India: Babri Masjid Demolition: 25 Years On... | Irfan Engineer

[5 Dec 2017]

On 6th December 1992, I was in judicial custody in Vansda (Gujarat) jail.
We were struggling for the rights of adivasis on forest and forest produce
which often led to friction with state and a couple of times had to face
false cases being lodged on me and my comrades in the struggle. I must have
been in judicial custody for about a week. Eager to read daily newspaper, I
would ask night duty prison guard, who was from an adivasi community, to
buy one for me while he went to the market for a cup of tea and he would
oblige me. On 7th December I did not ask Bhikubhai to buy newspaper for me
but he nevertheless got one for me. I protested and told him that I had no
money to pay him for the newspaper. With a smile on his face he told me not
to worry about the price of the newspaper and to read it. It is only when
opened the newspaper that I understood why he wanted me to read the papers
that day. There was news of demolition of Babri Masjid. I was horrified,
not because a mosque was demolished, but the implications it would have on
the polity and future of democracy in our country.

I shared the news in my cell with all of 8 to 10 other adivasi inmates.
They were arrested for various petty crimes like consumption of alcohol
when there was prohibition. They would not believe me. One of them said,
why would anybody demolish house of the Supreme Being? I had to show
photograph published on the front page of the newspaper with people dancing
on the dome of the mosque with saffron flags in hand. They too were
horrified. Then I heard something that sounded like a victory procession
and bursting of crackers outside the jail. After a few days I was bailed
out. Bhikubhai advised me not to go towards the market where police station
was located as the cops were prepared to arrest me in another false case. I
hitch hiked and went to Adv. Paresh Chaudhary’s home in Vedchhi (Dist.
Surat). In the adivasi dominated area of the Dangs and Surat district,
Babri Masjid was a non-issue, although *Ramshila pujan* processions – where
consecrated bricks for construction of Ramjanmabhoomi temple were
accompanied with DJ to attract people – had been taken out largely
consisting of non-adivasi people.

For the adivasis, their main issues were their right to forest land and
forest produce; access to quality education and health care and cultural
space to sustain their way of life and their identity. Temple-Mosque
conflict was for the *ujaliat* (non-adivasis). Most of them were unaware of
existence of Babri Masjid or Ramjanmabhoomi temple. A few who were, never
discussed it. Their world then was so insulated from the rest, that going
outside the district of Dangs was going to Gujarat! To adivasis, Dang was
not a part of Gujarat and the world outside Dang was Gujarat where they
sometimes had to travel to access health care or markets both of which were
instruments of oppression. All temples belonged to the *ujaliat* who were
by and large seen as oppressors and if some of them were not oppressors,
they were had condescending attitude towards them.

In the second week of January 1993, I headed towards my home in Mumbai. As
I disembarked at Dadar Station, I learnt about the riots in city. I managed
to reach Anand Patwardhan’s residence and learnt that a Hindu friend living
in Andheri (West) feared attack on her. Preeti had a running dispute with
her landlord and she feared that the landlord would take advantage of riots
to get her to vacate her home. I decided to be with her and confront the
Muslim mob that she feared would come to attack her.

I called my father to inform him that I was in Mumbai safe and would be
going to Preeti’s home. My father pleaded me to come back home. It was not
usual for him to plead in this manner as I was going to help a Hindu
friend. But the time was not usual as well. I went to Preeti’s residence
assuring my father I would return home soon and wouldn’t take unnecessary
risks. When I reached her home, some other friends too were there. The next
day after I returned home, we were getting frantic calls from survivors of
communal violence for help. All we could do was contact police officers
known to us for their integrity and fire brigade, only to learn that they
too were inundated with calls.

Communal violence in Mumbai drew me to work for communal harmony – an issue
to which I was not paying much attention otherwise as I was working among
Adivasis since 1989. My father, Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer, was heading a
coalition of organizations – *Ekta* – which worked for communal harmony and
included trade unions, women’s organizations and organizations working for
civil liberties. *Ekta* had campaigned for peace in Mumbai and other riot
prone towns for peace by organizing peace marches; public meetings and
street corner meetings; bringing out publications countering demonization
of minorities; and organizing perspective building camps for peace workers.
*Ekta* had opposed *kar seva* and called upon religious Hindus not to join
it, as demolition of Babri Masjid and construction of Ram Janmabhoomi
Temple was with a political motive. However, *Ekta*’s outreach was limited
on account of limited resources. Communal violence post demolition of Babri
Masjid was on a limited scale and the casualties were mainly from the
police firing on Muslim mobs protesting demolition of Babri Masjid.

Shiv Sena was not satisfied and bayed for violence on a larger scale with
the *sainiks* controlling and participating in street violence. Only deeper
communal polarization would ensure electoral benefits they aimed at. Daily
published by Shiv Sena – *Saamna* – started hyping up inferno of Gandhi
Chawl (popularized as Radhabai Chawl) in Jogeshwari and murder of two
Mathadi workers in South Mumbai which they blamed on the Muslim community.
They organized series of Maha-artis to arouse communal hatred against
Muslim community on the two issues and those dispersing after Maha-artis
indulged in violence against minorities. The efforts of Shiv Sena resulted
in second phase of rioting which began from 9th January.

*Helplessness and Hope*

The riots in second phase were much destructive in terms of lives and
properties. While police had fired to kill the mobs protesting demolition
of Babri Masjid, they were by and large bystanders while the mobs mobilized
by Shiv Sena were rioting on the streets. Even middle class was scared and
the city had come to a standstill for days. The leaders of Industry and
finance were greatly disturbed due to economic losses and future of
investments in metropolis which then appeared to be chaotic and lawless.
Some of them took initiative and met the then CM Sudhakar Rao Naik who
appeared to be utterly helpless as his control over administration seemed
to have slipped out of his hands.

Concerned activists flooded the office in Santacruz East where Ekta called
for meeting. People were animatedly discussing the issue and possible
interventions. All we were able to organize is relief work for the
survivors. When organized lynch mobs are on the street full of fear and
hatred for the ‘other’, and at times armed with deadly weapons, it is
impossible to reason with them. Only state security forces could have
disperse them, i.e. if they willed. But clearly in most cases the security
forces and the leadership commanding the force did not seem to have any
such will.

There were shining examples of citizens across religion coming together to
defend their neighbourhood from communal mobs that may want to target
members of either community in their locality. That was the only way to
save the city from communal madness. Let me recall one such example in
Sakinaka, where Ekta had organized meetings for communal harmony along with
Kashtakari Sanghatana, an organization that fought mobilized the citizens
from slums, on their neighbourhood problems. Sakinaka is inhabited by
Hindus speaking Oriya, Telugu, Marathi and Hindi languages as well as
Muslims. Muslims had provided space for electric sub-station to be
installed and willing inhabitants of Sakinaka could register for electric
metres in the past. Before the sub-station was installed, BSES, the
electric supply company would not install metres and the residents had to
buy electric connections from contractors who charged them ten times more.

The Muslims of Sakinaka were receiving threats from the Shiv Sena Shakha
and were fearing attack on them. The Hindu residents told them not to worry
and sleep peacefully as they would protect them from the Hindu mobs.
Muslims were told not to react to any rumours and not to prepare for their
defence as their houses would be defended by the Hindu residents. The Hindu
residents with sticks in their hands stayed awake several nights with
Muslims supplying tea for them to remain awake. When the impending mob saw
the locality was protected by Hindus, they could not attack the Muslims in
the area. There were some more areas in which citizens took matters in
their hands while the state appeared to be collapsing.

Peace March

Ekta gave a call for peace march from Khodad Circle, Dadar in Central
Mumbai to Azad Maidan in South Mumbai. I do not remember the date but
prohibitory orders u/s 144 of Cr.P.C. restraining gathering of more than
four people was still in force. We were mentally prepared that only a few
would turn up. However, over a thousand people reached Khodad Circle,
including Asghar Ali Engineer, Anand Patwardhan academicians from TISS and
Mumbai University, journalists, trade unionists and peace activists. As we
all gathered, police asked us to disperse as prohibitory orders were in
force. We defied the police assuring them our intentions to promote peace
and harmony and proceeded to march with white flags and placards with
slogans of peace and love in our hands, and songs of peace on our lips. We
passed through areas where rioting had taken place. People witnessing the
procession from their balconies waved expressing support and communal
tensions melted as they saw Hindus and Muslims march together and appealing
for peace through songs and placards. The procession converted into a
public meeting at Azad Maidan. Police officers thanked us.

Gradually Mumbai limped back to normalcy as this commercial city does after
every disaster – human made or natural. Yet it has never been normal again.
Among the things that changed irreversibly is ghettoization. Muslim
survivors from many areas where they suffered human and property losses
during riots sold their dwellings or shops to larger Muslim ghettoes.
Mumbra, Mira Road and other such suburbs witnessed bulging Muslim
population. Similarly in many localities with Hindus in minority shifted to
Hindu majority localities where they felt more safe. Most survivors of
riots are economically worst off than they were before. Few were
compensated inadequately while most did not receive even meagre
compensation, let alone rehabilitation. The perpetrators of riots by and
large have gone scot free due to laxity in police investigation,
marshalling of evidence and lack of will to secure justice for survivors of
riots.

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism was established with the support
of peace loving citizens of Mumbai under the leadership and vision of Dr.
Asghar Ali Engineer as a response to the riots in Mumbai in 1993. CSSS
since has been organizing peace workshops to create an army of peace
workers. CSSS undertook research and publication of a journal – *Indian
Journal of Secularism*, which has brought out a special issue entitled “*Babri
Masjid, 25 Years On...*”. The issue is collection of essays written by
journalists, artists and activists going down the memory lane and examining
what went wrong and what has changed since. CSSS also organizes lectures,
seminars and peace activities through peace centres in communally sensitive
towns. CSSS works through peace centres and reaches out to colleges,
schools to inculcate values of peace, harmony, secularism, diversity and
respect for human rights. With limited resources we have been able to bring
about significant change and promote peace. However we need to do much more
and need support and solidarity of more and more people and institutions.
Peace loving people need to be more organized and committed than they are
at present to multiply our ranks if we wish to see peaceful, secular India
which respects freedom of expression and works for social justice.