Divisive integration
Jharkhand’s anti-conversion law is part of an ongoing project to politicise tribal identity along religious lines
Written by Shahana Munazir |
harkhand Freedom of Religion Bill, religious conversion, jharkhand
tribals, jharkhand news, indian express news Through centuries of
cultural contact with both Hinduism and Christianity, tribals in
Jharkhand have dynamically syncretised their traditional belief system
of nature worship with exotic elements borrowed from other religions.
BJP
president Amit Shah launches ‘Shaheed Gram Vikas Yojana’ in
JharkhandBJP president Amit Shah launches ‘Shaheed Gram Vikas Yojana’ in
Jharkhand
The recently passed Jharkhand Freedom of Religion
Bill, 2017, that is touted as a check on religious conversion, should
steer our focus towards the broader question of identity politics among
the tribals in the state. Notably, this bill follows from a series of
calculated moves by the government, such as the draconian cow slaughter
law and recent amendments to the Land Act, which deviously dilute the
distinctiveness of tribal identity in Jharkhand.
Tribals
constitute around 27 per cent of Jharkhand’s population. Among them,
4.3 per cent are Christians, about 13 per cent Sarnas (animistic
believers) and the rest are largely Hindu tribals. Thus, a homogeneous
tribal identity is a misnomer. Identity is not a static construction: It
evolves with confronting situations. Tribals are no exception.
Through
centuries of cultural contact with both Hinduism and Christianity,
tribals in Jharkhand have dynamically syncretised their traditional
belief system of nature worship with exotic elements borrowed from other
religions. Despite such conversions, tribals have followed their
indigenous festivals, worshipped trees, and believed in totemism.
However, the BJP and sangh parivar’s outlook towards tribals has centred
around the belief that tribes are “backward” Hindus. This derisive
outlook encourages them to homogenise the sui-generis tribal identity
under the “Hindu” umbrella.
The tribes of
Jharkhand significantly differ from each other yet their indigenous
identity, comprised of a unique cultural value system, is extolled for
its symbiotic connection with nature that is distinct from other
religions. Such an identity has evolved over centuries by selectively
imbibing the beliefs and practices of other religions. For example, many
Oraons of Chota Nagpur who have converted to Christianity still believe
in supernatural powers like darha, gujar, etc. even though witchcraft
is not accepted in Christianity. Similarly, when tribals convert to
Hinduism they incorporate many of its elements, such as worship of Hindu
deities. For Oraons, their revered deities — Devi Mai and Mahadev — are
Hindu gods, whereas Barndo Pachcho, a household deity, has a Munda
origin.
Syncretism, therefore, is a fundamental
feature of the tribal belief system. It is this continuous process of
construction and re-construction which imparts distinctiveness to the
indigenous tribal identity that has been jeopardised time and again by
its divisive politicisation by majoritarian forces.
Christian
missionaries have been active in Jharkhand for centuries. Motivated by
material considerations, many tribals have converted to Christianity,
although never completely giving up on their original practices. Census
data (2011) indicates a high rate of growth among the Christians (29.7
per cent). However, the missionaries have allegedly disapproved of many
animist Sarna tribals who have resisted complete conversion.
The
right-wing has carefully escalated its influence in Jharkhand by
tapping into the deep wells of alienation within the tribal community
festered by Christian conversions. The RSS has attempted to make the
Sarna worshippers as their base in the region by striving to assimilate
them into the fold of Hinduism, while simultaneously vilifying anything
that remotely suggests any influence of Christianity. In effect, this
has further engendered communal divisions between the “Christian” and
“non-Christian” tribals. Checking Christian religious conversion has
been at the forefront of the Hindutva political agenda.
In
such an atmosphere of disruptive politics of identity, an
anti-conversion bill will only act as another tool that would encourage
divisions within the tribal community. Notably, Jharkhand is the seventh
state after Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Gujarat, Maharashtra
and Himachal Pradesh to enact such a law. Many of these laws, including
the one proposed in Jharkhand, define “conversion” as “renouncing one’s
own religion and adopting another”. The majoritarian view perceives
tribal as Hindus. Hence, tribal conversion to Hinduism or re-conversion
of Christian tribals into Hinduism does not draw the attention of the
state. In principle, then, re-conversion of “Hindu tribals” from
Christianity seems acceptable, even favoured.
Since
the 1990s, the RSS has been operating Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrams, Vanbandhu
Parishad, etc. in Jharkhand; “re-converting” tribals back to Hinduism
and celebrating it as ghar wapasi. Sangh parivar outfits like the
Bajrang Dal are noted for their aggressive propagation of Hindutva
sentiments, even through the use of violence. This kind of
politicisation and communalisation of social relations has disrupted
harmony by pitting one group against the other. These efforts have not
only created a wedge among the tribals but have also cultivated hatred
towards Muslims, Christians, and Christian tribals.
The
present government has successfully capitalised on the rhetoric of a
threatening “other” to foster a Hindu utopia, so to speak. The BJP
denies any difference between the Hindu religion and indigenous tribal
religion. Such a ruthless processes of acculturation denies a syncretic
tribal identity. The recent beef politics in Jharkhand is a case in
point. The draconian cow slaughter law has inadvertently tried to force
an unwanted Hindu custom on the tribals, although beef has been
traditionally a part of their diet. For example, cattle sacrifice is
part of the indigenous Doson festival of the Santhals, who have
incorporated Hindu customs without giving up on their traditions.
Draconian
state-laws and the politicisation of socio-religious identity of the
tribals have festered communal and casteist divisions in Jharkhand.
Playing politics with issues of conversion in the garb of protecting
religious freedom harbours an imperfect agenda of tribal integration and
only weakens the collective and individual agency of tribals.
The
writer is an independent researcher and has been an Indira Gandhi
Scholar of social anthropology at the Institute of Social and Cultural
Anthropology (ISCA), University of Oxford
