into the area, in effect portraying Muslims of East Bengali descent inhabiting western Assam — many of them descendants of the early 20th century settlers from East Bengal — as “Bangladeshis”.

A couple of years later, militants of the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) gunned down 81 Adivasis — descendants of tea workers brought as indentured labourers to Assam in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Adivasis have been victims of violence and dispossession in the land conflicts on the Assam-Nagaland border as well; some of their forefathers having settled on those lands bordering tea plantations — technically reserved forests — after their contracts had expired. Quite a fate in 21st century India for a group of people whose forefathers provided the muscle for the 19th century capitalist transformation of Assam.

If one goes by the assessment of the Supreme Court of the IMDT act — a law passed by the Indian Parliament in order to deal with the challenges presented by the Assam Movement to the post-Partition citizenship regime — our decision-making process has become far too porous; it gives “too many actors the means to stifle adjustments in public policy”, to borrow the words of Francis Fukuyama used in a different context. The costs of the Assam Movement’s failures have been steep, but obviously not for its leaders. The price is being paid by some of the country’s most disadvantaged citizens: In blood, and in lives lost. After three decades of the Assam Movement, they are still unable to reclaim a sense of everyday security.
The writer is professor of political studies, Bard College, New York

February 26, 2016

India: BJP's "Hindu migrant vs Muslim migrant" policy lands it in trouble in Assam

catchnews.com - 25 February 2016
BJP's "Hindu migrant vs Muslim migrant" policy lands it in trouble in Assam
Catch Team
@catchnews

The move
Centre has decided to give long term permits to Bangladeshi Hindu migrants
On the other hand it has said that Bangladeshi Muslim migrants must be sent backward

The impact
This has irked Ahom and Bodo groups
BJP has been forced to go into damage control mode

More in the story
What has the BJP proposed?
What are the main points of contention?

Among all the poll-bound states, it is in Assam where the BJP is poised to shore up its presence. This state, said to be the gateway to the Northeast, is also strategically important for the Sangh Parivar. The ruling Congress party in the state, under the stewardship of 79-year-old Tarun Gogoi, is battling anti-incumbency after being in government for the last 15 years.

However, there are fears in the BJP that it certain moves of the Central government may alienate some of their new supporters in Assam. Some of the BJP allies also point out that they have not kept the promises which they made for the state in the 2014 Lok Sabha election manifesto.

Promode Bodo, the young president of the All Bodo Students Union, an influential Bodo outfit says, "We supported the BJP in 2014 elections. That is why they won 7 seats. But they didn't do anything for us." The students leader points out how Bodo groups created a congenial atmosphere and stopped all ongoing movements. "Everyone is frustrated now," he points out. Bodo Territorial Administrative Council, which comprises of some of the most volatile areas in lower Assam has seen gruesome violence in recent years. The Bodos are engaged in a violent conflict with the Bengali speaking Muslims and also tribals from other parts of the country who have settled in Assam. The latter are referred to as tea tribes, because of their history of working on tea gardens. The Bodos, have been demanding a separate state.

The Bodos are also angry on the Central government's notification on allowing long term permits to persecuted minority communities so that they can stay in the country. There is a fear that this will lead to their getting citizenship rights in the long run. Their is big population of Bengali speaking Hindus who have migrated to Assam fearing persecution in Bangladesh.

On the other hand, the BJP has been vociferously opposing the presence of Bengali speaking Muslims whom they refer to as illegal immigrants. Tribals and other indigenous groups have been saying that the state doesn't have any room for 'outsiders' and that their land and resources have been already usurped by them leaving them poorer. "The settlers from other side of the border are not the only problem. The Bodos have problems with other Indian tribals as well who have encroached on our land," says UG Brahma, a former MP and a recipient of the prestigious Sahitya Akademi award.

"We have been appealing to the BJP to not divide the people by doing such things as giving rights to one religious group who have also entered illegally," says Bodo. He says all illegal migrants have to be dealt treated the same.

Bengali speaking Muslims, too, are intrigued as to why the Centre is making such a distinction. They form the core support base of Badruddin Ajmal's AIUDF. BJP's attempts to polarise the elections may not work if one looks at these voices of dissent on its decisions from important quarters.

Ahom anger

Dhrubajyoti Bora, a noted novelist and head of the Asom Sahitya Sabha, an important outfit of the native Ahomiyas says that the issue has reverberated in protests in the Brahmaputra valley. Asom Sahitya Sabha and the All Assam Students Union, the Asom Gana Parishad - the party of the middle class native population - and some other outfits have also been lodging their protest against this move. "This decision is against the spirit of the Assam Accord," says Akhil Gogoi, an activist turned politician who has been campaigning against the BJP. He explains how the BJP has lost ground because of its anti-Assam policies since it came to power. "They have reduced the ration for the tea garden workers, scrapped the Northeast Industrial Policy, withdrawn the special category status and have now started supporting the big dams which they were opposing before coming to power."

Meanwhile, Bora points out that in the Barak Valley, where a lot of residents have relatives on the other side of the border, it has not become a big issue. Barak Valley is also where bulk of this migration is directed at.

However, he fears that in the Brahmaputra valley it could become a big issue as the elections approach closer. "One has to agree that the migration of Hindus from neighbouring Bangladesh is much more than that of Muslims in recent years," he points out while adding that this is happening because the benefits of economic progress haven't trickled down to the minorities forcing them to migrate.

Bora points outs how there is a fear among the indigenous people that if this policy of allowing the people to come in continues then the migration will not stop and that the migrant population will become a threat for the locals.

These organisations have also been demanding that if at all these migrants or refugees as they are referred to by some, have to be allowed, then there has to be a clear policy. "There is no clear mechanism as of now," Bora points out. He says that the Sabha and others have been demanding that these migrants should not be allowed to enter the voting rolls or to become a part of the ongoing National Register of Citizenship exercise. "It is not that we are against the humanitarian action of granting refuge to persecuted people as such. But there has to be a proper mechanism," Bora clarifies.
Damage control

Meanwhile, the BJP on its part has tried to assuage the fears of these groups by telling them through different channels that they are being just given refuge and not citizenship rights. "A senior BJP leader reached out to these groups and tried to explain that citizenship is a complicated process and takes years," a source points out. However, they are not convinced and want the BJP to clarify its position. "We will not support them if they back of from their promises," Bodo says.

September 09, 2015

Linda Chhakchhuak: Manipur Chaos over Inner Line Permit

Countercurrents.org, 07 September, 2015

Manipur Chaos: Lost In Translation

By Linda Chhakchhuak

Some folklore say that Manipur is land of the three brothers. They are the Meitei, Naga and the Kuki communities. But as most brotherhood stories go they inevitably ended up disagreeing and quarrelling over the inheritance left by their fathers. This myth seems to sum up the history of this troubled northeastern state of India which is once again engulfed in blood, soot and tears.

This being an age in which the information highway passes through almost every hand with a mobile phone, the war cries, chest thumping and ill conceived rumors were mass knowledge in a span of few minutes, each post more virulent than the earlier one igniting ire. Not too soon after the by now famous three Bills were passed in the Manipur Legislative Assembly on August 31, the house of a Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) went up in flames. Homes of Manipur’s health minister Phungzathang Tonsing and five other MLAs were set afire during the protests. Eight persons died in the subsequent mob quelling actions by the state police.

The “angry mob” was people of the hills districts mad at their own tribal MLAs for not standing up against the three Bills which they claimed was a deviously diabolical game to take away their land rights and making them strangers in their own homeland.

The three Bills are The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh) Amendment Bill 2015 (MLRLR Bill 2015), The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 and The Manipur Shops and Establishments Act (Second) Amendment Bill 2015, collectively meant to be the Government of Manipur’s solution to the months long demand for implementation of Inner Line Permit system by the Meitei organizations to protect them from the high rate of influx of outsiders. The states of Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh have the ILP system which are British enactments made for their own benefit but vaunted as a wall against assimilation from outsiders today.

Obviously the polity is so steeped in local conspiracy theory that common people have not a shred of trust left in the persons they themselves had voted to represent them. On the other hand neither did the representatives or the Government make any effort to get public opinion before legislating on such a sensitive issue. That cost them their homes and credibility. But did people understand what they were they out in the streets for, braving bullets and death?

The MLRLR Bill 2015 clearly outlines the unenviable situation of the Meitei people, who inhabit the valley portion of the Manipur state. The state is 90 percent hills and 10 percent plains. But demography wise, the valley is packed with 60 percent of the total population of the state (27 lakhs plus). The density 731 persons as opposed to 61 persons in the hills just go to show what the valley people are up against. Under the main 1960 MRLR Act, Scheduled Tribes of the state who are native of the hills can buy land and settle down in the plains. On the other hand the plains based Meitei people are forbidden to acquire land in the hills by this same law. This same Law permits the Scheduled Tribe (ST) to sell off their lands in the valley with the provision that if they are selling it to a non-Scheduled Tribe it can be done only with the consent of the Deputy Commissioner. This would mean that if they are disposing it off to another Scheduled Tribe person, then it would not need any consent of the DC.

What seems to be happening as can be surmised from reading between the lines of the MRLR Amendment Bill 2015 is that there is an influx of ‘outsiders’, not so much as that of non-tribals from outside the state, but also of persons of affiliated kins-tribes from across the network of Kuki-Chin-Mizo community as well as Nagas from neighboring borders whether it is from Mizoram, Nagaland, Assam and Myanmar. Affiliated and based on close-knit kinship systems it is impossible to differentiate the ‘native ST’ from the ‘outsider Tribes’ in the state where the buying and selling of land may be happening. This is a cause of concern for the valley inhabitants of the Meitei heritage, who are struggling to keep their ancestral lands from slipping away right under their noses. They are a beleaguered people hemmed in by dozens of problems, the least of them being officially categorized as “non-tribal” , settled on the fulcrum of a tribal volcano of resentment. (Long ago they refused to be clubbed under the category of “Tribe” which they want reversed now but it is another complicated
story.)

Instead of directly dealing with the issue of influx, the MRLR (Seventh) Amendment Bill2015 seeks to curtail this transfer by invoking sale against the “Non Manipur Person”(NMP). The amendment is to ‘regulate the sale of land to Non Manipur Persons of the state so that the limited land in the valley is available to the permanent residents of the state in the interests of the general public.” From now on any sale and transfer of land in the valley to Non Manipur Persons of the state, firms, institutions or any other entities intending to purchase land will be done only after getting state government approval. This is actually a cry for space and the plight of the growing population of Meitei people and the other non-tribal residents of the tiny valley jostling for space with the Scheduled tribe people who have the upper hand as far as the right to buy or sell land in the state is concerned.

The MRLR (Seventh) Amendment 2015 is supported by The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015. The objective of this Bill is to regulate the entry and exit of Non Manipur Persons and tenants. It defines who are the “Manipur People” in Clause 2 section (b) which says “b) “Manipur people” means Persons of Manipur whose name are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951 Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants who have contributed to the collective social, cultural and economic life of Manipur;. This is the clause which has raised mayhem among the Kuki affiliate tribes and the Nagas who say, rightly, that during the early fifties there was hardly any infrastructure or government presence capable of capturing the whole population of the region in a register.

But these misgivings should have melted as the Bill carries a caveat in Paragraph 8 which unequivocally states that the persons to be exempted under the provisions of this Bill are “the native people of the state of Manipur.” The Bill does not give details about this, but going by definition by the heavyweight expert on Manipur, T C Hodson it refers to the Meitei, Kuki and Naga of the state.

Predictably, politicians of all hues and categories from the inside the state and the neighboring regions of Manipur have lost no time in fishing in troubled waters of Manipur. They should know better as the same equations of conflict are just a spark away in their own homes and states.

(Linda Chhakchhuak is an independent Journalist and anthropologist, based in Shillong, Meghalaya)

September 07, 2015

India: ‘Us’, ‘them’ and an elusive peace [on Manipur, ‘outsiders’ and the cry for an Inner Line Permit system] (Malem Ningthouja)


The Hindu, September 7, 2015

‘Us’, ‘them’ and an elusive peace


[by] Malem Ningthouja


The violence in Manipur is linked to unrestrained demographic pressure by ‘outsiders’ and the cry for an Inner Line Permit system. The role of vested interests and inter-community tensions have exacerbated this

Manipur has often been the setting for violent agitations, with those behind them demanding the implementation of an Inner Line Permit (ILP) system in order to define and protect “insiders” from buying up land on the one hand, and from the unregulated entry of “outsiders” on the other. All this can be traced to the core — in the agitations of 1920, 1935, and 1965, when sections targeted the “outsider” monopoly in trade. The agitations, in 1980, 1994, and from 2006 onwards, have been primarily against unregulated immigrants who bought up land and immovable properties.

Malem Ningthouja
The agitations have been motivated by the situation that has set alarm bells ringing following unrestrained demographic pressure by “outsiders” and the need for an ILP as it exists in Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Nagaland. The ILP is required for ‘other’ Indian citizens to enter Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mizoram. The objective has been to prevent outsiders from buying up land and owning natural resources in Manipur. But these stirs have been confined to the Manipur valley, which is about 9 per cent of the geographical area and where 61.54 per cent of the enumerated population (Census 2001) comprises the majority community Meitei, tribals and others living together. Interpretations of the campaign have been along communal lines, probably because it was concentrated in the valley and led by Meitei-based organisations.

Geo-community projection

The apparent Meitei orientation of the agitation has been obvious since minimal tribal presence in the valley has been juxtaposed with Meitei predominance and tribal organisations in the hills that have deliberately maintained an opaqueness about a supporting role. A visible role for the Meitei is clear as defending the territorial integrity of Manipur is dear to them and as they have been the front runners in being associated with other popular movements to protect land and resources from being consumed by controversial projects.

The ILP agitation has been the brainchild of Meitei organisations for two basic reasons. First, its geographical epicentre has been the valley where there has been increasing pressure on land as a result of population growth. This includes migrations by outsiders and continuous “land grabbing” by the government for the setting up of military establishments and other infrastructure, which led to systematic reduction of areas under primary economic activities. Second, Meiteis have been in the fore front of this as despite their known achievements in arts and culture, sport and other skills, they are deeply apprehensive of being marginalised and facing insecurity in Manipur.

This needs to be explained in detail. Despite the perception that identifies the Meitei with the valley, in reality, the valley is liberally open to all who can buy and own land and resources. This situation is what has promoted the large-scale migration of tribals and outsiders from other parts of India and also Nepal, Myanmar and Bangladesh. It is a one way migration that has deeply affected the psyche of many Meiteis, as they, as a result of being clubbed with non-tribals, are now constitutionally not permitted to own land both in the vast tracts of government reserved areas in the valley and in the hills of Manipur. However, the Meiteis consider the migration of tribals as a sign of integration and do not oppose it; what they are critical of and apprehensive about are the ‘outsiders’.

A form of restraint

Many Meiteis are worried that the numerical strength and growth of outsiders have now reached alarming proportions and there is a situation where they outnumber several small communities in Manipur; according to the 2001 census, there are 9.18 lakh Meiteis and others, 6.70 lakh tribals and 7.04 lakh outsiders. They predict a socio, cultural and economic domination by outsiders as a result of large-scale migration, especially after the extension of railway lines, trans-Asian highways and the expansion of market corridors towards Southeast Asian countries. They are also worried about unrestrained land grabbing in Manipur to facilitate hydro-electric projects, mining, and also oil exploration and drilling at the cost of the people and the ecology. Many have upheld that the implementation of the ILP or a similar law can act as a form of restraint to unregulated immigration and also prevent outsiders and companies/industry from taking control over the land and resources, especially in the valley, where there has been no protective law ever since the permit system was lifted by the Government of India in November 1950.

Following violent agitations that have often lasted months, the Government of Manipur and the Joint Committee on the Inner Line Permit System in Manipur (JCILPS) arrived at an agreement. Thus, on August 31, 2015, the Manipur Legislative Assembly passed three Bills, which were not to the complete satisfaction of pro-ILP sections. These are the Protection of Manipur People Bill 2015, which has fixed 1951 as the base year to detect outsiders; the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Amendment Bill 2015, and the Manipur Shops and Establishments Bill 2015. These Bills are being strongly opposed by the ‘tribal’ organisations in the Manipur hill districts, particularly those of the Kuki Chin Mizo-based organisations, and which have now been supported by Naga-based organisations as well.

Inter-community tensions

Kuki organisations have opposed the ILP movement from spreading in Churachandpur and Chandel districts, which led to a violent clash on August 18, at the border town of Moreh. They have charged the Bills as being evidence of Meitei expansionism in the hills to expel a large section of Kukis. The propaganda has been appealing to many who are unhappy with the anti-Kuki stance and ‘refugee’ tag attributed to them by individuals from other communities. There has also been rivalry between Kuki underground organisations and those who have been identified as being with other communities. There could also be an element of fear as many of them — either people who might have migrated after 1951, or those whose lineages might not have been recorded in the list criteria — could be treated as outsiders. Other tribes have also expressed similar concerns.

The overall projection of the Bills as being pro-Meitei fails to holistically interpret the limitations of the cut-off year of 1951. This provision actually affects all, including some sections of the Meiteis and others who came to Manipur after 1951. It will also be practically difficult to detect and deport migrants who have close ethnic bonds with one or other ‘indigenous’ communities. But the polemics of insecurity have interplayed with the propaganda that the Manipur Land Revenue and Reform Act 1960 has been extended to the hill districts, which is untrue as there is no amendment in the territorial extent of the said Act.

The recent tensions, and which have been extensively reported in the media, might not have occurred had the Government of Manipur dealt with the situation in a better way. Instead of fully relying on the consent of the tribal MLAs, it could have also consulted the Hill Areas Committee or other responsible ‘tribal’ organisations in order to resolve any misunderstanding, before passing the Bills. On the other hand, neither the organisation that had led the ILP movement nor the tribal organisations who protested against the Bills had approached each other for mutual consent in this regard. The Kuki and Naga organisations were not insensitive to the primary objective of the cut-off year of 1951, as being primarily to target the ethno-culturally, distinguishable outsiders from other parts of India, Nepal and Bangladesh. They wanted to magnify the controversies arising from these Bills in order to invoke community sentiment, consolidate their respectively fractured communities, and to intensify the demand for either VI Schedule status for the tribes or different administrative systems for Kukis and Nagas. In this, there is tactical unity between Naga and Kuki organisations. This is understandable in the context of Naga enthusiasm towards the speeding up of some kind of pan-Naga integration under the proposed framework of the recent Peace Accord. This is something that the Kuki organisations are concerned about as this inspires the ‘Kuki’-based undergrounds that are under the Suspension of Order (SoO) with the government, to speed up their agenda to have either Pan Zomi Reunification or autonomous administration. The recently leaked Kuki National Organisation’s proposal to the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) or NSCN-IM asserts: “Historically, the [Meetei or Manipur] Kingdom consisted of the valley areas, which today form the valley districts of Manipur… The Kuki and Naga peoples shall mutually respect one another’s identity and territory and maintain the best of fraternal relations and work together to preserve peace in the land and usher in progress and human welfare in the Kuki and Naga states.”

Now, when tensions have been fanned, there seems to be the role of certain vested political groups to add fuel to the fire in order to magnify the issue of unrest, and, in turn, use this as a reason to justify the imposition of President's rule in order to unseat the incumbent Congress government. In this there is an interplay of political demagogy, adventurism and speculation. Unrest, rioting and repression have led to a heavy toll in terms of civilian life, the destruction of property and a creation of tension. If the Bills are the issue, is there no room to either clear the misunderstandings or add some clauses in the Bills to resolve the tension? If the Bills are just the spark, what role should the Government of India be playing to scale down the tensions? The question now is this: who will negotiate for peace with whom, at what cost, and for what purpose?

(Dr. Ningthouja is a Fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, and the author of three books on Manipur.)