Resources for all concerned with culture of authoritarianism in society, banalisation of communalism, (also chauvinism, parochialism and identity politics) rise of the far right in India (and with occasional information on other countries of South Asia and beyond)
Not just mob frenzy: What is common between followers of Ram Rahim and Sri Sri Ravi Shankar?
The charisma of the guru (usually a male) lies in the fact that
he is able to convince his followers that his own acts are not
anti-social but a-social.
AFP
There are currently three dominant ways of thinking about
the Indian devotion to contemporary gurus. The first suggests that has
something to do with the nature of a society in transition. So, it is
said that as large numbers are faced with economic and social
uncertainty – lack of job prospects, changes in family structures – they
turn to gurus who have quick answers to problems. The increasing
attraction of religious leaders is also being seen as part of a larger
context where Indian society is itself becoming more religious.
The
second perspective is that it is the economically underprivileged who
are the most susceptible to the seductions of gurus, and also the most
prone to react in violent ways when their living icons are subjected to
secular law and reduced to the status of mortals. They have, the
argument goes, much more to lose since gurus provide both symbolic –
overcoming caste-linked humiliation – as well material succor. We are
told that at Gurmeet Ram Rahim’s dera, all followers were treated as
equals (taking on the surname ‘Insaan’) and the organisation ran schools
and hospitals that looked after needs that the state was unable to.
Third,
the growth of gurus is attributed to the political patronage they
enjoy, their leaders being able to influence disciples to vote for this
or that political party. The political uses of special interest groups
is not, however, a particularly Indian phenomenon. There are other
aspects that are more interesting. Photo credit: Facebook/Dera Sacha Sauda.
Perceived binary
It
is not clear, however, that Indians have become more religious. What is
more obvious that the solid bedrock of religious feeling has become
more visible through the explosion of different forms of media and that
religion has become mediatised and commoditised. The new guru is more
visible than the older one and operates in different ways. An awareness
of the long history of gurus and ashrams – the Swaminarayan sect,
Ramakrishna Mission, Radha Soami Satsang, Divine Light Mission, among
others – should alert us that contemporary religiosity might be
different in quality, rather than intensity.
The idea that people
turn to – and take comfort in – “tradition” in times of rapid change has
become a kind of analytical common sense. It is usual to suggest that
the most “natural” reaction to processes of intensive change is the
search for meaning in older forms of associations such as the extended
family and the religious community. The idea of “preserving” the self
under conditions of modernity is itself part of a more general
understanding of the nature of the “inner life” in India and occurs in a
number of contexts of analysis. So, at the present moment, it is common
to come across the argument that excessive consumerism is leading to a
renewed turn towards religiosity as a reaction to excessive materialism.
The
perceived binary between religion (via the guru) and materialism (via
the market) is frequently invoked both by those on the Right, and others
who wish to suggest that there is an “authentic” India that has been
“spoilt” by the unchecked incursions of consumerist modernity. This way
of thinking about our present wishes away a very significant aspect of
our contemporary lives. To suggest that people make choice between the
home and the world and that those who are caught in-between suffer
unbearable tension and split personality is to miss the rise of the
threshold personality. It is also to mistake the apparent for the
actual: the apparently autonomous realms of religiosity and the market
are really not as separable as that. We need to recognise that the
market is the grounds for the making of a variety of social
experiences and that it makes little sense to believe that people are
torn between having to choose between spiritualism and its antithesis.
Our lives are increasingly lived on thresholds, our everyday choices a
mixture of seeming opposites. Followers of Dera Sacha Sauda chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim gather at a park in Panchkula on August 24. Photo credit: PTI
Part of the change
It
isn’t just that Gurmeet Ram Rahim’s followers choose to belong to Dera
Sacha Sauda as a way of resisting the forces of change. Rather, they
choose to belong because they want to be part of the change: Dera Sacha
Sauda offers the choice of multiple worlds. It offers apparent equality,
access to spiritual life, ministration of everyday needs, as well as
being part of the world of goods. It is in this sense that Ram Rahim’s
Dalit following cannot simply be reduced to a simplistic and
undifferentiated Dalit identity. Dalits do not only have a political
identity – in the sense of an oppressed identity politics – they are
also aspirational subjects, seeking to move beyond that identity. They
seek the right – like non-Dalits – to be taken seriously as complex
human beings. The unfortunate thing is that this is a choice offered to
them by self-serving and frequently criminal gurus.
What then
about the point relating to the primarily non-elite nature of Gurmeet
Ram Rahim’s following and their supposed propensity for irrational
behavior and violence? It hardly needs saying that in India there is a
differentiated market for Gurus: there are those who appeal to the
middle classes, upper castes, lower caste etc. What is important to
remember is that each following expresses mob frenzy – and its
destructive force – in different ways. Mob frenzy is not just an aspect
of the actions of the non-middle class disciples. Sri Sri Ravishankar. It
is just as important a part of the followers of, say, Sri Sri Ravi
Shankar as that of Gurmeet Ram Rahim. The mobilisation of collective
opinion by Art of Living followers against the findings of the National
Green Tribunal regarding the damage caused by Art of Living’s “World
Culture Festival” to the Yamuna floodplain in Delhi in March 2016 is,
really, another form of mob action. Sri Sri Ravi Shankar was to later
suggest if the Tribunal was aware that the floodplains would suffer
environmental damage then it – and not Art of Living – should be penalised
for granting permission for the Festival. Perhaps the Art of Living
founder should also have mentioned that the Tribunal was not able to
withstand the collective pressure applied to it in favour of Art of
Living. The streets occupied by the Art of Living followers – and the
damage caused to public property – are different to that traversed by
Dera Sacha Sauda’s disciples. However, this does not change the fact
that it is mob frenzy by another name.
The truth of the matter is
that irrespective of social context and class fraction, we are a society
deeply wedded to collective action. There are complex reasons for this.
What remains constant is the mobilisation of group identities in the
name of individual salvation. And, the charisma of the guru (usually a
male) lies in the fact that he is able to convince his followers that
his own acts are not anti-social but a-social. That he is beyond the
society he seeks to transform on their behalf. This also lies at the
heart of why Ram Rahim’s female supporters continue to support a
convicted rapist. This psycho-social relationship between the guru and
the follower is the tragedy of love, devotion and admiration. Sanjay Srivastava is a sociologist and author of Slum, Gated Community and Shopping Mall in Delhi and Gurgaon.