Resources for all concerned with culture of authoritarianism in society, banalisation of communalism, (also chauvinism, parochialism and identity politics) rise of the far right in India (and with occasional information on other countries of South Asia and beyond)
It’s easy to see why the Right wanted this book about Indians’ beef-eating history to be banned
DN Jha’s ‘The Myth of the Holy Cow’ examined facts, and its detractors didn’t like that.
Right
next to my school in Chennai, there used to be a hole-in-the-wall
eatery that served as a rite of passage for most of us who’d hit high
school. It resembled more a shotgun shack rather than a respectable
dining establishment, the kitchen walls seemed covered in soot, so that
you could hardly see what was going on in there. The only sensory
stimuli was aural, provided by a furious wok and a spatula. The menu was
limited, and everybody more or less ordered the same thing, a plate of
beef fry along with a beef fried rice.
In retrospect, I don’t
think it constituted a fine culinary experience, but there certainly was
some subversive relish in the whole activity, and while beef isn’t as
ubiquitous in Tamil Nadu as it is in Kerala, it wasn’t all that hard to
come by in Chennai. By the time a few years had passed, I had been
benumbed of the novelty of these clandestine beef runs and was wholly
converted, eating the bovine ilk at any given opportunity.
It was
at this juncture that I found myself in Delhi, hankering for beef in a
city that offered few such oases. I was directed to a Malayali mess in
Hauz Khas, one where the beef fry was the only item on the menu written
in Malayalam. I proceeded to place my order in what I felt was an
acceptable amplitude for a mess, only to be met with a circumspect stare
from the waiter, who trotted off to the kitchen hastily and returned to
drop it on my table with the gravitas of a Cold War era dead drop.
In
2010, when I was a university student in Bangalore, the Karnataka
government threatened to pass a new law, enacted in “The Prevention of
Slaughter and Preservation of Cattle Bill 2010”, but this was eventually
rejected by the former governor of the state HR Bhardwaj, who felt the
Bill “adversely affects lakhs of people’s lives and lacks legislative
competence.” It was around this time that I first heard the historian
and academic DN Jha’s name in passing for the first time.
History, not hate
Jha’s Myth Of The Holy Cow
was never intended to be provocative. It was merely an academic inquiry
into the historical beef-eating dietary habits on the Subcontinent, one
that was buttressed with ample evidence from ancient texts and sources.
However, many publishers refused to take on the heat of brining it out,
and after it was finally published in 2001 by Matrix Books, it was
received with the usual symphony of death threats and brickbats from the
fundamentalist Hindutva right.
The book promptly faced a court injunction,
and would eventually resurface only in 2009, published this time by
Navayana with a pop art cover whose appealing shelf presence would
probably betray the sober, academic content of the book itself. Jha’s
central premise is that the practice of eating beef is hardly a foreign
concept brought to India by Islamic and Christian influences, and that
people from the Vedic era not only ritually sacrificed the cow, but also
relished its meat.
Jha meticulously brings this out by drawing
our attention to various ancient texts – the Vedas, epics like the
Ramayana, and Buddhist and Jain scriptures. Jha also charts out
society’s transformation from a pastoralist, nomadic group to settled
agriculturalists, where the the status of the cow was elevated to that a
beast of burden.
However, the cow hadn’t yet become holy, with
neither the Laws of Manu (which prohibit eating cows but condones their
slaughter by Brahmins) nor the concept of ahimsa in Buddhist and Jain
thought elevating the animal to a hallowed status. Beef-eating
eventually became taboo in the medieval period among upper caste Hindus,
but the cow was yet to be canonised, as this happened much later in the
19th century, when various cow protection groups galvanised themselves
on this nebulous notion of a shared identity.
As Jha puts it “The
holiness of the cow is elusive. For there has never been a cow goddess,
nor any temple in her honour. Nevertheless the veneration of this
animal has come to be viewed as a characteristic trait of modern day
non-existent monolithic ‘Hinduism’ bandied about by the Hindutva
forces.”
Unholy nexus
In
the past couple of years, we have seen a Muslim man murdered on
suspicion of storing beef in UP, two Muslim cattle herders lynched in
public in Jharkhand, and Dalits flogged for carrying cow carcasses in
Gujarat. To understand the morbid paranoia that has taken over the Hindu
right, we must look to the words of one of its seers, a Chitpavan
Brahmin and former sarsanghchalak of the RSS, MS Golwalkar: “The
expression ‘communalism of the majority’ is totally wrong and
misconceived. In a democracy the opinion of the majority has to hold
sway in the day-to-day life of the people. As such it will be but proper
to consider the practical conduct of the life of the majority as the
actual life of the national entity.”
We’ve never come closer to
reaching Golwalkar’s perverse ideal in the history of the Indian
republic than now, but the seeds of this hysteria have always been
around. To cite a small instance in the realm of art, take Girish
Karnad’s masterful Tabbaliyu Neenade Magane, a film adaptation
of SL Bhyrappa’s novel of the same name. Here we see an irate mob of
villagers gathering around the feudal mansion of Kalinga Gowda, whose
American wife Hilda orders the slaughter of the household cow and
eventually eats it, which results in their being outcast by the
community.
In direct opposition to Golwalkar’s parochial idea of
the republic stands BR Ambedkar, whose insightful and highly readable
essay, Untouchability and the Dead Cow, finds it way to the
Navayana edition of Jha’s book. As the chief framer of the Indian
Constitution, he managed to slip in the crucial Article 29 and 30 to
counter such unsophisticated partisan instincts. It reads: “Any section
of the citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof
having a distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the
right to conserve the same.”
Ambedkar further elucidated this
deliberate inclusion by saying, “It is also used to cover minorities
which are not minorities in the technical sense, but which are
nonetheless minorities in the cultural and linguistic sense…if there is a
cultural minority which wants to preserve its language, its script and
its culture, the State shall not by law impose upon it any other culture
which may be either local or otherwise.”. Ultimately, the Malayali
heading to the Kerala mess for a beef fry in Delhi is far more in line
with the Constitution than the man stoking the tinderbox of cow
protection in his community over what his neighbour is allegedly storing
in the freezer.